The Anabasis of Alexander; or, The history of the wars and conquests of Alexander the Great. Literally translated, with a commentary, from the Greek of Arrian, the Nicomedian

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Anabasis of Alexander: or. The history o

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THE

ANABASIS OF ALEXANDER.

THE

ANABASIS OF ALEXANDER;

OR,

i^e Pislorg of tl^e ffiars anir Cottqnjcsts of '^hxmhtx tl^t (irtat.

LITERALLY TRANSLATED, WITH A COMMENTARY, FROM THE GREEK OF ARRIAN THE NICOMEDIAN,

BY

E. J. CHINNOCK, M.A., LL.B., L0ND9N,

Rector of Dumfries Academy.

HODDER AND STOUGHTON, 27, PATERNOSTER ROW.

MDCCCLXXXIV.

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r. f

^5- A3

Butler & Tanner.

The Selwood Fiintiug Works,

Frome, and London.

PREFACE.

When I began this Translation^ more than two years ago, I had no intention of publishing it; but as the work progressed, it occurred to me that Arrian is an Author deserving of more attention from the English- speaking races than he has yet received. No edition of his works has, so far as I am aware, ever appeared in England, though on the Continent many have been pub- lished. In the following Translation I have tried to give as literal a rendering of the Greek text as I could with- out transgressing the idioms of our own language. My theory of the duty of a Translator is, to give the ipsissima verba of his Author as nearly as possible, and not put into his mouth words which he never used, under the mistaken notion of improving his diction or his way of stating his case. It is a comparatively easy thing to give a paraphrase of a foreign work, presenting the general drift of the original ; but no one, unless he has himself tried it, can understand the difficulty of trans- lating a classical Author correctly without omission or mutilation.

In the Commentary which I have compiled, continual ]?eference has been made to the other extant authorities on the history of Alexander, such as Diodorus, Plutarch, Curtius, Justin, and Aelian ; so that I think I may safely

vi Preface.

assert that, taking the Translation and the Notes to- gether, the book forms a complete history of Alexander's reign. Much geogi'aphical and other material has also been gathered from Herodotus, Strabo, Pliny, and Ammi- anus; and the allusions to the places which are also mentioned in the Old Testament are given from the Hebrew.

As Arrian lived in the second century of the present era, and nearly five hundred years after Demosthenes, it is not to be expected that he wrote classical Greek. There are, however, at least a dozen valuable Greek authors of this century whose works are still extant, and of these it is a safe statement to make, that Arrian is the best of them all, with the single exception of Lucian. I have noticed as many of his deviations from Attic Greek constructions as I thought suitable to a work of this kind. A complete index of Proper Names has been added, and the quantities of the vowels marked for the aid of the English Reader. In the multiplicity of references which I have put into the Notes, I should be sanguine if I imagined that no errors will be found; but if such occur, I must plead as an excuse the pressure of work which a teacher in a large school experiences, leaving him very little energy for literary-labour.

E. J. C.

Dumfries, December, 1883.

CONTENTS.

Si.a3

Life and Writings of Arrian 1

Arrian's Preface ...

BOOK I.

CHAP.

I. Death of Philip and Accession of Alexander. — His "Wars

with the Thracians 8

II. Battle with the TribalUans 12

III. Alexander at the Danube and in the Country of the

Getae 14

IV. Alexander destroys the City of the Getae. — The Am-

bassadors of the Celts 16

V. Eevolt of Clitns and Glaucias 18

VI. Defeat of Clitus and Glaucias 22

VII. Eevolt of Thebes (September, e.g. 335) . . 25 / VIII. FaU of Thebes .... ... 28

1 IX. Destruction of Thebes ... . .31

X. Alexander's DeaUngs with Athens 34

XI. Alexander crosses the Hellespont and visits Troy . . 36

XII. Alexander at the Tomb of Achilles. — Memnon's advice

Rejected by the Persian Generals .... 38

XIII. Battle of the Granicus (B.C. 384) 41

XIV. Arrangement of the Hostile Armies .... 43

XV. Description of the Battle of the Granicus ... 45

XVI. Defeat of the Persians. — Loss on Both Sides . . 47

XVII. Alexander in Sardis and Ephesus .... 50

XVIII. Alexander marches to Miletus and Occupies the Island of Lade 52

XIX. Siege and Capture of Miletus 65

JXX. Siege of HaHoarnassus. — Abortive Attack on Myndus 58

\XXI. Siege of Halicamassus 61

viii Contents.

XXII. *Siege of Halicamassus ^^

XXIII. Destruction of Halicamassus.— Ada, Queen of Caria 64

XXIV. Alexander in Lycia and Pamphylia "°

XXV. . Treason of Alexander, Son of Aeropua ... 68

XXVI. Alexander in Pamphylia.— Capture of Aspendus and Side 70

XXVII. Alexander in Phrygia and Pisidia ... 72

XXVIII. Operations in Pisidia 74

XXIX. Alexander in Phrygia .... 76

BOOK II.

I. Capture of Mitylene by the Persians.— Death of Memnon 78

II. The Persians capture Tenedus. — ^They are Defeated at

Sea "... 80

III. Alexander at G-ordium ....... 82

IV. Conquest of Cappadooia. — Alexander's Illness at Tarsus 84

V. Alexander at the Tomb of Sardanapalus. — Proceedings

in Cilicia 87

VI. Alexander advances to Myriandrus. — Darius Marches

against him 89

VII. Darius at Issus. — Alexander's Speech to his Army 91

VIII. Arrangement of the Hostile Armies ... 94 ^ IX. Alexander changes the Disposition of his Forces . i 97 ,-X. Battle of Issus 99

XI. Defeat and Plight of Darius 101

XII. Kind Treatment of Darius's Family . . . .104

XIII. Flight of Macedonian Deserters into Egypt. — Pro- ceedings of Agis, King of Sparta. — ^Alexander occupies Phoenicia 106

XIV. Darius's Letter, and Alexander's Reply . . . Ill

XV. Alexander's Treatment of the Captured Greek Ambas-

sadors.— Submission of Byblus and Sidon . . . 114

XVI. The Worship of Hercules in Tyre. — The Tyrians re- fuse to admit Alexander 117

XVII. Speech of Alexander to his Officers .... 120

XVIII. Siege of Tyre. — Construction of a Mole from the Mainland to the Island 121

XIX. The Siege of Tyre 123

XX. Tyre Besieged by Sea as well as Land .... 124

XXI. Siege of Tyre 127

Contents. ix

CHAP.

PAQE

XXII. Siege of Tyre.— Naval Defeat of the Tyrians . . 129

XXIII. Siege of Tyre 131

XXIV. Capture of Tyre 132

XXV. The Offers of Darius rejected.— Batis, Governor of Gaza, refuses to Submit 134

XXVI. Siege of Gaza ... .... 136

XXVII. Capture of Gaza . 137

BOOK III.

I. Conquest of Egypt.— Foundation of Alexandria . . 140

II. Fouxidation of Alexandria. — Events in the Aegean . 142

III. Alexander visits the Temple of Ammon . . 144

IV. The Oasis of Ammon 147

V. Settlement of the AfEairs of Egypt 148

VI. March into Syria. — Alexander's Kindness to Harpalus

and his other early Adherents 150

VII. Passage of the Euphrates and Tigris ... 152

VIII. Description of Darius's Army at Arbela . . 154

IX. Alexander's Tactics. — His Speech to the Officers . . 157

X. Rejection of Parmenio's Advice 159

XI. Tactics of the Opposing Generals .... 160

XII. Alexander's Tactics ...... 168

XIII. The Battle of Arbela 164

XIV. Battle of Arbela.— Plight of Darius ... 166

XV. Defeat of the Persians and Pursuit of Darius . . 168

XVI. Escape of Darius into Media. — March of Alexander

to Babylon and Susa 170

XVTI. Subjugation of the Uxians 174

XVIII. Defeat of Ariobarzanes and Capture of Persepolis . 176

XIX. Darius pursued into Media and Parthia . . .179

XX. March through the Caspian Gates .... 181

XXI. Darius is Assassinated by Bessus .... 182

XXII. Reflections on the Pate of Darius . . . 186

XXIII. Expedition into Hyrcania 187

XXIV. Expedition against the Mardians .... 189

XXV. March to Bactra. — Bessus aided by Satibarzanes . 191

XXVI. Philotas and Parmenio put to Death . . . 193

XXVII. Treatment of Amyntas. — The Ariaspians . 196

XXVIII. Alexander crosses the Hindu-Koosh . . 196

X Contents.

CHAP. ^^^^

XXIX. Conquest of Bactria, and Pursuit of Bessus across theOxus 199

XXX. Capture of Bessus.— Exploits in Sogdi3,na ■ 201

BOOK IV.

205

206 208 210 212 214 216 218 221 223

I. Rebellion of tiie Sogdianians ....

II. Capture of Five Cities in Two Days

III. Storming of CyropoUs. — Eevolt of the Scythians

IV. Defeat of the Scythians beyond the Tanais .

V. Spitamenes destroys a Macedonian Detachment

VI. Spitamenes driven into the Desert

VII. Treatment of Bessus

VTII. The Murder of CUtus . . . .

IX. Alexander's grief for Clitus

X. Dispute between Callisthenes and Anaxarchus

XI. Callisthenes Opposes the Proposal to honour Alexander

by Prostration . 225

XII. Callisthenes refuses to Prostrate himself . . 228

XIII. Conspiracy of the Pages .... . 229

XIV. Execution of Callisthenes and Hermolaus . . . 231

XV. Alliance with the Scythians and Chorasmians . . 233

XVI. Subjugation of Sogdiana. — ^Revolt of Spitamenes 235

XVII. Defeat and Death of Spitamenes .... 237

XVIII. Oxyartes Besieged in the Sogdiaji Rock . . 239

XIX. Alexander Captures the Rock and Marries Roxana 241

XX. Magnanimous Treatment of the Family of Darius . 242

XXI. Capture of the Rock of Chorienes .... 244

XXII. Alexander reaches the River Cabul, and Receives the Homage of Taxiles 246

XXIII. Battles with the Aspasians 248

XXIV. Operations against the Aspasians .... 250

XXV. Defeat of the Aspasians. — The Assaoenians and Guraeans Attacked . . .... 252

XXVI. Siege of Massaga 254

XXVTI. Sieges of Massaga and Ora 255

XXVIII. Capture of Bazira. — Advance to the Rock of Aomus 257

XXIX. Siege of Aornus . . . . . 260

XXX. Capture of Aornus. — ^Arrival at the Indus . . 262

Contents.

XI

BOOK V.

<^^^^- PAGB

I. Alexander at Nysa 265

II. Alexander at Nysa 267

III. Incredulity of Eratosthenes. — Passage of the Indus . 269 rV. Digression about India 270

V. Mountains and Eivers of Asia 273

VI. General Description of India 274

VII. Method of Bridging Eivers . v 277

VIII. March from the Indus to the Hydaspes . . .279

IX. Porus obstructs Alexander's Passage . . . 280

X. Alexander and Porus at the Hydaspes . . 282

XI. Alexander's Stratagem to get across .... 283

XII. Passage of the Hydaspes .... . 284

XIII. Passage of the Hydaspes 285

XIV. The Battle at the Hydaspes . . .287

XV. Arrangements of Porus 288

XVI. Alexander's Tactics 290

XVII. Defeat of Porus 291

XVIII. Losses of the Combatants. — Porus Surrenders . 293

XIX. Alliance with Porus. — Death of Buoephalas . . 295

XX. Conquest of the Glausians. — Embassy from Abisares.

— Passage of the Acesines 297

XXI. Advance beyond the Hydraotes ... . 299

XXII. Invasion of the Land of the Cathaeans . . 301

XXIII. Assault upon Sangala 302

XXIV. Capture of Sangala 304

XXV. The Army refuses to Advance. — Alexander's Speech

to the Officers 306

XXVI. Alexander's Speech (eontin/ued) .... 308

XXVn. The Answer of Coenus 311

XXVm. Alexander resolves to Eeturn .... 313

XXIX. Alexander recrosses the Hydraotes and Acesines . 314

BOOK VI.

I. Preparations for a Voyage down the Indus . . . 317

II. Voyage down the Hydaspes 318

III. Voyage down the Hydaspes (continued) . . . 320

IV. Voyage down the Hydaspes into the Acesines . 321

V. Voyage down the Acesines 323

VI. Campaign against the Malhans 324

xii Contents.

CHAJ. 'ABE

VII. Campaign against tte Mallians (continued) . . ■ 826

VIII. Defeat of the Mallians at the river Hydraotes . 328

IX. Storming of the Mallian Stronghold .... 329

X. Alexander dangerously Woimded 331

XI. Alexander "Wounded 333

XII. Anxiety of the Soldiers about Alexander . . . 336

XIII. Joy of the Soldiers at Alexander's Eecovery . . 336

XIV. Voyage down the Hydraotes and Acesines into the Indus 338

XV. Voyage down the Indus to the Land of Musicanus . 340

XVI. Campaign against Oxycanus and Samhus . . . 342

XVII. Musicanus Executed. — Capture of Patala . . . 343

XVIII. Voyage down the Indus 345

XIX. Voyage down the Indus into the Sea . . . 346

XX. Exploration of the Mouths of the Indus . . .348

XXI. Campaign against the Oritians . - . . . . 349

XXII. March through the Desert of Gadrosia . . 351

XXIII. March through the Desert of Gadrosia . . . 353

XXIV. March through Gadrosia 355

XXV. SufPerings of the Army 356

XXVI. Alexander's Magnanimous Conduct .... 358

XXVII. March through Cai'mania. — Punishment of Vice- roys 360

XXVIII. Alexander in Carmania . . . . ' . 362

XXIX. Alexander in Persis. — Tomb of Cyrus Repaired . 364

XXX. Peucestas appointed Viceroy of Persis . . . 367

BOOK VII.

I. Alexander's Plans. — The Indian Philosophers . . . 369

II. Alexander's Dealings with the Indian Sages . . 371

III. Self-sacrifice of the Jndian Oalanus .... 372

IV. Marriages between Macedonians and Persians . . 374

V. The Soldiers Rewarded 376

VI. An Army of Asiatics Trained under the Macedonian

Discipline ■ . 373

VII. Navigation of the Tigres 379

VIII. The Macedonians Offended at Alexander . . . 381

IX. Alexander's Speech 3g3

X. Alexander's Speech (continued) 38g

XI. Reconciliation between Alexander and his Army . .387

Contents. xiii

CHAP. PAQB

SII. Ten Thousand Macedonians sent Home witli Craterus.

— Disputes between Antipater and Olympias . . 390 XIII. The Nisaean Plain.— The Amazons . . . .393

XrV. Death of Hephaestion 395

XV. Subjugation of the Cossaeans. — Embassies from Dis-

tant Nations 398

XVI. Exploration of the Caspian. — The Chaldaean Sooth- sayers 400

XVII. The Advice of the Ohaldees rejected . . . .402

XVIII. Predictions of Alexander's Death .... 404

XIX. Embassies from Greece. — Uleet prepared for Invading Arabia 406

XX. Description of Arabia. — Voyage of Nearchus . . 408

XXI. Description of the Euphrates and the Pallaoopas . 411

XXII. An Omen of Alexander's Approax;hing Death . . 412

XXIII. The Army Recruited from the Persians. — Hephaes- tion's Memory Honoured .... 414

XXIV. Another Omen of Alexander's Death . . . 417

XXV. Alexander Seized with Eever 418

XXVI. Alexander's Death 420

XXVII. Rumour that Alexander was Poisoned . . . 421

XXVIII. Character of Alexander 422

XXIX. Apology for Alexander's Errors .... 424

XXX. Eulogy of Alexander ... ... 425

Index of Proper Names 429

ERRATA.

- _o" — Vorjr lines from the bottom, for Anab. t. 1, read t. 5, 1. Page 8. Note 1, for Diod., xix. 93, 94; read xvi. 93, 94.

Note 3, for Diod., xvi. 85 ; read xvii. 4. Page 48. For Onares read Omares. Page 108. (Note) for Zeph. i. 2 ; read 11. Page 116. (Note) for Paradise Lost, viii. 18 ; read i. 446.

LIFE AND WRITINGS OF ARRIAN.

LIFE AND WRITINGS OF AERIAN.

Alt, we know of Arrian is derived from the notice of him in the Bihliotheca of Photius, who was Patriarch of Constantinople in the ninth century^ and from a few incidental references in his own writings. We learn from Suidas that Dion Cassius wrote a biography of Arrian ; but this work is not extant. Flavius Arrianus was born near the end of the first century of the Christian era, at Nicomedia, the capital of Bithynia. He became a pupil of the famous Stoic philosopher Bpictetus, and afterwards went to Athens, where he received the surname of the " younger Xenophon/' from the fact that he occupied the same relation to Bpictetus as Xenophbn did to Socrates.^ Not only was he called Xenophon by others, but he calls himself so in Gynegetieus (v. 6) ; and in Periplus (xii. 5 ; xxv. 1), he distinguishes Xeno- phon by the addition the elder. Lucian {Alexander, 56) calls Arrian simply Xenophon. During the stay of the emperor Hadrian at Athens, a.d. 126, Arrian gained his friendship. He accompanied his patron to Rome, where he received the Roman citizenship. In consequence of this, he assumed the name of Flavins.^ In the same way the Jewish historian, Josephus, had been allowed by Vespasian and Titus to bear the imperial name Flavius.^

Photius says, that Arrian had a distinguished career in Rome, being entrusted with various political offices, and at last reaching the supreme dignity of consul under

^ Cf. Arrian {^Gynegetieus, i. 4). ^ See Dio Cassius, Ixix. 15.

3 Cf. Josephus {Vita ipsius, 76).

7 B

2 The Anabasis of Alexander.

Antoninus Pius.^ Previous to this he was appointed (a.d. 132) by Hadrian, Governor of Cappadocia, which province was soon after invaded by the Alani, or Mas- sagetae, whom he defeated and expelled.^ When Marcus AureUus came to the throne, Arrian withdrew into private life and returned to his native city, Nicomedia. Here, according to Photius, he was appointed priest to Demeter and Persephone. He died in the reign of Marcus Aurelius.

The earlier literary efforts of Arrian were philosophical. After the expulsion of the philosophers from Rome, by Domitian, Epictetus delivered his lectures at Nicopolis, in Epirus, where it is probable that Arrian was his pupil.

I. These lectures were published by Arrian, under the title of Discourses of Epictetus, in eight books, the first four only of which have come down to us. He tells us himself in the introduction to this work, that he strove as far as possible to preserve the very words of his teacher as mementoes of his method of reasoning and diction. Gellius (xix. 1) speaks of a fifth book of these Discourses.

II. He also compiled The Enchiridion of Epictetus, an abstract of the philosophy of Epictetus, which is still extant. This manual of the Stoic moral philosophy was very popular, both among Pagans and Christians, for many centuries.

III. Another work by Arrian, in twelve books, distinct from the above, is mentioned by Photius under the title of "'OfjLiXiat ^EirtKTijTov," or Friendly Conversations with Epictetus. Of this only a few fragments survive.

IV. Another lost work of Arrian on the life and death of Epictetus is mentioned by Simplicius in the beginning of his Commentary on the Enchiridion.

V. Besides editing these philosophical works, Arrian

' Cf. Lucian (Alexander, 2). ' See Dio Cassius, Ixix. 15. I

Life and Writings of Arrian. 3

wrote many original books. By far the most important of these is the Anabasis of Alexander, or the History of Alexander the Great's Campaigns. This is one of the most authentic and accurate of historical works. Though inspired with admiration for his hero, the author evinces impartiality and freedom from hero-worship. He exhibits great literary acuteness in the choice of his authorities and in sifting evidence. The two chief sources from which he drew his narrative were the histories written by Ptolemyj son of LaguSj and Arjs- tobulus, son of Aristobulus, both of whom were officers in Alexander's army. Other authorities quoted by Arrian himself were : — Eratosthenes, Megasthenes, Nearchus, Aristus, and Asolepiades. He also made use of Alexander's letters, which he mentions five times ; ^ only once, however, quoting the exact words of the writer. The last authority which he mentions, is the/ Royal Diary kept by Eumenes, of Cardia, the private secretary of Philip as well as of Alexander, and by the historian Diodotus, of Erythrae. It is used by Arrian only dnce,^ as it is by Plutarch.*

VI. The work named Indica, is a description of India, and was usually united in manuscripts with the Ana- "basis, as an eighth book. Though it may be looked upon as a supplement to the Anabasis, Arrian often refers in the one work to the other.* From this we may infer that the author wished the Indica to be considered a distinct book from the Anabasis; and from the remark in Anab. v. 1, it is clear that it was composed after the Anabasis. This book is written in the Ionic dialect, like the History of Herodotus and the Indica of Ctesias. The latter untrustworthy book Arrian wished to supplant

' See Anabasis, i. 10, 4 ; ii. 14, 4 ; ii. 25, 3 ; vi. 1,4; vii. 23, 7.

" Anab., vii. 25.

' Life of Alexander, chap. 76.

* See Anab. v. 5, 1 ; 6, 8; vi. 28, 6 ; Indica, 19, 21, 23, 82, -10 ec.

4 The Anabasis of Alexander.

by his own narrative, principally based on the works of Megasthenes and Nearchus.

VII. Photius mentions among Arrian's historical- works : — The Events after Alexander, in ten books, which gives the history of Alexander's successors. Photius (cod. 92) hits preserved many extracts from this work.

VIII. Biffuynica in eight books, a work often quoted by Eustathius in his commentaries to the Iliad and to Dionysius Periegetes. In regard to the contents of this book, Photius (cod. 93) says: — " The - Bithynica commences from the mythical events of history and comes down as far as the death of the last Nicomedes, who at his death bequeathed his kingdom to the Romans, who had never been ruled by a king after the expulsion of Tarquin."

IX. Parthica, in seventeen books. See Photius ,(cod. 58).

X. History of the Alani. See Photius (cod. 93). Only fragments of this and the Parthica remain.

^I. Besides the large works, we learn from Photius (cod. ©3) that Arrian wrote th.e biographies of the Corinthian Timoleon and of the Syracusan Dion. Lucian (Alex. 2), also states that he wrote the life of Tilliborus, the notorious robber of Asia Minor.

XII. A valuable geographical work by Arrian has come down to us, called " IlepiirXov^ ttovtov Ev^elvov," a description of a voyage round the coasts of the Buxine. This naval expedition was executed by him as Governor of Cappadocia. The Alani, or, Albani of the East, a tribe related to the Massagetae, were threatening to invade his province, and he made this voyage with a view of fortifying the most important strategic points; on the coast. From section 26 of the Periplus we find that this voyage must have taken place about the year 131 or 132 A.D. ; for the death of King Cotys II., noticed^

Life and Writings of Arrian. 5

ia that passage as just dead, is proved by Bockh's investigations to have occurred in 1 31 a.d. Two other geographical works, The Periplus of the Bed Sea and The Periplus of the Euxine, formerly ascribed to Arrian, are proved to belong to a later date.

XIII. A work on Tactics, composed 137 a.d. In many parts this book agrees nearly verbally with the larger work of Aelian on the same subject ; but; Leo Tactions (vii. 85) expressly mentions the two works as distinct,

XIV. An Array of Battle against the Alani, is a fragment discovered in the seventeenth century in the Description of his Battles with the Alani, who invaded his province, probably 187 a.d., as Arrian had previously feared.^

XV. A small work by Arrian on the Chase, forms a supplement to Xenophon's book on the same subject. It is entitled Gynegeticus of Arrian or the second Xenophon the Athenian.

The best editions of the Anabasis are the following : — The editio princeps by Trincavelli, Venice, 1535 ; Gerbel, Strassburg, 15b9; Henri Estienne, 1575; N. Blancardus, Amsterdam, 1668; J. Gronovius, Leyden, 1704; G. Eaphelius, Amsterdam, 1757; A. C. Borkeck, Lemgovia, 1792; P. Schmieder, Leipzig, 1798; Tauchnitz edition, Leipzig, 1818; J. O. Ellendt, Konigsberg, 1832; C. W. Kriigef, Berlin, 1835; F, Diibner, Paris, 1846; K. Abicht, Leipzig, 1871.

' See Photius (codex 58) ; Dio Cassias, liix. IS.

AREIAN'S PREFACE.

I. HAVE admitted into my narrative as strictly authentic all the statements relating to Alexander and Philip wbich Ptolemy, son of Lagus,^ and Aristobulus, son of Aristo- bulus,^ agree in making; and from those statements ' which differ I have selected that which appears to me

' Ptolemaeus, surnamed Soter, the Preserver, but more commonly known as the Son of Lagus, a Macedonian of low birth. Ptolemy's mother, Aisinoe, had been a concubine of Philip of Maeedon, for which reason it was generally believed that Ptolemy was the ofispring of that king. Ptolemy was one of the earliest friends of Alexander before his accession to, the throne, and accompanied him throughout his campaigns, being one of his most skilful generals and most intimate friends. On the division of the empire after Alexander's death, Ptolemy obtained the kingdom of Egypt, which he transmitted to his descendants. After a distinguished reign of thirty-eight years, he abdicated the throne to his youngest son, Ptolemy Philadelphus. He survived this event two years, and died B.C. 283. He was a liberal patron of literature and the arts, and wrote a history of the wars of Alexander, which is one of the chief authorities on which Arrian composed his narrative. For his beneficence, see Aelian (Varia Ilistoria, xiii. 12), Not only Arrian, but Plutarch and Strabo, de- rived much information from Ptolemy's work, which is highly com- mended by Athenaeus.

* Aristobulus of Potidaea, a town in Macedonia, which was after- wards called Cassandrea, served under Alexander, and wrote a history of his wars, wbich, like that of Ptolemy, was sometimes more pane- gyrical than the facts warranted. Neither of these histories has sur- vived, but they served Arrian as the groundwork for the composition of his own narrative. Lucian in his treatise, Quomodo historia sit conscribenda, ch. 12, accuses Aristobulus of inventing marvellous tales of Alexander's valour for the sake of flattery. Plutarch based bis Life of Alexander chiefly on the work of this writer. We learn from Lucian [Macrobioi, c. 22), that Aristobulus wrote his history at the advanced age of eighty- four. He was employed by Alexander to superintend the restoration of Cyrus's tomb {Arrian, vi. 30).

6

Arrian's Preface. 7

the more credible and at the same time the more deserving of^ record. Different authors have given different accounts of Alexander's life; and there is no one about whom more have written, or more at variance with each other. But in my opinion the narratives of Ptolemy and Aristobulus are more worthy of credit than the rest; Aristobulus, because he served under king Alexander in his expedition, and Ptolemy, not only because he accompanied Alexander in his expedition, but also because he was himself a king afterwards, and falsification of facts would have been more disgraceful to him than to any other man. Moreover, they are both more worthy of credit, because they compiled their histories after Alexander's death,, when neither com- pulsion was used nor reward offered them to write anything different from what really occurred. Some statements made by other writers I have incorporated in my narrative, because they seemed to me worthy of mention and not altogether improbable ; but I have given them merely as reports of Alexander's proceedings. And if any man wonders why, after so many other men have written of Alexander, the compilation of this history came into my mind, after perusing^ the nar- ratives of all the rest, let him read this of mine, and then wonder (if he can).

■ dva\4yofj.at in the sense of reading through = avayiyvioirKuv , is found only in the later writers, Arrian, Plutarch, Dion, CalUmachus, etc.

THE ANABASIS OF ALEXANDER.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.

Death op Philip and Accession of Alexandbe. — His Wars with the Theacians.

It is said that PMUp died ^ when Pythodemus was archon at Athens,' and that his son Alexander,* being then

' B.C. 336. He was murdered by a young noble named Pausanias, who stabbed him at the festival which he was holding to celebrate the marriage of his daughter with Alexander, king of Epirus. It was Buspeoted that both Olympias and her son Alexander were implicated in the plot. At the time of his assassination Philip was just about to start on an expedition against Persia, which his son afterwards so successfully carried out. See Plutarch {Alex., 10) ; Diod., xix. 93, 94 ; Aristotle {Polit., v. 8, 10).

^ It was the custom of the Athenians to name the years from the president of the coUege of nine archons at Athens, who were elected annually. The Attic writers adopted this method of determining dates. See Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities.

3 Alexander the Great was the son of Philip II. and Olympias, and was born at Pella B.C. 856. In his youth he was placed under the tuition of Aristotle, who acquired very great mfluence over his mind and character, and retained it until his pupil was spoiled by his un- paralleled successes. See AeUan (Varia Historia, xii. 54). Such was his ability, that at the age of 16 he was entrusted with the govern- ment of Macedonia by his father, when he marched against Byzan- tium. At the age of 18 by his skill and courage he greatly assiated Philip in gaining the battle of Chaeronea. When Philip was mur- dered, Alexander ascended the throne, and after putting down re- bellion at home, he advanced into Greece to secure the power which his father had acquired. See Diod., xvi. 85 ; Arrian, vii. 9.

Alexander's Wars with the Thracians. 9

about twenty years of age, marched into Peloponnesus ^ as soon as he had secured the regal power. There he assembled all the Greeks who were within the limits of Peloponnesus/ and asked from them the supreme command of the expedition against the Persians, an , office which they had already conferred upon Philip. He received the honour which he asked from all except the Lacedaemonians/ who replied that it was an hereditary custom of theirs, not to follow others but to lead them. The Athenians also attempted to bring about some political change ; but they were so alarmed at the very approach of Alexander, that they conceded to him even more ample public honours than those which had been bestowed upon Philip.* He then returned into Mace- donia and busied himself in preparing for the expedition into Asia.

However, at the approach of spring (b.c. 335), he marched towards Thrace, into the lands of the IViballians and lUyrians,^ because he ascertained that these nations were meditating a change of policy; and at the same time, as they were lying ton his frontier, he thought it inexpedient, when he was about to start on a campaign so far away from bis own land, to leave them behind him

' See Justin, xi. 2.

' " Arrian speaks as if this request had been addressed only to the Greeks within Peloponnesus ; moreover he mentions no assembly at Corinth, which is noticed, though with some confusion, by Diodorus, Justin, and Plutarch. Cities out of Peloponnesus, as well as within it, must have been included ; unless we suppose that the resolution of the Amphictyonio assembly, which had been previously passed, was held to comprehend all the extra-Peloponnesian cities, which seems not probable." — Grote.

* Justin (ix. 5) says : " Soli Lacedaemonii et legem et regem con- tempserunt." The king here referred to was Philip.

■' See Justin, xi. 3 ; Aeschines, Contra Gtesiphontem, p. 564.

» The Triballians were a tribe inhabiting the part of Servia bor- dering on iBulgaria. The lUyrians inhabited the eastern coast of tbe Adriatic Sea, the districts now called North Albania, Bosnia, Dalmatia and Croatia.

10 The Anabasis of Alexander.

without being entirely subjugated. Setting out then from Amphipolis, he invaded the land of the people who were called independent Thracians,i keeping the city of Philippi and mount Orbelus on the left. Crossing the river Nessus,^ they say he arrived at mount Haemus ^ on the tenth day. Here, along the defiles up the ascent to the mountain, he was met by .many of the traders equipped with arms, as well as by the in- dependent ThracianSj who had made preparations to check the further advance of his expedition by seizing the summit of the Haemus, along which was the route for the passage of his army. They had collected their waggons, and placed them in front of them, not only using them as a rampart from which they might defend themselves, in case they should be forced back, but also intending to let them loose upon the phalanx of the Macedonians, where the mountain was most precipitous, if they tried to ascend. They had come to the conclusion* that the denser the phalanx was with which the waggons rushing down came into collision, the more easily would they scatter it by the violence of their fall upon it.

But Alexander formed a plan by which he might cross the mountain with the least danger possible ; and since he was resolved to run all risks, knowing that there were no means of passing elsewhere, he ordered the heavy- armed soldiers, as soon as the waggons began to rush down the declivity, to open their ranks, and directed that those whom the road was sufficiently wide to permit

1 We learn from TImcydides, ii. 96, that these people were called Dii.

^ The Nessus, or Nestus, is now called Mesto by the Greeks, and Karasu by the Turks.

8 Now known as the Balkan. The defiles mentioned by Arrian are probably what was afterwards called Porta Trajani. Cf. Vergil (Georg., ii. 488) ; Horace {Carm., i. 12, 6).

< ireirolTji'To :— Arrian often forms the pluperfect tense without the augment. Siaa-KeSdirovai, : — The Attic future of this verb is dtacrKeSw, Cf. Aristoph. {Birds, 1053).

. AIt"xander's Wars with the Thracians. 11

to do so should stand apart, so that the waggons piight roll through the ga.p; but that those who were hemmed m on all sides should either stoop down together or even fall flat on the ground, and lock their shields compactly together, so that the waggons rushing down upon them, and in all probability by their very impetus leaping over them, might pass on without injuring them. And it turned out just as Alexander had conjectured and exhorted. For some of the men made gaps in the phalanx, and others locked their shields together. The waggons rolled over the shields without doing much injury, not a single man being killed under them. Then the Macedonians regained their courage, inasmuch as the waggons, which they had excessively dreaded, had inflicted no damage upon them. "With a loud cry they assaulted the Thracians. Alexander ordered his archers to march from the right wing in front of the rest of the phalanx, because there the passage was easier^ and to shoot at the Thracians where they advanced. He him- self took his own guard, the shield-bearing infantry and the Agrianians,^ and led them to the left. Then the archers shot at the Thracians who sallied forward, and repulsed them; and the phalanx, coming to close fighting, easily drove away from their position men who were light-armed and badly equipped barbarians. The con- sequence was, they no longer waited to receive Alexander marching against them from the left, but casting away their arms they fled down the mountain as each man best could. About 1,500 of them were killed ; but only a few were taken prisoners on account of their swiftness of foot and acquaintance with the country. However, all the women who were accompanying them were captured, as were also their children and all their booty.

' The Agrianes were a tribe of Eastern Paeonia who lived near the Tiiballians. They served in the Macedonian army chiefly as cavalry and light infantry.

12 The Anabasis of Alexander.

CHA.PTER II.

Battle with the Tktballians. Alexandee sent the booty away southward to the cities on the seashore,! entrusting to Lysanias and Philotas ^ the duty of setting it up for sale. But he himself crossed the summit, and advancing through the Haemus into the land of the Triballians, he arrived at the river Lyginus.^ This river is distant from the Ister * three days' march to one intending to go to the Haemus. Syrmus, king of the Triballians, hearing of Alexander's expedition long before, had sent the women and children of the nation on in advance to the Ister, ordering them to pass over into one of the islands in that i-iver, the name of which was Peuce.^ To this island also the Thraoians, whose terri- tories were conterminous with those of the Triballians, had fled together for refuge at^the approach of Alexander. Syrmus himself likewise, accompanied by his train, had fled for refuge to the same place. But the main body of the Triballians fled back to the river, from which Alexander had started the day before.

When he heard of their starting, he wheeled round again, and, marphing against them, surprised them just

' Perhaps Neapolis and Eion, which were the harbours of Philippi and Amphipolis.

2 This officer was commander of the royal body-gnard. His father was Farmenio, the most experienced of Alexander's generals.

3 Thuoydides says (Bk. ii. 96) : " On the side of the Triballians, who were also independent, the border tribes were the Treriaus and the Tilatsans, who live to the north of mount Scombrus, and stretch to- wards the west as far as the river Osoius. This river flows from the same mountains as the Nestus and the Hebrus, an uninhabited and extensive range, joining on to Ehodope." The Osoius is now called Isker. It is uncertain which river is the Lyginus ; but perhaps it was another name for the Osoius.

* Also named Danube. Cf. Hesiod {Theog., 339) ; Ovid (Met., ii. 249) ; Pindar (Olym. iii. 2i). ' It is uncertain in what part 6f the

Danube this island was. It cannot be the Pence of Strabo (vii, 8). Cf. Apollonius Ehodim (iv. 809) ; Martialis (vii. 84) ; Valerius Flaccus (viii. 217).

Battle with the Triballians. 13

as they were encamping. And those who were surprised drew themselves up in battle array in a woody glen along the bank of the river. Alexander drew out his phalanx into a deep column, and led it on in person. He also ordered the archers and slingers to run forward and discharge arrow's and stones at the barbarians, hoping to provoke them by this to come out of the woody glen into the ground unencumbered with trees. When they were within reach of the missiles, and were struck by them, they rushed out against the archers, who were undefended by shields, with the purpose of fighting them hand-to- hand. But when Alexander had drawn them thus out of the woody glen, he ordered Philotas to take the cavalry which came from upper Macedonia, and to charge their right wing, where they had advanced furthest in their sally. He also commanded Heraclides and Sopolis^ to lead on the cavalry which came from Bottiaea ^ and Amphipplis against the left wing; while he himself extended the phalanx of infantry and the rest of the horse in front of the phalanx and led them against the enemy^s centre. And indeed as long as there was only skirmishing on both sides, the Triballians did not get the worst of it ; but as soon as the phalanx in dense array attacked them with vigour, and the cavalry fell upon them in various quarters, no longer merely striking them with the javelin, bat pushing them with their very horses, then at length they turned and fled through the. woody glen to the river. Three thousand were slain in the flight ; few of them were taken prisoners, both because there was a dense wood in front of the river, and the approach of night deprived the Macedonians of certainty in their pur- suit. Ptolemy says, that of the Macedonians themselves eleven horsemen and about forty foot soldiers were killed.

' These two generals are mentioned (iii. 11 infra) as being present at the battle of Arbela. Sopolis is also mentioned (iv. 13 and 18 infra). ^ Bottiaea was a district of Macedonia on the right bank of the Azius.

14 The Anabasis of Alexander.

CHA.PTBR III.

Alexandek at the Danube and in the Codntey of the

Getae,

On the third day after the battle, Alexander reached the river Ister, which is the largest of all the rivers ia Europe, traverses a very great tract of country, and separates very warlike nations. Most of these belong to the Celtic race,^ in whose territory the sources of the river take their rise. Of these nations the remotest are the Quadi^ and Marcomanni*; then the lazygianns,* a branch of the Sauromatians ^ ; then the Getae,^ who hold

' The classical writers have three names to denote this race : — Celts, Galatians, and Gauls. These names were originally, given to all the people of the North and West of Europe ; and it was not till Caesar's time that the Bomans made any distinction between Celts and Germans. The name of Celts was then confined to the people north of the Pyrenees and west of the Bhine. Cf . Ammianus (xv. 9) ; Herodotus (iv. 49) ; Livy (v. 33, 84) ; Polybius (iii. 39).

" Arrian is here speaking, not of Alexander's time, but of his own, the second century of the Christian era. The Quadi were a race dwelling in the south-east of Germany. They are generally mentioned with the Marcomanni, and were formidable enemies of the Bomans, especially in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, when Arrian wrote. This nation dis- appears from history about the end of the fourth century.

3 The Marcomanni, like the Quadi, were a powerful branch of the Suevic race, originally dwelling in the south-wesb of Germany ; but in the reign of Tiberius they dispossessed the Boii of the country now called Bohemia. In conjunction with the Quadi, they were very formidable to the Bomans until Commodus purchased peace from them. The name denotes "border men." Cf. Caesar {Bel. Gal., i. 51).

•* The lazygians were a tribe of Sarmatians, who migrated from the coast of the Black Sea, between the Dnieper and the Sea of Azov, in the reign of Claudius, and settled in Dacia, near the Quadi, with whom they formed a close alliance. They were conquered by the Goths in the fifth century. Cf. Ovid {Tristia, ii. 191).

' Called also Sarmatians. Herodotus (iv. 21) says that these people lived east of the Don, and were allied to the Scythians. Subsequent writers understood by Sarmatia the east part of Poland, the south of Bussia. and the country southward as far as the Danube.

« These people were called Dacians by the Bomans. They were Thraoians, and are said by Herodotus and Thucydides to have lived

Alexander at the Danube. 15

the doctrine of immortality ; then the main body of the Sauromatians ; and, lastly, the Scythians/ whose land stretches as far as the outlets of the river, where through five mouths it discharges its water into the Euxine Sea.^ Here Alexander found some ships of war which had come to him from Byzantium, through the Euxine Sea and up the riyer. Filling these with archers and heavy-armed troops, he sailed to the island to which the Triballians and Thracians had fled for refuge. He tried to force a landing; but the barbarians came to meet him at the brink of the river, where the ships were making the assault. But these were only few in number, and the army in them small. The shores of the island, also, were in most places too steep and precipitous for landing, and the current of the river alongside it, being, as it were, shut up into a narrow channel by the nearness of the banks, was rapid and exceedingly difficult to stem.

Alexander therefore led back his ships, and determined to cross the Ister and march against the Getae, who dwelt on the othe?r side of that river ; for he observed that many of them had collected on the bank of the river for the purpose of barring his way, if he should cross. There were of them about 4,000 cavalry and more than 10,000

south o£ the Danube, near its mouths. They subsequently migrated north of this river, and were driven further west by the Sarmatians. They were very formidable to the Eomans in the reigns of Augustus and Domitian. Dacia was conquered by Trajan ; but ultimately aban- doned by Aurelian, who made the Danube the boundary of the Roman Empire. About the Getae holding the doctrine of immortality, see Herodotus (iv. 94). Cf. Horace (Garm., iii. 6, 13 ; Sat., ii. 6, 53).

' The Scythians are said by Herodotus to have inhabited the south of Eussia. His supposition that they came from Asia is doubtless correct. He gives ample information about this race in the fourth book of his History.

' Herodotus (iv. 47) says the Danube had five mouths; but Strabo (vii. 3) says there were seven. At the present time it has only three mouths. The Greeks called the Black Sea irovros cH^eivos, the sea kind to strangers. Cf. Ovid (Tristia, iv. 4, 55): — "Frigida me cohibent Euxini litora Ponti, Diotus ab antiquis Axenus ille fuit."

] 6 The Anabasis of Alexander.

infantry. At the same time a strong desire seized him to advance beyond the Ister. He therefore went on board the fleet himself. He also filled with hay the hides which served them as tent-covermgs, and collected from the country around all the boats made from single trunks of trees. Of these there was a great abundance, because the people who dwell near the Ister use them for fishing in the river, sometimes also for journeying to each other for traffic up the river ; and most of them carry on piracy with' them. Having collected as many of these as he could, upon them he conveyed across as many of his soldiers as was possible in such a fashion. Those who crossed with Alexander amounted in nilmber to 1,500 cavalry and 4,000 infantry.

CHAPTER IV.

Alexander Desteots the City op the Getae. — The ' Ambassadors op the Celts.

Thet crossed over by night to a spot where the corn stood high ; and in this way they reached the bank more secretly. At the approach of dawn Alexander led his men through the field of standing corn, ordering the • infantry to lean upon the corn with their pikes ^ held transversely, and thus to advance into the untilled ground. As long as the phalanx was advancing through the stand- ing corn, the cavalry followed ; but when they marched out of the tilled land, Alexander himself led the horse round to the right wing, and commanded Nicanor ^ to lead the phalanx in a square. The Getae did not even sustain the first charge of the cavalry ; for Alexander's audacity

' The saiissa, or more correctly sarisa, was a spear peculiar to the Macedonians. It was from fourteen to sixteen feet long. See Grote's Greece, vol. xi. ch. 92, Appendix.

^ Sou of Parmenio and brother of Fhilotas.

The Ambassadors of the Celts. 17

seemed incredible to thenij in having tlius easily crossed the Isterj the largest of rivers, in a single night, withoat throwing a bridge over the stream. Terrible to them also was the closely-looked order of the phalanx, and violent the charge of the cavalry. At first they fled for refuge into their city, which was distant about a parasang ■"■ ' from the Ister ; but when they saw that Alexander was leading his phalanx carefully along the river, to prevent his infantry being anywhere surrounded by the Getae lying in ambush ; whereas he was leading his cavalry straight on, they again abandoned the city, because it was badly fortified. They carried off as many of their women and children as their horses could carry, and betook themselves into the steppes, in a direction which led as far as possible from the river. Alexander took the city and all the booty which the Getae left behind. This he gave to Meleager ^ and Philip * to carry off. After razing the city to the ground, he offered sacrifice upon the bank of the river, to Zeus the preserver, to Heracles,* and to Ister himself, because he had allowed him to cross J and while it was still day he brought all his men back safe to the camp.

There ambassadors came to him from Syrmus, king of the Triballians, and from the other independent nations dwelling near the Ister. Some even arrived from the

' The parasang was a Persian measure, containing thirty stades, nearly three and three-quarter English imles. It is still used by the Persians, who call it ferieng. See Herodotus (vi. 42) and Grote's History of / Greece, vol. viii. p. 316.

2 Son of Neoptolemus. After Alexander's death Meleager resisted the claim of Perdiecas to the regency, and was associated with him in the office. He was, however, soon afterwards put to death by the order of his rival.

' Son of Machatas, was an eminent general, slain in India. See vi. 27 infra.

* The Macedonian kings believed they were sprung from Hercules.

See Curtius, iv. 7.

C

18 The Anabasis of Alexander.

Celts who dwelt near the Ionian gulf.^ These people are of great statnre, and of a haughty disposition. All the envoys said that they had come to seek Alexander's friendship. To all of them he gave pledges of amity, and received pledges from them in return. He then asked the Celts what thing in the world caused them special alarm, .expecting that his own great fame had reached the Celts and had penetrated still further, and that they would say that they feared him most of all things. But the answer of the Celts turned out quite contrary to his expectation ; for, as they dwelt so far away from Alexan- der, inhabiting districts difBcult of access, and as they saw he was about to set out in another direction, they said they were afraid that the sky would some time or other fall down upon them. These men also he sent back, calling them friends, and ranking them as allies, , making the remark that the Celts were braggarts.^

CHAPTER V.

Revolt op Clitus and Glaucias.

He then advanced into the land of the Agrianians and Paeonians,* where messengers reached him, who reported that Clitus, son of Bardylis,* had revolted, and that

' The Adriatic Sea.

' Cf. Aelian [Varia Eistoria, xii. 23) ; Strdbo, Tii. p. 293 ; Aristotle (A'icom. Ethics, iii. 7 ; Eudem. Eth., iii. 1 ) : — olov ol KcXroi irpis toi Ki/iara ifTrXa iiravTuai Xo/36iTes ; Avimiamis, xv. 12.

* The Paeonians were a powerful Thracian people, who in early times spread oyer a great part of Thrace and Macedonia. In historical times they inhabited the country on the northern border of Macedonia. They were long troublesome to Macedonia, but were subdued by Philip the father of Alexander, who, however, allowed them to retain their own chiefs. The Agrianians were the chief tribe of Paeonians, from whom Philip and Alexander formed a valuable body of light-armed troops.

* Bardylis was a chieftain of Illyria who carried on frequent wars with

Revolt of Clitus and Olaucias. 19

Glauoias/ king of the Taulantians,^ had gone over to him. They also reported that the Autariatians ^ intended to attack him on his way. He accordingly resolved to commence his march without delay. But Langarus, king of the Agrianians, who, in the lifetime of Philip, had been an open and avowed friend of Alexander, and had gone on an embassy to him in his private capacity, at that time also came to him with the finest and best armed of the- shield-bearing troops, which he kept as a body-guard. When this man heard that Alexander was inquiring who the Autariatians were, and what was the number of their men, he said that he need take no account of them, since they were the least warlike of the tribes of that district ; and that he would himself make an inroad into their land, so that they might have too much occupation about their own affairs to attack others. Accordingly, at Alexander's order, he made an attack upon tl^m ; and not only did he attack them, but he swept their land clean of captives and booty. Thus the Autariatians were indeed occupied with their own affairs. Langarus was rewarded by Alexander with the greatest honours, and received from him the giEts which were considered most valuable in the eyes of the king of the Macedonians. Alexander also promised to give him his sister Oyna * in

the Macedonians, but was at last defeated and slain by Philip, B.o. 359. Clitus had been subdued by Philip in 349 B.C.

' This Glaueias subsequently afforded asylum to the celebrated Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, when an infant of two years of age. He took the child into his own family and brought him up with his own children. He not only refused to surrender Pyrrhus to Cassander, but marched into Epirus and placed the hoy, when twelve years of age, upon the throne, leaving him imder the care of guardians, B.C. 807.

'' The Taulantians were a people of lUyria in the neighbourhood of Epidamnus, now called Durazzo.

3 These were an Illyrian people in the Dalmatian mountains.

* Cyna was the daughter of Philip, by Audata, an Illyrian woman. See AthencBUS, p. 55? D. She was given in marriage to her cousin Amyntas, who had a preferable claim to the Macedonian throne as the

20 The Anabasis of Alexander.

marriage when he arrived at Pella.^ But Langarus fell ill and died on his return home.

After this, Alexander marched along the river Erigon/ and proceeded to the city of Pelium ; ^ for Clitus had seized this city, as it was the strongest in the country. When Alexander arrived at this place, and had encamped near the river Eordaicus,* he resolved to make an assault upon the wall the next day. But Olitus held the moun- tains which encircled the city, and commanded it from their height; moreover, they were covered with dense thickets. His intention was to fall upon the Macedonians from all sides, if they assaulted the city. But Glauoias, king of the Taulantians, had not yet joined him. Alexander, however, led his forces towards the city ; and the enemy, after sacrificing three boys, an equal number of girls, and three black rams, sallied forth for the purpose of receiving the Macedonians in a hand-to-hand conflict. But as soon as they came to close quarters, they left the positions which they had occupied, strong as they were,^ in such haste that even their sacrificial victims were captured still lying on the ground.

On this day he shut them up in the city, and encamp- ing near the wall, he resolved to intercept them by a circumvallation ; but on the next day Glaucias, king of

son of Philip's elder brother, Ferdiccas. This Amyntas was put to death by Alexander soon after his accession. Cyna was put to death by Alcetas, at the order of Ferdiccas, the regent after Alexander's death. See Diodorus, xix. 52.

1 The capital of Macedonia. On its site stands the modern village of Neokhori, or Tenikiuy. Philip and Alexander were born here.

* A tributary of the Axius, called Agrianus by Herodotus. It is now called Tsoherna.

' This city was situated south of lake Lychnitis, on the west side of the chain of Scardns and Findus. The locality is described in Livy, xxxi. 39, 40.

* Now called Devol.

' The use of koItol with a participle instead of the Attic xalirep is frequent in Arrian and the later writers.

Revolt of Clitus and Glaudas. 21

the Taulantians, arrived with a great force. Theiij indeed, Alexander gave up the hope of capturing the city with his present force, since many warHke troops had fled for refuge into it, and Glaucias with his large army would be likely to follow him up closely if he assailed the wall. But he sent Philotas on a foraging expedition, with the beasts of burden from the camp and a sufficient body of cavalry to serve as a guard. When Glaucias heard of the expedition of Philotas he marched out to meet him, and seized the mountains which surrounded the plain, from which Philotas intended to procure forage. As soon as Alexander was informed that his cavalry and beasts of burden would be in danger if night overtook them, taking the shield-bearing troops,^ the archers, the Agrianians, and about four hundred cavalry, he went with all speed to their aid. The rest of the army he left behind near the city, to prevent the citizens from hasten- ing forth to form a junction with Glaucias (as they would have done), if all the Macedonian army had withdrawn. Directly Glaucias perceived that Alexander was advanc- ing, he evacuated the mountains, and Philotas and his forces returned to the camp in safety. But Clitus and Glaucias still imagined that they had caught Alexander in a disadvantageous position ; for they were occupying the mountains, which commanded the plain by their height, with a large body of cavalry, javelin-throwers, and slingers, besides a considerable number of heavy - armed infantry. Moreover, the men who had been

• The Hypaspists — shield-bearers, or guards — were a body of infantry organized by Philip, originally few in number, and employed as personal defenders of the king, but afterwards enlarged into several distinct brigades. They were hoplites intended for close combat, but more lightly armed and more fit for rapid evolutions than the phalanx. Like the Greeks, they fought with the one-handed pike and shield. They occupied an intermediate position between the heavy infantry of the phalanx, and the peltasts and other light troops. See Grote's Greece, vol. xi. ch. 92.

22 The Anabasis of Alexander.

beleaguered in the city were expected to pursue tte Mace- donians closely if they made a retreat. The ground also through which Alexander had to march was evidently narrow and covered with woodj on one side it was hemmed in by a river, and on the other there was a very lofty and craggy mountaiuj so that there would not be room for the army to pass, even if only four shield- bearers marched abreast.

CHAPTER VI.

Defeat or Olitus and Glaucias.

Then Alexander drew up his army in such a way that the depth of the phalanx was 120 men ; and stationing 200 cavalry on each wing, he ordered them to preserve silence, in order to receive the word of command quickly. Accordingly he gave the signal to the heavy-armed infantry in the first place to hold their spears erect, and then to couch them at the concerted sign ; at one time to incline their spears to the right, closely locked together, and at another time towards the left. He then set the phalanx itself into quick motion forward, and marched it towards the wings, now to the right, and then to the left. After thus arranging and re-arranging his army many times very rapidly, he at last formed his phalanx into a sort of wedge, and led~it towards the left against the enemy,, who had long been in a state of amazement at seeing both the order and the rapidity of his evolutions. Consequently they did not sustain Alexander's attack, but quitted the first ridges of the mountain. Upon this, Alexander ordered the Mace- donians to raise the battle cry and make a clatter with their spears upon their shields;, and the Taulantians, being still more alarmed at the noise,, led their army back to the city with all speed.

i A

Defeat of CUtus and Qlaudas. 23

As Alexander saw only a few of the enemy still oc- cupying a ridge, along which lay his route, he ordered his body-guards and personal companions to take their shields, mount their horses, and ride to the hill; and whfen they reached it, if those who had occupied the position awaited them, he said that half of them were to leap from their horses, and to fight as foot- soldiers, being mingled with the cavalry. But when the enemy 'saw Alexander's advance, they quitted the hill and retreated to the mountains in both directions. Then Alexander, with his companions,^ seized the hill, and sent for the Agrianians and archers, who numbered 2,000. He also ordered the shield-bearing guards to cross the river, and after them the regiments of Macedonian infantry, with instructions that, as soon as they had succeeded in cross- ing, they should draw out in rank towards the left, so that the phalanx of men crossing might appear compact at once. He himself, in the vanguard, was all the time observing from the ridge the enemy's advance. They, seeing the force crossing the river, marched down the mountains to meet them, with the purpose of attack- ing Alexander's rear in its retreat. But, as they were just drawing near, Alexander rushed forth with his own division, and the phalanx raised the battle-cry, as if about to advance through the river. When the enemy saw all the Macedonians marching against them, they turned and fled. Upon this, Alexander led the Agrian- ians and archers at full speed towards the river, and suc- ceeded in being himself the first man to cross it. But

1 The heavy cavalry, wholly or chiefly composed of Macedonians by birth, was known by the honourable name of iralpoi, Conapanions, or Brothers in Arms. It was divided, as it seems, into 15 l\ai, which were named after the States or districts from which they came. Their strength varied from 150 to 250 men. A separate one, the 16th He, formed the so-called agema, or royal horse-guard, at the head of which Alexander himself generally charged. See Arrian, iii. 11, 13, 18.

24 The Anabasis of Alexander,

when lie saw the enemy pressing upon the men in the rear, he stationed his engines of war upon the bank, and ordered the engineers to shoot from them as far forward as possilile all sorts of projectiles which are usually shot from military engines.^ He directed the archers, who had also entered the water, to shoot their arrows from the middle of the river. But Glaucias durst not advance within range of the missiles ; so that the Macedonians passed over in such safety, that not one of them lost his life 'in the retreat.

Three days after this, Alexander discovered that Clitus and Glaucias lay carelessly encamped ; that neither were ' their sentinels on guard in military order, nor had they protected themselves with a rampart or ditch, as if they imagined he had withdrawn through fear; and that they had extended their line to a disadvantageous length. He therefore crossed the river again secretly, at the approach of' night, leading with him the shield-bearing guards, the Agrianians, the archers, and the brigades of Perdiccas ^ and Coenus,' after having given orders for the

1 In addition to his other military improvements, Philip had organized an effective siege-train with "projectile and battering engines superior to anything of the kind existing before. This artillery was at once made use of by Alexander in this campaign against the Illyrians.

2 Perdiccas, son of Orontes, a Macedonian, was one of Alexander's most distinguished generals. The king is said on his death-bed to have taken the royal signet from his finger and to have given it to Perdiccas. After Alexander's death he was appointed regent ; but an alliance was formed against him by Antipater, Oraterus, and Ptolemy. He marched into Egypt against Ptolemy. Being defeated in his attempts to force the passage of the Nile, his own troops mutinied against him and slew him (B.C. 321). See Diodorus, xviii. 36. For his personal valour see AeUan (Varia Historia, xii. 39).

' Coenug, son of Polemocrates, was a son-in-law of Parmenio, and one of Alexander's best generals.' He violently accused his brother-in- law Philotas of treason, and personally superintended the torturing of that famous officer previous to his execution {Cwtius, vi. 36, 42). He was put forward by the army to dissuade Alexander from advancing beyond the Hyphasis {Arrian, v. 27). Soon after this he died and was

Bevolt of Thebes. 25

rest of the army to follow. As soon as he saw a favour- able opportunity for the attack, without waiting for all to be present, he despatched the archers and Agrianians against the foe. These, being arranged in phalanx, fell unawares with the most furious charge upon their flank, where they were likely to come into conflict with their weakest point, and slew some of them still in their beds, others being easily caught in their flight. Accordingly, many were there captured and killed, as were many also in the disorderly and panic-stricken retreat which ensued. Not a few, moreover, were taken prisoners. Alexander kep" up the pursuit as far as the Taulantian mountains ; and as many of them as escaped, preserved their lives by throwing away their arms. Olitus first fled for refuge into the city, which, however, he set on fire, and with- drew to Glaucias, in the land of the Taulantians.

CHAPTER VII.

Revolt op Thebes {Septemher, B.C. 335).

While these events were occurring, some of the exiles who had been banished from Thebes, coming to the city by night, and being brought in by some of the citizens, in order to efiect a change in the government, appre- hended and slew outside the Cadmea,^ Amyntas and 'Timolaus,* two of the men who held that fortress, having no suspicion that any hostile attempt was about to be made. Then entering the public assembly, they incited

buried with all possible magnifioenoe near that river, B.C. 327 (Arrian, Ti. 2).

1 The Cadmea was the Acropolis of Thebes, an oval eminence of no great height, named after Cadmus, the leader of a Phoenician colony, who is said to have founded it. Since the battle of Chaeronea, this citadel had been held by a Macedonian garrison.

2 Amyntas was a Macedonian officer, and Timolaus a leading Theban of the Macedonian faction.

26 The Anabasis of Alexander.

the Thebans to revolt from Alexander, holding out to them as pretexts the ancient and glorious words, liberty and freedom of speech, and urging them now at last to rid themselves of the heavy yoke of the Macedonians. By stoutly maintaining that Alexander had been killed in Illyria they gained more power in persuading the multitude;^ for this report was prevalent,^ and for many reasons it gained credit, both because he had been absent a long time, and because no news had arrived from him. Accordingly, as is usual in such cases, not knowing the facts, each man conjectured what was most pleasing to himself.

When Alexander heard what was being done at Thebes, he thought it was a movement not at all to be slighted, inasmuch as he- had for a long time sus- pected the city of Athens and deemed the audacious action of the Thebans no trivial matter, if the Lacedae- monians, who had long been disaffected in their feelings to him, and the Aetolians and certain other States in the Peloponnese, who were not firm in their allegiance to him, should take part with the Thebans in their revo- lutionary efEort. He therefore led bis army through Eordaea and Elimiotis^ and along the peaks of Stymphaea and Paravaea,^ and on the seventh day arrived at Pelina* in Thessaly. Starting thence, he entered Boeotia on the sixth day ; so that the Thebans did not learn that he had passed south of Thermopylae, until he was at Onchestus^ with the whole of his army. Even then the authors of the revolt asserted that Antipater's army had arrived out of Macedonia^ stoutly affirming that

' Cf. Aelian {Varia Historia, xii. 57). ^ These were two provinces in the west of Macedonia. 3 Two divisions of Bpirus. * A town on the Feneus in Hestiaeotis.

' A town in Boeotia, on the lake Copais, distant 50 stades north-west of Thetes.

B,evolt of Tliebes. 27

Alexander himself was dead, and being, very angry witli those who announced that it was Alexander himself who was advancing.^ For they said it must . be another Alexander, the son of Aeropus, who was coming.^ On the following day Alexander set out from Ouchestus, and advanced towards the city along the territory conse- crated to lolaus j^ where indeed he encamped, in order to give the Thebans further time to repent of their evil resolutions and to send an embassy to him. Bat so far were they from showing any sign of wishing to come to an accommodation, that their cavalry and a large body of light-armed infantry sallied forth from the city as far as the camp, and, skirmishing with the Macedonian outposts, slew a few of their men. Alexander here- upon sent forth a party of his light-armed infantry and archers to repel their sortie; and these men repelled them with ease, just as they were approaching the very camp. The next day he took the whole of his army and marched round towards the gate which led to Eleutherae and Attica. But not even then did he assault the wall itself, but encamped not far away from the Oadmea, in order that succour might be at hand to the Macedonians who were occupying that citadel. For the Thebans had blockaded the Oadmea with a double stockade and were guarding it, so. that no one from without might be able to give succour to those who were beleagured, and that the garrison might not be able, by making a sally, to do them any injury, when they were attacking the enemy outside. But Alexander remained encamped near the

1 It seems from Plutarch, that Alexander was, really wonndecl in the head by a stone, in a battle with the lUyrians.

2 This Alexander was also called Lynoestes, from being a native of Lyncestis, a district of Macedonia. He was an aooomplioe in Philip's murder, but was pardoned by his successor. He accompanied Alexander the Great into Asia, but was put to death in b.o. 330, for having carried on a treasonable correspondence with Darius. See Arrian, i. 25.

^ The friend and charioteer of Hercules.

28 The Anabasis ef Alexander.

Cadmea, for lie still wiahed rather to come to friendly- terms with the Thebans than to come to a contest with them.i Then those of the Thebans who knew what was for the best interest of the commonwealth were eager to go out to Alexander and obtain pardon for the com- monalty of Thebes for their revolt ; but the exiles and those who had summoned them home kept on inciting the populace to war by every means in their power, since they despaired of obtaining for themselves any indul- gence from Alexander, especially as some of them were also Boeotarchs.2 However not even for this did Alex- ander assault the city.

CHAPTER YIII.

Fall ot Thbbks.

But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, tells us that Perdiccas, who had been posted in the advanced guard of the camp with his own brigade, and was not far from the enemy's stockade, did not wait for the signal from Alexander to commence the battle ; but of his own accord was the first to assault the stockade, and, having made a breach in it, fell upon the advanced guard of the Thebans.^

1 He sent to demand the surrender of the anti-Macedonian leaders, Phoenix and Prothytes, but offering any other Thebans who came out to him the terms agreed upon in the preceding year. See Plutarch {Life of Alexander, 11) ; and Diodorua, xvii. 9.

2 The Boeotarchs were the chief magistrates of the Boeotian confederacy, chosen annually by the different States. The number varied from ten to twelve. At the time of the battle of Delium, in the Peloponnesian war, they were eleven in number, two of them being Thebans. See Grote, History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 296.

' Arrian says that the attack of the Macedonians upon Thebes was made by Perdiccas, without orders from Alexander ; and that the capture was effected in a short time and with no labour on the part of the captors (ch. ix.). But Diodorus says that Alexander ordered and arranged the assault, that the Thebans made a brave and desperate resistance for a

Fall of Thebes. 29

Amyntas/ son of Andromenes, followed Perdiocas, be- cause he had been stationed with him. This general also of his own accord led on his brigade when he saw that Perdiccas had advanced within the stockade. When Alexander saw this, he led on the rest of his army, fearing that unsupported they might be intercepted by the Thebans and be in danger of destruction. He gave instructions to the archers and Agrianians to rush within the stockade, but he still retained the guards and shield- bearing troops outside. Then indeed Perdiccas, after forcing his way within the second stockade, fell there wounded with a dart, and was carried back grievously injured to the camp, where he was with difficulty cured of his wound. However the men of Perdiccas, in com- pany with the archers sent by Alexander, fell upon the Thebans and shut them up in the hollow way leading to the temple of Heracles, and followed them in their retreat as far as the temple itself. The Thebans, having wheeled round, again advanced from that position with a shout, and put the Macedonians to flight. Eurybotas the Cretan, the captain of the archers, fell with about seventy of his men ; but the rest fled to the Macedonian guard and the royal shield-bearing troops. Now, when Alexander saw that his own men were in flight, and that the Thebans had broken their ranks in pursuit, he attacked them with his phalanx drawn up in proper order, and drove them back within the gates. The Thebans fled in such a panic that being driven into the

long time, and that not only the Boeotian allies, but the Macedonians themselves committed great slaughter of the besieged (Diod. xvii. 11-14). It is probable that Ptolemy, who was Arrian's authority, wished to exonerate Alexander from the guilt of destroying Thebes.

' Amyntas was one of Alexander's leading offiaers. He and his brothers were accused of being accomplices in the plot of Philotas, but were acquitted. He was however soon afterwards killed in a skirmish {Arrian, ui. 27). *, .

30 The Ajiabasis of Alexander.

city through the gates they had not time to shut them ; for the Macedonians, who were close behind the fugitives, rushed with them within the fortifications, inasmuch as the walla were destitute of defenders on account of the numerous pickets in front of them. When the Mace- donians had entered the Cadmea, some of them marched out of it, in company with those who held the fortress, into the other part of the city opposite the temple of Amphion,^ but others crossing along the walls, which were now in the possession of those who had rushed in together with the fugitives, advanced with a run into the market-place. Those of the Thebans who had been drawn up opposite the temple of Amphion stood their ground for a short timej but when the Macedonians under the command of Alexander were seen to be press- ing hard upon them in various directions, their cavalry rushed through the city and sallied forth into the plain, and their infantry fled for safety as each man found it possible. Then indeed the Thebans, no longer defend- ing themselves, were slain, not so much by the Mace- donians as by the Phocians, Plataeans and other Boeotians,^ who by indiscriminate slaughter vented their rage against them. Some were even attacked in the houses, having there turned to defend themselves from the enemy, and others were slain as they were suppli- cating the protection of the gods in the temples ; not even the women and children being spared.*

' The mythical founder of the -waUs of Thebes. See Pausanias (ix. 17).

* The Thebans had incurred the enmity of the other Boeotians by treating them as subjects instead of alhes. They had destroyed the re- stored Plataea, and had been the chief enemies of the Phocians in the Sacred War, which ended in the subjugation of that people by Philip, See Smith's History of Greece, -p^p. 467, 473, 506.

' More than 500 Macedonians were killed, while 6,000 Thebans were slain, and 30,000 sold into slavery. See Aeliau {Varia Historia, xiii. 7) ; Diodoriia (xvii. 14) ; Pausanias (viii. 30) j Plutarch (Life of Alexander, 11).

Destruction of Thebes. 31

CHAPTER IX.

Destruction of Thebes.

This was felt by the Greeks to be a general calamity for it struck the rest of the Greeks with no less con- sternation than it did those who had themselves taken part in the struggle, both on account of the magnitude of the captured city and the celerity of the action, the result of which was in the highest degree contrary to the expectation both of the sufferers and the perpetrators. For the disasters which befell the Athenians in relation to Sicily,^ though in regard to the number of those who perished they brought no less misfortune to the city, yet, because their army was destroyed far away from their own land, being composed for the most part rather of auxiliary troops than of native Athenians, and because their city itself was left to them intact, so that afterwards they held their own in war even for a long time, though fighting against the Lacedaemonians and their allies, as well as the Great Kingj these disasters, I say, neither produced in the persons who were themselves involved in the calamity an equal sensation of the misfortune, nor did they cause the other Greeks a similar consternation at the catastrophe. Again, the defeat sustained by the Athenians at Aegospotami^ was a naval one, and the city received no other humiliation than the demolition of the Long Walls, the surrender of most of her ships, and the loss of supremacy. However, they still retained their hereditary form of government, and not long after recovered their former power to such a degree as not only to build up the Long Walls but to recover the rule

The sale of the captives realized 440 talents, or about £107,000 ; and Justin (xi. 4) says that large sums were offered from feelings of hostility towards Thebes on the part of the bidders.

' B.C. 415-413. See Grote's Greece, vol. vii.

2 B.C. 405. See Thucydidet (ii. 13) ; Xenophon {Bellenics, ii. 2).

32 The Anabasis of Alexander.

of tlie sea^ and in their turn to preserve from extreme danger those very Lacedaemonians then so formidable to them,^who had come and almost obliterated their city. Moreover, the defeat of the Lacedaemonians at Leuotra and Mantinea filled them with consternation rather by the unexpectedness of the disaster than because of the number of those who perished.^ And the attack made by the Boeotians and Arcadians under Epaminondas upon the city of Sparta, even this terrified both the Lacedaemonians themselves and those who participated with them in the transactions at that time,^ rather by the novelty of the sight than by the reality of the danger. The capture of the city of the Plataeans was not a great calamity, by reason of the small number of those who were taken in it; most of the citizens having long before escaped to Athens.* Again, the capture of Melus and Scione simply related to insular States, and rather brought disgrace to those who perpetrated the outrages than produced great surprise among the Grecian com- munity as^ a whole.

But the Thebans having effected their revolt suddenly and without any previous consideration, the capture of the city being brought about in so short a time and without difficulty on the part of the captors, the slaugh- ter, being great, as was natural, from its being made by men of the same race who were glutting their revenge on them for ancient injuries, the complete enslavement of a city which excelled among those in Greece at that

' By Conon's victory at Cnidus, e.g. 394.

' At Leuctra they lost 400 Spartans and 1,000 other Lacedaemonians. See Xen. (Hellen., \i. 4).

' The Achaeans, Eleans, Athenians, and some of the Arcadians, were allies of Sparta at this crisis, b.c. 369. See Xeu. {Hellen., yii. 5)i Diodonis (xv. 85).

* B.C. 426. See Thuc, iii. 52, etc.

• B.C. 416 and 421. See Thuc, v. 32, 84, etc.

Destruction of Thebes. 33

time both in power and warlike reputation, all this was attributed not without probability to the avenging wrath of the deity. It seemed as if the Thebans had after a long time suffered this punishment for their betrayal of the Greeks in the Median war,^ for their seizure of the city of Plataeae during the truce, and for their complete enslavement of it, as well as for the un-Hellenic slaughter of the men who had surrendered to the Lacedaemonians, which had been committed at the instigation of the Thebans; and for the devastation of the territory in which the Greeks had stood in battle-array against the Medes and had repelled danger from Greece; lastly, because by their vote they had tried to ruin the Athenians when a motion was brought forward among the allies of the Lacedaemonians for the "enslavement of Athens.^ Moreover it was reported that before the disaster many portents were sent from the deity, which indeed at the time were treated with neglect, but afterwards when men called them to remembrance they were compelled to consider that the events which occurred had be^n long before prognosticated.^

The settlement of Theban affairs was entrusted by Alexander to the allies who had taken part in the action. They resolved to occupy the Cadmea with a garrison ; to raze the city to the ground; to distribute among themselves all the territory, except what was dedicated to the gods ; and to sell into slavery the women and children, and as many of the males as survived, except those who were priests or priestesses, and those who were bound to Philip or Alexander by the ties of hospi- tality or had been public agents of the Macedonians. It

1 These persons must have forgotten that Alexander's predecessor and namesake had served in the army of Xerxes along with the Thebans. See Herodotus vii. 173.

2 Plutarch (Lysander, 15) says that the Theban Erianthus moved that Athens should be destroyed.

^ See Aehan (Varia Eistoria, zii. 57).

V

34 The Andhasis of Alexander.

is said that Alexander preserved the house and the descendants of Pindar the poet, out of respect for his memory.^ In addition to these things, the allies de- creed that Orchomenus* and Plataeae should be rebuilt and fortified.

CHAPTER X.

Alexander's Dealings with Atheks.

As soon as news of the calamity which had befallen the Thebans reached the other Greeks, the Arcadians, who had set out from their own land for the purpose of giving aid to the Thebans, passed sentence of death on those who had instigated them to render aid. The Bleans also received back their exiles from banishment, because they were Alexander's adherents ; and the Aetolians, each tribe for itself, sent embassies to him, begging to receive pardon, because they also had at- tempted to effect a revolution, on the receipt of the report which had been spread by the Thebans. The Athenians also, who, at the time when some of the Thebans, escap- ing from the carnage, arrived at Athens, were engaged in celebrating the Great Mysteries,^ abandoned the sacred rites in great consternation, and carried their goods and chattels from the rural districts into the city. The people came together in public assembly, and, on the motion of Demades, elected from all the citizens ten

1 Plutarch (Alexander, 13) tells us that Alexander was afterwards sorry for his cruelty to the Thebans. He believed that he had incurred the wrath of Dionysus, the tutelary deity of Thebes, who incited him to Idll his friend OUtus, and induced his soldiers to refuse to follow tn'Tn into the interior of India.

2 Orohomenus was destroyed by the Thebans b.o. 364. See Diod., xv. 79 ; Demosthenes (Contra Leptimem, p. 489). It was restored by Philip, according to Pausanias, iv. 27.

' The Great Mysteries of Demeter were celebrated at Eleusis, from the 15th to the 23rd of the month Boedromion, our September.

Alexander's Dealings -with Athens. 35

ambassadors, men whom they knew to be Alexander's special adherents, and sent them to signify to him, though somewhat unseasonably, that the Athenian peo- ple rejoiced at his safe return from the land of the Illyrians and Triballians, and at the punishment which he had inflicted upon the Thebans for their rebellion. In regard to other matters he gave the embassy a courteous reply, but wrote a letter to the people de- manding the surrender of Demosthenes and Lycurgus, as well as that of Hyperides, Polyeuctus, Chares, Chari- demus, Bphialtes, Diotimus, and Moerocles;i alleging that these men were the cause of the disaster which befell the city at Ghaeronea, and the authors of the sub- sequent offensive proceedings after Philip's death, both against himself and his father.^ He also declared that they had instigated the Thebans to revolt no less than had those of the Thebans themselves who favoured a revolution. The Athenians, however, did not surrender the men, but sent another embassy to Alexander,^ en-„ treating him to remit his wrath against the ^persons whom he had demanded. The king did remit his wrath against them, either out of respect for the city of Athens, or from an earnest desire to start on the expedition into Asia, not wishing to leave behind him among the Greeks any cause for distrust. However, he ordered Charidemus alone of the men whom he had demanded as prisoners and who had not been given up, to go into banishment. Charidemus therefore went as an exile to King Darius in Asia.*

' All these nine men were orators except Chares, Charidemus, and Ephialtes, who were military men. Plutarch {Life of Demosthenes, 23) does not mention Chares, Diotimus, and Hyperides, but puts the names of CaUisthenes and Damon in the list.

2 See Aeschines [Adversus Ctesiphontem, pp. 469, 547, 551, 603, 633) ; Plutarch {Demosthenes, 22 ; Phocion, 16) ; Diodorus, xYii. 5.

' At the head of this embassy was Phocion.

'' He was put to death by Darius shortly before the battle of Issus, for

36 The Anahdsis of Alexander.

CHAPTER XI.

Alexandbe Crosses the Hellespont and Visits Teot.

Hating settled these affairs, lie returned into Macedonia. He then offered to the Olympian Zeus the sacrifice which had been instituted by Archelaus/ and had been cus- tomary up to that time; and he celebrated the public contest of the Olympic games at Aegae.^ It is said that he also held a public contest in honour of the Muses. At this time it was reported that the statue of Orpheus, son of Oeagrus the Thracian, which was in Pieris,^ sweated incessantly.* Various were the explanations of this prodigy given by the soothsayers ; but Aristander,' a man of Telmissus, a soothsayer, bade Alexander take courage; for he said it was evident from this that there would be much labour for the epic and lyric poets, and for the writers of odes, to compose and sing about Alexander and his achievements.

(B.C. 334.) At the beginning of the spring he marched towards the Hellespont, entrusting the affairs of Mace- donia and Greece to Antipater. He led not much above

advising him not to rely on his Asiatic troops in the contest with Alex- ander, but to subsidize an army of Grecian mercenaries. See Curtius, iii. 5 ; Diodorus, xvii. 30.

• Archelaus was king of Macedonia from B.C. 413-399. He improved the internal arrangements of his kingdom, and patronised art and litera- ture. He induced the tragic poets, Euripides and Agathon, as well as the epic poet Choerilus, to visit him ; and treated Euripides especially with favour. He also invited Socrates, who declined the invitation.

^ Aegae, or Edessa, was the earlier capital of Macedonia, and the burial place of its kings. Philip was murdered here, B.C. 336.

<' A narrow strip of land in Macedonia, between the mouths of the Haliaomon and Peneus, the reputed home of Orpheus and the Muses.

* Cf. ApoUonim Ehodim, iv. 1284 ; Livy, xxii. i.

6 This man was the most noted soothsayer of his time. Telmissus was a city of Caria, celebrated for the skill of its inhabitants in divina- tion. Cf. Arrian {Anab. i. 25, ii. 18, iii. 2, iii. 7, iii. 15, iv. 4, iv. 15) ; Herodotus, i. 78 ; and Cicero {De Divinatione, i. 41)

Alexander Crosses the Hellespont and Visits Troy. 37

30,000 infantry together with light-armed troops and archers, and more than 5,000 cavalry .^ His march was past the lake Cercinitis,^ towards Amphipolis and the mouths of the river Strymon. Having crossed this river he passed by the Pangaean mountain,^ along the road leading to Abdera and Maronea, Grecian cities built on the coast. Thence he arrived at the river Hebrus,* and easily crossed it. Thence he proceeded through Paetica to the river Melas, having crossed which he arrived at SestuSj in twenty days altogether from the time of his starting from home- When he came to Elaeus he offered sacrifice to Protesilaus upon the tomb of that hero, both for other reasons and because Protesilaus seemed to have been the first of the Greeks who took part with Agamemnon in the expedition to Ilium to disembark in Asia. The design of this sacrifice was, that his disembarking in Asia might be more fortunate than that of Protesilaus had been.^ He then committed to Par- menio the duty of conveying the cavalry and the greater part of the infantry from Sestus to Abydus ; and they were transported in 160 triremes, besides many trading vessels.* The prevailing account is, that Alexander started from Elaeus and put into the Port of Achaeans,^ that with his own hand he steered the general's ship

1 Diodorus (xvii. 17) says that there were 30,000 infantry and 4,500 cavalry. He gives the numbers in the different brigades as well as the names of the commanders. Plutarch (Life of Alexander, 15) says that the lowest numbers recorded wera30,000 infantry and -£000 cavalry ; and the highest, 34,000 infantry and%000 cavalry, tf-, cJL-^^Ji.: FUidrs^v^

2 This lake is near the mouth of the Strymon. It is called Prasias by Herodotus (v. 16). Its present name is Tak-hyno.

3 This mountain is now called Pimari. Xerxes took the same route when marching into Greece. See Herodotus, v. 16, vii; 112 ; Aeschylus (Fersae, 494); Euripides (Rhesus, Q22, 972).

* Now called Maritza. See Theocritus, vii. 110.

6 Cf. Homer (Iliad, ii. 701) ; Ovid (Epistolae Heroidum, jdii. 93) ; Herodotus (ix. 116).

The Athenians supplied twenty ships of war. See Diodorus, xvii. 22. A landing-place in the north-west of Troas, near Cape Sigaeum.

88 The Anabasis of Alexander.

acrossj and that wlieii he was about the middle of the channel of the Hellespont he sacrificed a bull to Poseidon and the Nereids, and poured forth a libation to them into the sea from a golden goblet. They say also that he was the first man to step out of the ship in full armour on the land of Asia,^ and that he erected altars to Zeus, the protector of people landing, to Athena, and to Heracles, at the place in Europe whence he started, and at the place in Asia where he disembarked. It is also said that he went up to Ilium and ofi'ered sacrifice to the Trojan Athena; that he setup his own panoply in the temple as a votive offering, and in exchange for it took away some of the consecrated arms which had been preserved from the time of the Tr(^an war. These arms were said to have been carried in front of him into the battles by the shield-bearing guards. A report also prevails that he offered sacrifice to Priam upon the altar of Zeus the household god, deprecating the wrath of Priam against the progeny of Neoptolemus, from whom Alexander himself derived his origin.

CHAPTER XII.

Alexakdbr at the Tomb of Achilles. — Memnon's Advice Rejected by the Persian Genekals.

When he went up to Ilium, Menoetius the pilot crowned him with a golden crown ; after him Chares the Athenian,^ coming from Sigeum, as well as certain others,- both Greeks and natives, did the same. Alexander then encircled the tomb of Achilles with a garland ; and it is said that Hephaestion * decorated that of Patroclus in the

' Cf. Diodorus, xvii. 17 ; Justin, xi. 5.

' The celebrated general, mentioned already in chap. 10.

^ Son of Amyutas, a Macedonian of Fella. He was the most intimate

Alexander at the Tomb of Acldlles. 39

same way. There is indeed a report that Alexander pronounced Achilles fortunate in getting Homer as the herald of his fame to posterity .^ And in truth it was meet that Alexander should deem Achilles fortunate for this reason especially; for to Alexander himself this privilege was wanting, a thing which was not in accor- dance with the rest of his good fortune. His achieve- ments have, therefore, not been related to mankind in a manner worthy of the hero. Neither in prose nor in verse has any one suitably honoured him; nor has he ever been sung of in a lyric poem, in which style of poetry Hiero, Gelo, Thero, and many others not at all comparable with Alexander, have been praised.^ Conse- quently Alexander's deeds are far less known than the meanest achievements of antiquity. I'or instance, the march of the ten thousand with Cyrus up to Persia against King Artaxerxes, the tragic fate of Clearchus and those who were captured along with him,^ and the march of the same men down to the sea, in which they were led by Xenophon, are events much better known to men through Xenophon's narrative than are Alexander and his achievements. And yet Alexander neither accom- panied another man's expedition, nor did he in flight from the Great King overcome those who obstructed his march down to the sea. And, indeed, there is no other single individual among Greeks or barbarians who achieved exploits so great or important either in regard to number or magnitude as he did. This was the reason

friend of Alexander, with whom he had been brought up. Cf. Aelian (Varia Historia, xii. 7).

1 Plutarch {Life of Alex., 15), says that Alexander also went through the ceremony, still customary in his own day, of anointing himself with oil and running up to the tomb naked. Cf. Aelian {Varia Historia, x. 4) Cicero {Pro Archia, oh. 10).

2 By Pindar and Baochylides.

2 See Xenophon's Anabasis, Book ii.

40 The Anabasis of Alexander.

which induced me to undertake this history, not thinking myself incompetent to make Alexander's deeds known to men. For whoever I may be, this I know about myself, that there is no need for me to assert my name, for it is not unknown to men ; nor is it needful for me to say what my native land and family are, or if I have held any public office in my own country. But this I do assert, that this historical work is and has been from my youth up, in place of native land, family, and public offices to me ; and for this reason I do not deem myself unworthy t6 rank among the first authors in the Greek language, if Alexander indeed is among the first in arms.

Prom Ilium Alexander came to Arisbe, where his entire force had encamped after crossing the Helles- pont; and on the following day he came to Percote. On the next, passing by Lampsacus, he encamped near the river Practius, which flows from the Idaean mountains and discharges itself into the sea between the Hellespont and the Euxine Sea. Thence passing by the city of Colonae, he arrived at Hermotus. He now sent scouts before the army under the command of Arayntas, son of Arrhabaeus, who had the squadron of the Companion . cavalry which came from Apollonia,^ under the captain Socrates, son of Sathon, and four squadrons of what were called Prodromi (runners forward). In the march he despatched Panegorus, son of Lycagoras, one of the Companions, to take possession of the city of Priapus, which was surrendered by the inhabitants.

The Persian generals were Arsames, Rheomithres, Petines, Niphates, and with them Spithridates, viceroy of Lydia and Ionia, and Arsites, governor of the Phrygia near the Hellespont. These had encamped near the city

' A town in the Macedonia district of Mygdonia, south of Lake Bolbe. It is now called Polina.

Battle of the Granicus. 41

of Zeleia with the Persian cavalry and the Grecian mer- cenaries. When they were holding a council about the state of affairs, it was reported to them that Alexander had crossed (the Hellespont). Memnon, the Rhodian/ advised them not to risk a conflict with the Macedonians, since they were far superior to them in infantry, and Alexander was there in person ; whereas Darius was not with them. He advised them to advance and destroy the fodder, by trampling it down under their horses' hoofs, to burn the crops of the country, and not even to spare the very cities. " For then Alexander,'' said he, " will not be able to stay in the land from lack of provisions." ^ It is said that in the Persian conference Arsites asserted that he would not allow a single house belonging to the people placed under his rule to be burned, and that the other Persians agreed with Arsites, because they had a sus- picion that Memnon was deliberately contriving to pro- tract the war for the purpose of obtaining honour from the king.

CHAPTER XIII.

Battle' OE the Geanicus (b.o. 334).

Meantime Alexander was advancing to the river Granicus,^ with his army arranged for battle, having drawn up his

' We find from Diodorm (xvii. 7), that the Persian king had subsidized this great general and 5,000 Greek mercenaries to protect his seaboard from the Macedonians. Before the arrival of Alexander, he had succeeded in checking the advance of Parmenio and Callas. If Memnon had lived and his advice been adopted by Darius, the fate of Persia might have been very different. Cf. Plutarch (Life of Alex., 18).

2 Diodorus (xvii. 18) says that Memnon, while advising the Persian generals to lay waste the country, and to prevent the Macedonians from advancing through scarcity of provisions, also urged them to carry a large force into Greece and Macedonia, and thus transfer the war into Europe.

' The Granicus rises in Mount Ida, and falls into the Propontis near CyzicuB. Ovid [Metam., xi. 763) calls it Granicus picomis.

42' Tlie Anabasis of Alexander.

heavy-armed troops in a double phalanx, leading the cavalry on the wings, and having ordered that the baggage should follow in the rear. And Hegelochus at the head of the cavalry, who were armed with the long pike,i and about 500 of the light-armed troops, was sent by him to reconnoitre the proceedings of the enemy. When Alexander was not far from the river Granicus, some of his scouts rode up to him at full speed and announced that the Persians had taken up their position on the other side of the Granicus, drawn up ready for battle. Thereupon Alexander arranged all his army with the intention of fighting. Then Parmenio approached him and spoke as follows : " I think, 0 king, that it is advisable for the present to pitch our camp on the bank of the river as we are. For I thin!k that the enemy, being, as they are, much inferior to us in infantry, will not dare to pass the night near us, and therefore they will permit the army to cross the ford with ease at day- break. For we shall then pass over before they can put- themselves in order of battle ; ' whereas, I do not think that we can now attempt the operation without evident risk, because it is not possible to lead the army through the river with its front extended. Besides, it is clear that many parts of the stream are deep, 'and you see that these banks are steep and in some places abrupt. There- fore the enemy's cavalry, being formed into a .dense square, will attack us as we emerge from the water in broken ranks and in column, in the place where we are weakest. Afc the present juncture the first repulse would be diflScult to retrieve, as well as perilous for the issue of the whole war."

But to this Alexander replied : " I recognise the fovea

' This was a brigade of about 1,000 men. See Livy, xxxvii. 42. ^ irotpecuronev. This future is used by the later writers for the Attic inro(t>6i<roii,ai.. It is found however in Xenophon.

An-angement of the EosHle Armies. 43

of these arguments^ 0 Parmenio ; but I should feel it a disgrace, if, after crossing the Hellespont so easily, this brook (for with such an appellation he made light of the Granicus) should bar our passage for a moment. I consider that this would be in accordance neither with the fame of the Macedonians nor with my own eagerness for encountering danger. Moreover, I think that the Persians will regain courage, as being a match in war for Macedonians, since up to the present time they have suffered no defeat from me to warrant the fear they entertain."

CHAPTER XIV.

Aeeangement of the Hostile Aemies.

Having spoken thus, he sent Parmenio to command upon the left wing, while he led in person on the right. And at the head of the right wing he placed the following oflBcers : — Philotas, son of Parmenio, with the cavalry Companions, the archers, and the Agrianian javelin-men ; and Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, with the cavalry carry- ing the long pike, the Paeonians, and the squadron of Socrates, was posted near Philotas. Close to these were posted the Companions who were shield-bearing infantry under the command of Nicanor, son of Parmenio. Next to these the brigade of Perdiccas, son of Orontes, then that of Coenus, son of Polemocrates ; then thatof Craterus,^ son of Alexander, and that of Amyntas, son of Andro- menes ; finally, the men commanded by Philip, son of Amyntas. The first on the left wing were the Thes-

' Craterus was one of Alexander's best generals. On the death of the king he received the government of Macedonia and Greece in conjunc- tion with Antipater, whose daughter he married. He fell in battle against Eumenes (b.c. 321).

44 The Anabasis of Alexander.

salian cavalry, commanded by Galas, son of Harpalus ; ^ next to these, the cavalry of the Grecian allies, com- manded by Philip, son of Menelaus ; ^ next to these the Thracians, commanded by Agatho.^ Close to these were the infantry, the brigades of Craterus, Meleager, and Philip, reaching as far as the centre of the entire line.

The Persian cavalry were about 20,000 in number, and their infantry, consisting of Grecian mercenaries, fell a little short of the same number.* They had extended their horse along the bank of the river in a long phalanx, and had posted the infantry behind the cavalry, for the ground above the bank was steep and commanding. They also marshalled dense squadrons of cavalry upon that part of the bank where they observed Alexander himself advancing against their left wing; for he was conspicuous both by the brightness of his arms and by the respectful service of his attendants. Both armies stood a long time at the margin of the river, keep- ing quiet from dread of the result ; and profound silenc6 was observed on both sides. For the Persians were waiting till the Macedonians should step into the water, with the intention of attacking them as they emerged. Alexander leaped upon his steed, ordering those about him to follow, and exhorting them to show themselves valiant men. He then commanded Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, to make the first rush into the river at the

' Galas was appoinied viceroy of Phrygia. H« oonseq^uently took no further part in Alexander's campaigns after this.

^ Alexander had three generals named Philip, two of whom are men- tioned here as sons of Amyntas and Menelaus.. The third was son of Machatas, and was left in India as viceroy.

3 Son of Tyrimmas, was commander of the Odrysian cavalry. See iii. 12 infra.

■* Diadorus (xvii. 19) says that the Persian cavalry numbered 10,000, and their infantry 100,000. Both these numbers are inaccurate. We know from Arrian (chaps. 12 and 13) that the Persian infantry was in- ferior in number to that of Alexander.

Description of the Battle of the Oraidcus. 45

head of the skirmishing cavalry, the Paeonians, and one regiment of infantry ; and in front of these he had placed Ptolemy^ son of Philip, in command of the squadron of Socrates, which body of men indeed on that day hap- pened to have the lead of all the cavalry force. He him- self led the right wing with sounding of trumpets, and the men raising the war-cry to Bnyalius.^ He entered the ford, keeping his line always extended obliquely in the direction in which the stream flowed, in order that the Persians might not fall upon him on the flank as he was emerging from the water, but that he might, as far as practicable,^ encounter them with his phalanx.

CHAPTER XV.

Desceiption of the Battle of the Geanicus.

The Persians began the contest by hurling missiles from above in the direction where the men of Amyntas and Socrates were the first to reach the bank ; some of them casting javelins into the river from their commanding position on the bank, and others stepping down along the flatter parts of it to the very edge of the water. Then ensued a violent struggle on the part of the cavalry, on the one. side to emerge from the river, and on the other to prevent the landing. Prom the Persians there was a terrible discharge of darts ; but the Macedonians fought with spears. The Macedonians, being far inferior

1 This is an Homeric name for Mars the war-god. In Homer Ares is the Trojan and Enyalius the Grecian war-god. Hence they are men- tioned as difiterent in Aristophanes {Pax, 457). See Paley's note on Homer {m. 166). As to the practice of shouting the war-cry to Mars before battle, see Xenophon (Anab., i. 8, 18 ; v. 2, 14). The Scholiast on Thucydides (i. 50) says that the Greeks used to sing two paeans, one to Mars before battle, another to Apollo after it.

* tis &vv<jTbv=wi Svvar6v. Cf. Arrian, iv. 12, 6 ; Xenophon {Anab., i, 8, 11 ; Bes. Laced., i. 3).

46 The Anabasis of Alexander.

in number, suffered severely at the first onset, because they were obliged to defend themselves in the river, where their footing was unsteady, and where they were below the level of their assailants ; whereas the Persians were fighting from the top of the bank, which gave them an advantage, especially as the best of the Persian horse had been posted there. Memnon himself, as well as his sons, were running every risk with these ; and the Macedonians who first came into conflict with the Persians, though they showed great valour, were cut down, except those who retreated to Alexander, who was now approaching. For the king was already near, leading with him the right wing. He made his first assault upon the Persians at the place where the whole mass of their horse and the leaders themselves were posted ; and around him a desperate conflict raged,^ during which one rank of the Macedonians after another easily kept on crossing the river. Though they fought on horseback, it seemed more like an infantry than a cavalry battle; for they struggled for the mastery, horses being jammed with horses and men with men, the Macedonians striving to drive the ,Persians entirely away from the bank and to force them into the plain, and the Persians striving to obstruct their landing and to push them back again into the river. At last Alexander's men began, to gain the advantage, both through their superior strength and military discipline, and because they fought with spear- shafts made of cornel-wood, whereas the Persians used only darts.

Then indeed, Alexander's spear being broken to shivers in the conflict, he asked Aretis, one of the royal guards, whose duty it was to assist the king to mount his horse, for another spear. But this man's spear had also been

1 £w«(TT5iK« //.ixv- This is a common expression with Arrian, copied from Herodotus (i. 74, et passim).

Defeat of the Persians, 47

shivered whilst he was in the thickest of the struggle, and he was conspicuous fighting with the half of his broken spear. Showing this to Alexander, he bade him ask some one else for one. Then Demaratus, a man of Corinth, one of his personal Companions, gave him his own spear ; which he had no sooner taken than seeing Mithridates, the son-in-law of Darius, riding far in front of the others, and leading with him a body of cavalry arranged like a wedge, he rode on in front of the others, and hitting at the face of Mithridates with his spear, struck him to the ground. But hereupon, Ehoesaces rode up to Alexander and hit him on the head with his scimitar, breaking off a piece of his helmet. But the helmet broke the force of the blow. This man also Alexander struck to the ground, hitting him in the chest through the breastplate with his lance. And now Spithridates from behind had already raised aloft his scimitar against the king, when Clitus, son of Dropidas, anticipated his blow, and hitting him on the arm, cut it off, scimitar and all.^ Meantime the horsemen, as many as were able, kept on securing a landing all down the river, and were joining Alexander's forces.

CHAPTER XVI.

Defeat op the Persians. — Loss on Both Sides.

The Persians themselves, as well as their horses, were now being struck on their faces with the lances from all sides, and were being repulsed by the cavalry. They also received much damage from the light-armed troops who were mingled with the cavalry. They first began to give way where Alexander himself was braving danger in the front. When their centre had given way, the

' Plutarch {Alex., 16) ; Diodonu (xvii. :

48 The Anabasis of Alexander.

horse on both wings were also naturally broken through, and took to speedy flight. Of the Persian cavalry only about IjOOO were killed ; for Alexander did not pursue them far, but turned aside to attack the Greek mercen- aries, the main body of whom was still remaining where it was posted at first. This they did rather from amaze- ment at the unexpected result of the struggle than from any steady resolution. Leading the phalanx against these, and ordering the cavalry to fall upon them from all sides in the midst, he soon cut them up, so that none of them escaped except such as might have concealed themselves among the dead bodies. About 2,000 were taken prisoners.^ The following leaders of the Persians also fell, in the battle : Niphates, Petines, Spithridates, viceroy of Lydia, Mithrobuzanes, governor of Cappa- docia, Mithridates, the son-in-law of Darius, Arbupales, son of Darius the son of Artaxerxes, Pharnaces, brother of the wife of Darius,* and Onares, commander of the auxiliaries. Arsites fled from the battle into Phrygia, where he is reported to have committed suicide, because he was deemed by the Persians the cause of their defeat on that occasion.

Of the Macedonians, about twenty-five of the Com- panions were killed at the first onset ; brazen statues of whom were erected at Dium,^ executed by Lysippus,* at

1 Diodorus (xvii. 21) says that more than 10,000 of the Persian in- fantry were killed, and 2,000 eavahry ; and that more than 20,000 were made prisoners.

^ Her name was Statira.

' An important city in Macedonia on the Thermaic gulf, named after a temple of Zeus.

■• Lysippus of Sicyon was one of the most famous of Greek statuaries. None of his works remain, inasmuch as they were all executed in bronze. Alexander published an edict that no one should paint his portrait but Apelles, and that no one should make a statue of him but Lysippus. When MeteUus conquered Macedonia, he removed this group of bronze statues to Eome, to decorate his own portico. See Pliny {Nat. Hist., xxxiv. 19) ; Velleius Patereulus (i. 11).

Loss on Both Sides. 49

Alexander's order. The same statuary also executed a statue of Alexander himself, being chosen by him for the work in preference to all other artists. Of the other cavalry over sixty were slain, and of the infantry, about thirty .1 These were buried by Alexander the next day, together with their arms and other decorations. To their parents and children he granted exemption from imposts on agricultural produce, and he relieved them from all personal services and' taxes upon property. He also exhibited great solicitude in regard to the wounded, for he himself visited each man, looked at their wounds, and inquired how and in the performance of what duty they had received them, allowing them both to speak and brag of their own deeds. He also buried the Persian commanders and the Greek mercenaries who were killed fighting on the side of the enemy. But as many of them as he took prisoners he bound in fetters and sent them away to Macedonia to till the soil, because, though they were Greeks, they were fighting against Greece on behalf of the foreigners in opposition to the decrees which the Greeks had made in their federal council.^ To Athens also he sent 300 suits of Persian armour to be hung up in the Acropolis * as a votive ofiering to Athena, and ordered this inscription to be fixed over them : " Alex- ander, son of Philip, and all the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians, present this ofiering from the spoils taken from the foreigners, inhabiting Asia."

' As most of the infantry on the Persian side were Grecian mercenaries, frho, according to Plutarch, fought with desperate valour, and, according to Arrian himself, all the infantry were killed except 2,000, the riumber of Alexander's slain must have been larger than Arrian here states.

^ At Corinth, B.C. 336.

^ I'or the fact that the Acropolis of Athens was often called simply polis, see Thucydides, ii. 15 ; Xenophon {Anab. vii. 1, 27) ; Antiphun (146, 2) ; Aristophanes {Equites, 1093 ; Lynstrata, 758).

60 The Anabasis of Alexander.

CHAPTER XVIT.

Alixandee in Saedis and Bphesus,

Having appointed Galas to the post of viceroy of the territory which had been under the rule of Arsites, and having commanded the \nhabjtants to pay to him the same tribute which they had paid to Darius, he ordered as many of the natives as came down from the mountains and surrendered to him to depart to their several abodes. He also acquitted the people of Zeleia ^ of blame, because he knew they had been compelled to assist the Persians in the war. He then despatched Parmenio to occupy Dascylium,^ which he easUy performed ; for the garrison evacuated it. He himself advanced towards Sardis ; and when he was about 70 stades * distant from that city, he was met by Mithrines, the commandant of the garrison in the Acropolis, accompanied by the most influential of the citizens of Sardis. The latter surrendered the city into his hands, and Mithrines the fortress and the money laid up in it. Alexander encamped near the river Her- mus,* which is about twenty stades^ distant from Sardis ; but he sent Amyntas, son of Andromenes, to occupy the citadel of Sardis.* He took Mithrines with him, treat- ing him with honour; and granted the Sardians and other Lydians the privilege of enjoying the ancient laws of Lydia, and permitted them to be free. He then ascended into the citadel, which was garrisoned by the Persians. And the position seemed to him a strong one; for it was very lofty, precipitous on every side, and fenced round by a triple wall. He therefore resolved to

' A city at the foot of Mount Ida.

' A city of Bithynia, on the Propontis. * About eight miles.

* This river flows through Phrygia and Lydia, and falls into the gulf of Smyrna. Its present name is Kodus-Chai. See Vergil {Georg., ii. 137) ; Silius, i. 159 ; Claudian {Eaptm Proierpinae, ii. 67).

' Nearly two-and-a-half miles.

' For a description of this fortress, see Herodotus, i. 84.

Alexander in Sardis and Epliesus. 61

build a temple to the Olympian Zeus on the hill, and to erect an altar in it ; but while he was considering which part of the hill was the most suitable site, suddenly a winter storm arose, though it was the summer season, loud claps of thunder were heard, and rain fell on the spot where the palace of the kings of Lydia had stood. From this Alexander thought that the deity had revealed to him where the temple to Zeus ought to be built ; and he gave ordel-s accordingly. He left Pausanias, one of the Companions, to be superintendent of the citadel of Sardis, Nicias to supervise the collection of the tribute and taxes, and Asander, son of Philotas, to be superin- tendent of Lydia and the rest of the dominion of Spithri- dates, giving him as large a number of cavalry and light-armed infantry as seemed suflBcient for present emergencies. He also sent Galas and Alexander, son of Aeropus, into the country of Memnon,^ in command of the Peloponnesians and most of the other Grecian allies,, except the Argives, who had been left behind to guard the citadel of Sardis.

Meantime, when the news of the cavalry battle was spread abroad, the Grecian mercenaries who formed the garrison of Ephesus, seized two of the Bphesian. tri- remes and set oflf in flight. They were accompanied by Amyntas,^ son of Antiochus, who had fled from Alexander out of Macedonia, not because he had received any injury from the king, but from ill-will to him, and thinking it not unlikely that he should suffer some ill- treatment from him (on account of his disloyalty) . On the fourth day Alexander arrived at Ephesus, where he recalled from exile all the men who had been banished

1 Memnon had succeeded his brother Mentor as governor for the Persian king of the territory near the Hellespont. See D.odoras, xvii. 7.

' This man took refuge with Darius, and distinguished himself at the battle of Issns. See Plutarch {Alex., 20) ; Curtius, iii. 28. He met with his death soon after in Egypt. . See Arrian, ii. 6 and IS ; Diod., xvii. 48.

52 The Anabasis of Alexander.

from the city on account of their adherence to him ; and having broken up the oligarchy, he established a democratical form of government there. He also ordered the Ephesians to contribute to Artemis ^ all the tribute which they were in the habit of paying to the Persians. When the people of Ephesus were relieved of their dread of the oligarchs, they rushed headlong to kill the men who had brought Memnon into the city, as also those who had pillaged the temple of Artemis, and those who had thrown down the statue of Philip which was in the temple, and those who had dug up and carried off from the tomb in. the market place the bones of Heropythus, the liberator of their city. They also led SyrphaXj and his son Pelagon, and the sons of Syrphax's brothers out of the temple and stoned them to death. But Alexander prevented them making any further quest of the rest of the oligarchs for the purpose of wreaking their vengeance upon them ; for he knew that if the people were not checked, they would kill the innocent along with the guilty, some from hatred, and others for the sake of seizing their property. At this time Alex-' ander gained great popularity both by his general course •of action and especially by what he did at Ephesus.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Alexander Marches to Miletos and Occupies the Island

OP Lade. Men now came to him both from Magnesia ^ and Tralles,

• The temple of Artemis at Ephesus had been burnt down by Hero- stratus in the night on which Alexander was born (Oct. 13-14, B.C. 356), and at this time was being restored by the joint efforts of the Ionian cities. See Strdbo, xiv. 1. Heropythus and Syrphax are not mentioned by any other writers.

" This was the Carian Magnesia, situated on the Lethaeus, a tributary of the Maeander. Tralles was on the Budon, another tributary of the Maeander. See Juvenal, iii. 70.

Alexander Marches to Miletus. 63

offering to surrender those cities ; and to them he sent Parmenio, giving him 2,500 infantry from the Grecian auxiliaries, an equal number of Macedonians, and about 200 of the Cavalry Companions. He also sent Lysi- machus, sou of Agathocles,i with an equal force to the Aeolic cities,^ and to as many of the Ionic cities * as were still under the Persians. He was ordered to break up the oligarchies everywhere, to set up the democratical form of government, to restore their own laws to each of the cities, and to remit the tribute which they were accustomed to pay to the foreigners. But Alexander himself remained behind at Bphesus, where he offered a sacrifice to Artemis and conducted a procession in her honour with the whole of his army fully armed and marshalled for battle.*

Oa the following day he took the rest of his infantry, the archers, the Agrianians, the Thracian cavalry, the royal squadron of the Companions, and three other squadrons in addition, and set out for Miletus. At his first assault he captured that which was called the outer city ; for the garrison had evacuated it. There he en- camped and resolved to blockade the inner city; for Hegesistratus, to whom the king Darius had entrusted the command of the garrison in Miletus, kept on sending

^ Lysimachus was of mean origin, his father having been a serf in Sicily. He was one of Alexander's confidential body-guards, and on the death of the great king obtained Thrace as his portion of the dis- membered empire. In conjunction with Seleuous he won the battle of Ipsus, by which he obtained a great part of Asia Minor. He ultimately acquired aU the European dominions of Alexander in addition to Asia Minor ; but in his eightieth year he was defeated and slain by Seleuous at the battle of Corns, b.c. 281. Sintenis was the first to substitute Lysimachus for Antimachus, the reading of the MSS. Cf. vi. 28 infra.

^ Eleven in number. See Herodotus, i. 149-151.

2 Thirteen in number, of which Miletus and Ephesus were the chief in importance.

•* For the celebrated interview of Alexander with Apelles at Ephesus, fcee Aelian (Varla Historia, ii. 3).

54 The Anabasis of Alexandtr.

letters before this to Alexander, oflfering to surrender Miletus to him. But then, having regained his courage from the fact that the Persian fleet was not far off, he made up his mind to preserve the city for Darius. But Nicanor, the commander of the Grecian fleet, anticipated the Persians by sailing into the port of Miletus three days before they approached; and with 160 ships he anchored at the island of Lade, which lies near Miletus.^ The Persian ships arriving too late, and the admirals discovering that Nicanor had occupied the anchorage at Lade before them, they took mooriiigs near Mount Mycale.^ Alexander had forestalled them in seizing the island, not only by mooring his ships near it, but also by transporting into it the Thracians and about 4,000 of the other auxiliary troops. The ships of the foreigners were about 400 in number.

Notwithstanding the superiority of the Persian fleet, Parmenio advised Alexander to fight a sea-battle, ex- pecting that the Greeks would be victorious with their fleet both for other reasons and especially because an omen from the deity made him confident of the result ; for an eagle had been seen sitting ijpon the shore, opposite the sterns of Alexander's ships. ^ He also urged that if they won the battle, they would reap a igreat advantage from it in regard to their main object in ' "the war ; and if they were beaten, their defeat would not be of any great moment ; for even as it was, the Persians held the sovereignty of the sea. He added that he was willing to go on board the fleet himself and to share the danger. However, Alexander replied that Parmenio was

• Cf. Herodotm, vi. 7. Here the Persians destroyed the Ionic fleet, B.C. 497.

' Famous for the yiotory won near it by Leotjchides and Xanthippus over the Persians, b.o. 479.

^ CI. Vergil (4encid, vi. 3). Obvertunt pelago proras. See Conington's nots.

Siege and Capture of Miletus. 55

mistaken in his judgment, and did not explain the sign according to probability. For it would be rash for him with a few ships to fight a battle against a fleet far more numerous than his own, and with his unpractised naval force to contend against the disciplined fleet of the Cyprians and Phoenicians. Besides, he did not wish to deliver over to the foreigners on so unstable an element the advantage which the Macedonians derived from their skill and courage; and if they were beaten in the sea- battle, th^ir defeat would be no small hindrance to their final success in the war, both for other reasons, and especially because the Greeks, being animated with courage at the news of his naval defeat, would attempt to efiect a revolution. Taking all these things into con- sideration, he declared that he did not think that it was a suitable time for fighting a sea-battle; and for his part, he expounded the divine omen in a different way. He admitted that the eagle was in his favour ; but as it was seen sitting on the land, it seemed to him rather to be a sign that he should get the mastery over the Persian fleet by defeating their army on land.

CHAPTEE XIX.

SiKGE AND CaPTUEE OP MiLETUS.

At this time Glaucippus, one of the most notable men in Miletus, was sent out to Alexander by the people and the Grecian mercenaries, to whom rather than to the citizens the town had been entrusted, to tell him that the Milesians were willing to make their walls and harbours ^ free to him and the Persians in common ; and on these terms to demand that he should raise the siege. But Alexander ordered Glaucippus to depart without delay into the city, and tell the citizens to prepare for

1 Strabo (xiv. 1) says that Miletus had four harbours.

56 The Anabasis of Alexander.

a battle at daybreak. He then stationed bis military- engines near tbe wall, and having in a short time partly broken and partly shaken down a large piece of it, he led his army near, that the men might enter wherever the wall had been thrown down or shaken. The Persians from Mycale were following close ^ npon them and could almost see their friends and allies being besieged. In the meantime, Nicanor, observing from Lade Alexander's commencement of the attack, began to sail into the harbour of Miletus, rowing along the shore; and mooring his triremes as close as possible together, with their prows facing the enemy, across the narrowest part of the mouth of the harbour, he shut off the Persian fleet from the port and made it impossible for the Persians to give succour to the Milesians. Then the Macedonians from all sides pressed close npon the citizens and the Grecian mercenaries, who took to flight ; some of them, casting themselves into the sea, floated along. upon their shields with the hollow upwards to an unnamed islet which lies near the city; others getting into their skiffs and hastening to get the start of the Macedonian triremes, were captured by them at the mouth of the harbour. But the majority of them were slain in the city itself. As soon as Alexander had got possession of the city, he sailed against- those who had fled for refuge into the island; ordering the men to carry ladders upon the prows of the triremes, with the intention of effecting a landing along the cliffs of the island, as one would mount a wall. But when he saw that the men on the island were resolved to run every risk, he was moved with pity for them, because they appeared to him both brave and loyal ; wherefore he made a, truce with them on the condition that they would serve as his soldiers. These

' i^oiMpToivTwv. This word ie rare in prose. See Homer {Iliad, viii. 191) ; Apollonius Bhodius, i. 201.

Siege and Capture of Miletus. 57

ecian mercenaries were about 300 in number. He ewise pardoned all the citizens of Miletus who had aped death in the capture of the city, and he granted sm their freedom.

The foreigners used to start from Mycale every day i sail up to the Grecian fleet, hoping to induce them to :ept the challenge and come forth to a battle; but •ing the night they used to moor their vessels near cale, which was an inconvenient station, because they re under the necessity of fetching water fi-om the uth of the river Maeander, a great way off.^ Alexander irded the harbour of Miletus with his ships, in order prevent the foreigners from forcing an entrance; and at same time he sent Philotas to Mycale in command of cavalry and three regiments of infantry, with instruc- is to prevent the men in the ships from landing. Ac- dingly, they, being through the scarcity of fresh water I of the other necessaries of life as good as besieged their ships, sailed away to Samos; where furnishing mselves with food, they sailed back again to Miletus, jy then drew up most of their ships in front of the hour on the deep sea, with the hope that they might lome way or other induce the Macedonians to come into the open sea. Five of their ships sailed into roadstead which lay between the island of Lade and camp, expecting to surprise Alexander's ships while )ty of their crews ; for they had ascertained that the ors for the most part were dispersed from the ships, le to gather fuel, others to collect provisions, and 3rs being arranged in foraging parties.^ And indeed appened that a number of the sailors were absent ; as soon as Alexander observed the five Persian ships ing towards him, he manned ten ships with the sailors

tliletus lay nearly ten miles south of the mouth of the Maeander. L similar stratagem was used by Lysander at Aegospotami, b.c. 405. Cenophon (Hellenics, ii. 1).

58 The Anabasis of Alexander.

who happened to be at hand, and sent them with all speed against them with orders to attack prow to prow. No sooner did the men in the five Persian ships see the Macedonians bearing up against them, contrary to their expectation, than they immediately tacked about, though far off, and fled to the rest of their fleet. However, the ship of the lassians,^ not being a fast sailer, was captured in the flight, men and all; but the other four succeeded in escaping to their own triremes. After this the Persians sailed away from Miletus without effecting anything.

CHAPTER XX.

Siege of Halicaknassus. — Abortive Attack on Mtndus.

AiEXANDEE now resolvcd to disband his fleet, partly from lack of money at the time, and partly because he saw that his own fleet was not a match in battle for that of the Persians. On this account he was unwilling to run the risk of losing even a part of his armament. Besides, he considered, that now he was occupying Asia with his land force, he would no longer be in need of a fleet ; and that he would be able to break 'up that of the Persians, if he captured the maritime cities ; since they would neither have any ports from which they could recruit their crews, nor any harbour in Asia to which they could bring their ships. Thus he explained the omen of the eagle to signify that he should get the mastery over the enemy's ships by his land force. After doing this, he set forth into Caria,^ because it was reported

' lassus was a city in Caria on the lassian Gulf, founded by the Argives and further colonized by the Milesians.

2 Caria formed the south-west angle of Asia Minor. The Greeks asserted that the Carians were emigrants from Crete. We learn from Xhuoydides and Herodotus that they entered the service of foreign rulers. They formed the body-guard of queen Athaliah, who had usurped the throne and stood in need of foreign mercenaries. The word translated

Abortive Attack on Myndus. 59

that a considerable force, both of foreigners and of Grecian auxiliaries, had collected in Halicarnassus.^ Having taken all the cities between Miletus and Halicarnassus as soon as he approached them, he encamped near the latter city, at a distance from it of about five stades,^ as if he expected a long siege. For the natural position of the place made it strong ; and wherever there seemed to be any deficiency in security, it had been entirely supplied long before by Memnon, who was there in person, having now been proclaimed by Darius governor of lower Asia and commander of the entire fleet. Many Grecian mer- cenary soldiers had been left in the city, as well as many Persian troops ; the triremes also were moored in the harbour, so that the sailors might reader him valuable aid in the operations. On the first day of the siege, while Alexander was leading his men up to the wall in the direction of the gate leading towards Mylasa,^ the men in the city made a sortie, and a skirmish took place ; but Alexander's men making a rush upon them repulsed them with ease, and shut them up in the city. A few days after this, the king took the shield-bearing guards, the Cavalry Companions, the infantry regiments of Amyn- tas, Perdiccas and Meleager, and in addition to these the archers and Agrianians, and went round to the part of the city which is in the direction of Myndus, both for the purpose of inspecting the wall, to see if it happened to be more easy to be assaulted there than elsewhere ; and at the same time to see if he could get hold of Myndus * by

in our Bible in 2 Kings xi. 4, 19 as captains, ought to be rendered Carians. See Fuerst's Hebrew Lexicon, sub voce *p3.

' Now called Budrum. It was the birthplace of the historians Herodotus and Dionysius.

^ Little more than haU a mile.

' Now called Melasso, a city of Caria, about ten miles from the Gulf of lassus.

< A colony of Troezen, on the western extremity of the same peninsula on which stood Halicarnassus.

60 The Anabasis of Alexander,

a sudden and secret attack. For he thought that if Myndus were his own, it would be no small help in the siege of Halicarnassus ; moreoverj an ofiFer to surrender had been made by the Myndians if he would approach the town secretly, under the cover of night. About mid- night, therefore, he approached the wall, according to the plan agreed on ; but as no sign of surrender was made by the men within, and though he had with him no military engines or ladders, inasmuch as he had not set out to besiege the town, but to receive it on surrender, he nevertheless led the Macedonian phalanx near and ordered them to undermine the wall. They threw down one of the towers, which, however, in its fall did not make a breach in the wall. Bat the men in the city stoutly defending themselves, and at the same time many from Halicarnassus having already eome to their aid by sea, made it impossible for Alexander to capture Myndus by surprise or sudden assault. Wherefore he returned without accomplishing any of the plans for which he had set out, and devoted himself once more to the siege of Halicarnassus.

In the first place he filled up with earth the ditch which the enemy had dug in front of the city, about thirty cubits wide and fifteen deepj so that it might be easy to bring forward the towers, from which he intended to discharge missiles against the defemders of the wall ; and. that he might bring up the other engines with which he was planning to batter the wall down. He easily filled up the ditch, and the towers were then brought forward. But the men in Halicarnassus maide a sally by night with the design of setting fire both to the towers and the other engines which had been broHght up to the wall, or were nearly brought up to it. They were, however, easily repelled and shut up again withia the walls by the Macedonians who were guarding the engines, and by others who were aroused by the noise of

Siege of Halicamassus. 61

the struggle and who came to their aid. Neoptolemus, the brother of Arrhabaeus, son of Amyntas, one of those who had deserted to Darius, was killed, with about 170 others of the enemy. Of Alexander's soldiers sixteen were killed and 300 wounded ; for the sally being made in the night, they were less able to guard themselves from being wounded.

CHAPTBE XXI.

Siege op HALicAENissus.

A FEW days after this, two Macedonian hoplites of the brigade of Perdiccas, living in the same tent and being messmates, happened in the course of conversation each to be extolling himself and his own exploits. Hence a quarrel arose between them as to which of them was the braver, and, being somewhat inflamed with wine, they agreed to arm themselvesi and of their own accord go and assault the wall facing the citadel, which for the most part was turned towards Mylasa. This they did rather to make- a display of their own valour than to engage in a dangerous conflict with the enemy. Some of the men in the city, however, perceiving that there were only two of them, and that they were approaching the wall incon- siderately, rushed out upon them; but they slew those who came near, and hurled darts at those who stood at a distance. At last, however, they were overmatched both by the number of their assailants and the disadvantage of their own position; for the enemy made the attack upon them, and threw darts at them from a higher level.^ Meanwhile some other men from the brigade of Perdiccas, and others from Halicamassus, rushed out against each

' Diodorus (xvii. 25) says that this incident occurred in the night, which is scarcely probable. Compare the conduct of the two centurions Palfio and Varenus in the country of the Nertii. Caesar (Gallic War, v. 44).

62 The Anabasis of Alexander.

other ; and a sharp dontest ensued near the wall. Those who had made the sally from the city were driven back, and again shut up within the gates by the Macedonians. The city also narrowly escaped capture ; for the walls at that time were not under strict guard, and two towers, with the whole intermediate space, having already fallen to the ground, would have offered an easy entrance within the wall to the army, if the whole of it had undertaken the task. The third tower, which had been thoroughly shaken, would likewise have been easily thrown down if it had been undermined ; but the enemy easily succeeded in building inside a crescent-shaped brick wall to take the place of the one which had fallen. This they were able to do so quickly because of the multitude of hands at their disposal. On the following day Alexander brought his engines up to this wall also ; and the men in the city made another sally to set them on fire. A part of the wicker-work shed near the wall and a piece of one of the wooden towers were burnt, but the rest were protected by Philotas and Hellanicus, to whom the charge of them had been committed. But as soon as those who were making the sally saw Alexander, the men who had come out to render aid by holding torches threw them away, and the majority of them cast away their arms and fled within the walls of the city. Then at first they had the advantage from the nature of their position, which was commanding on account of its height ; for not only did they cast missiles right in front against the men who were guarding the engines, but also from the towers which alone had been left standing at each end of the battered-down wall, they were able to cast them against the sides, and almost against the backs, of those who were assaulting the wall which had just been built in place of the ruined one.^

' Compare the sieges of Avaricum, Gergovia, and Alesia by Caesar (Gallic IVar, lib. vii.) ; and that of Saguntnm by Hannibal. See Livy, xxi. 7-15.

Siege of Halicarnassus. 63

CHAPTEE XXII.

Siege op Halicaenassds.

A few days after this, when Alexander again brouglit his military engines up to the inner brick wall, and was himself superintending the work, a sortie in mass was made from the city, some advancing by the breach in^ the wall, where Alexander himself was posted, others by the triple gate, where the Macedonians did not at all expect them. The first party cast torches and other I combustibles at the engines, in order to set them on fire | and to defy the engineers excessively. But when the i men around Alexander attacked them vigorously, hurling ' great stones with the engines from the towers, and/ launching darts at them, they were easily put to rout and fled into the city ; and as a great number of them had sallied forth and great audacity had been exhibited in the fight, no small slaughter of them took place. For some of them were slain fighting hand-to-hand with the Macedonians, others were killed near the ruins of the wall,^ because the breach was too narrow for such a multitude to pass through, and the fragments of the wall made it difficult for them to scale it. The second party, which sallied forth by the triple gate, was met by Ptolemy,^ one of the royal body-guards, who had with him the regiments of Addaeus and Timander and some of the light-armed troops. These soldiers by themselves easily put the men of the city to rout ; but as the latter in their retreat were fleeing over a narrow bridge which had been made over the ditch, they had the misfortune to break it down by the weight of their multitude. Many of them fell into .the ditch, some of whom were

' This use of i/j,<pl with the Dative, is poetical. The Attic writers use Tepl with the Accusative. Cf. ii. 3, 8 ; iii. 30, 1.

" There were at least four generals in Alexander's army of this name. The one here mentioned was probably not the famous son of Lagus.

64 The Anabasis of Alexander.

trampled to death by their own coraradeSj and othera were killed by the Macedonian weapons from above. A very great slaughter was also made at the very gates, because they were shut before the proper time in a state of panic. For the enemy, being afraid that the Mace- donians, who were close upon the fugitives, would rush in with them, shut many of their friends out, who were slain by the Macedonians near the very walls. The city narrowly escaped capture ; indeed it would have been taken, had not Alexander called back his army, to see if some friendly sign of surrender would be made by the Halicarnassians ; for he was still desirous of saving their city. . Of the men in the city about one thousand were slain ; and of Alexander's men about forty, among whom were Ptolemy, one of the king's body-guards, Clearchus, a captain of the archers, Addaeus, who had the command of a thousand infantry, and other Macedonians of no mean position.^

CHAPTER XXIII.

Desteuction op Halicaenassus. — Ada, Queen of Caria.

Then Orontobates and Mepinon, the commanders of the Persians, met and decided from the state of affairs that they could nob hold out long against the siege, seeing that part of the wall had already fallen down and part had been battered and weakened, and that many of their

1 DiodoTus (xvii. 25-27) gives a very different account of the last struggle of the besieged in Halicaruassus. When the leaders saw that they must eventually succumb, they made a last desperate effort to destroy Alexander's military engines. Ephialtes, the eminent Athenian exile, headed the sally, which vfas effected by troops simultaneously issuing from all the gates at daybreak. The advanced guard of the Macedonians, consisting of young troops, vrere put to rout ; but the veterans of Philip restored the battle under a man named Atharrias. Ephialtes was slain, and his men driven back into the city.

Destruction of Halicarnassus. 65

soldiers had either perished in the sorties or been wounded and disabled. Taking these things into con- sideration^ about the second watch of the night they s.et fire to the wooden tower which they had themselves built to resist the enemy's military engines, and to the magazines in which their weapons were stored. They also cast fire into the houses near the wall ; and others were burned by the flames, which were carried with great fury from the magazines and the tower by the wind bearing in that direction. Some of the enemy then withdrew to the stronghold in the island (called Arcon- nesus), and others to another fortress called Salmacis» When this was reported to Alexander by some deserters from the incendiaries, and he himself could see the raging fire, though the occurrence took place about * midnight, yet he led out the Macedonians and slew those- who were still engaged in setting fire to the city. But he issued orders to preserve all the Halicarnassians who should be taken in their houses. As soon as the day- light appeared he could discern the strongholds which the Persians and the Grecian mercenaries had occupied; but he decided not to besiege them, considering that he would meet with no small delay beleaguering them, from the nature of their position, and moreover thinking that they would be of little importance to him now that he had captured the whole city.

Wherefore, burying the dead in the night, he ordered, the men who had been placed in charge of the military engines to convey them to Tralles. He himself marched into Phrygia, after razing the city to the ground, and leaving 3,000 Grecian infantry and 200 cavalry as a guard both of this place and of the rest of Oaria, under the command of Ptolemy. He appointed Ada to act as his viceroy of the whole of Caria.^ This queen was

1 Hecatomnus, king of Oaria, left three sons, Mausolus, Hidrieus, and

66 The Anabasis of Alexander.

daughter of Hecatomnus and wife of Hidrieus, who, though he was her brother, lived with her in wedlock, according to the custom of the Carians. When Hidrieus was dying, he confided the administration of affairs to her, for it had been a custom in Asia, ever since the time of Semiramis, even for women to rule men. But Pixodarus expelled her from the rule, and seized the administration of affairs himself. On the death of Pixodarus, his son-in-law Orontobates was sent by the king of the Persians to rule over the Oarians. Ada retained Alinda alone, the strongest place in Caria ; and when Alexander invaded Caria she went to meet him, offering to surrender Alinda to him, and adopting him as her son.^ Alexander confided Alinda to her, and did not think the title of son unworthy of his acceptance ; moreover, when he had captured Halicarnassus and be- come master of the rest of Caria, he granted her the privilege of ruling over the whole country.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Al/BXANDEE IN LtCIA AND PaMPHYLIA.

Some of the Macedonians who served in Alexander's army had married just before he undertook the expedi- tion. He thought that he ought not to treat these men with neglect, and therefore sent them back from Caria to spend the winter in Macedonia with their wives. He placed them under the command of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, one of the royal body-guards, and of the two

Pixodarus ; and two daughters, Artejnisia and Ada. Artemisia married Mausolus, and Ada married Hidrieus. All these children succeeded their father in the sovereignty, Pixodarus being the last surviving son.

• Amyntas, king of Macedonia, grandfather of Alexander the Great, adopted the celebrated Athenian general Iphicrates, in gratitude to him as the preserver of Macedonia. See Aesohines {De Falsa Legatione, pp. 243, 250).

Alexander in Lycia and Pamphylia. 67

generals Coenus, son of PolemocrafceSj and Meleager, son of Neoptolemus, because they were also newly married. He gave these officers instructions to levy as many horse and foot soldiers as they could from the country, when they returned to him and brought back the men who had been sent away with them. By this act more than by any other Alexander acquired popularity among the Macedonians. He also sent Cleander, son of Polemo- crates, to levy soldiers in Peloponnesus,^ and Parmenio to Sardis, giving him the command of a regiment of the Cavalry Companions, the Thessalian cavalry, and the rest of the Grecian allies. He ordered him to take the wagons to Sardis and to advance from that place into Phrygia.

He himself marched towards Lycia and Pamphylia, in ordfer to gain command of the coast-land, and by that means render the enemy's fleet useless. 1!he first place on his route was Hyparna, a strong position, having a garrison of Grecian mercenaries ; but he took it at the first assault, and allowed the Greeks to depart from the citadel under a truce. Then he invaded Lycia and brought over the Telmissians by capitulation ; and cross- ing the river Xanthus, the cities of Pinara, Xanthus, ' Patara, and about thirty other smaller towns were sur- rendered to him.' Having accomplished this, though it was now the very depth of winter, he invaded the land called Milyas,* which is a part of Great Phrygia, but at that time paid tribute to Lycia, according to an arrange- ment made by the Great King. Hither came envoys

' See Arrian, ii. 20 infra.

^ The Marmarians alone defended their city with desperate valour. They finally set fire to it, and escaped through the Macedonian camp to the mountains. See Diodorus (xtu. 28). As to Xanthus the river, see Homer (Iliad, ii. 877; vi. 172) ; Horace (Carm., iv. 6, 26).

' Lycia was originally called Milyasj but the name was afterwards applied to the high table in the north of Lycia, extending into Pisidia. See Herodotus, i. 173.

68 The Anabasis of Alexander.

from the Phaselites/ to treat for his friendship, and to crown him with a golden crown; and the majority of the maritime Lycians also sent heralds to him as ambassadors to treat for the same object. He ordered the Phaselites and Lycians to surrender their cities to those who were despatched by him to receive them ; and they were all surrendered. He soon afterwards arrived himself at Phaselis, and helped the men of that city to capture a strong fort which had been constfucted by the Pisidians to overawe the country ; and sallying forth from which those barbarians used to inflict much damage upon the Phaselites who tilled the land.'

CHAPTER XXV.

Treason of At.bxandbRj Son of Aeeopcts.

While the king was still near Phaselis he received in- formation that Alexander, son of Aeropus, who was not only one of the Companions, but also at that time com- mander of the Thessalian horse, was conspiring against him. This Alexander was brother of Heromenes and Arrhabaeus, who had taken part in the. murder of Philip.' At that time King Alexander pardoned him, though he

' Phaselis was a seaport of Lyoia on the Gulf of PamphyHa. It is now called Tekrova.

2 He also crowned with garlands the statue of Theodeotes the rhetori- cian, which the people of Phaselis, his native city, had erected to his memory. This man was a friend and pupil of Aristotle, the tutor of Alexander. See Plutarch (Life of Alex., 17) ; Aristotle (Nicom. Ethics, vii. 7).

3 Philip was murdered by Pausanias. Three only of his reputed accomplices are known by name, and they were Alexander, Heromenes, and Arrhabaeus, sons of Aeropus. The two latter were put to death ; but the first named was not only spared, but advanced to high military command for being the first to salute Alexander as king. Compare Gurtius (vii. 1) ; Justin (xi. 2). Alexander was accused by some of for- giving his father's murderers. Probably the reference was to his kind treatment of Olympias and this Alexander. See Curtius, vi. 43.

Treason of Alexander, Son of Aeropus. 69

was accused of complicity with thenij because after Philip's death he was among the first of his friends to come to him, and, helping him on with his breastplate, accompanied him to the palace. The king afterwards showed him honour at his court, sent him as general into Thrace ; and when Galas the commander of the Thessalian horse was sent away to a viceroyalty^ he was appointed to succeed that general. The details of the conspiracy were reported as follows : When Amyntas deserted to Darius,^ he conveyed to him certain messages and a letter from this Alexander. Darius then sent Sisines, one of his own faithful Persian courtiers, down to the sea-coast, under pretence of going to Atizyes, viceroy of Phrygia, but really to communicate with this Alexander, and to give him pledges, that if he would kill king Alexander, Darius would appoint him king of Macedonia, and would give him 1,000 talents of gold^ in addition to the kingdom. But Sisines, being captured by Parmenio, told him the real object of his mission. Parmenio sent him immediately under guard to the king, who obtained the same intelligence from him. The king then, having collected his friends, proposed to them as a subject for deliberation what decision he ought to make in regard to this Alexander. The Companions thought that for- merly he had not resolved wisely in confiding the best part of his cavalry to a faithless man, and that now it was advisable to put him out ' of the way as speedily as possible, before he became even more popular among the Thessalians and should try to eff'eot some revolutionary plan with their aid. Moreover they were terrified by a certain divine portent. For, while Alexander the king was still besieging Halicarnassus, it is said that he was

* That of the Hellespontine Phrygia. See chap. xvii. supra. - See chap. xvii. supra. 3 Nearly £250,000.

70 The Anabasis of Alexander.

once taking rest at mid-day, when a swallow flew about over his head loudly twittering, and perched now on this side of his couch and now on that, chirping more noisily than usual. On account of his fatigue he could not be roused from sleep, but being disquieted by the sound he brushed her away gently with his hand. But though struck she was so far from trying to escape, ih&t she perched upon the very head of the king, and did not desist until he was wide awake. Thinking the affair of the swallow of no trivial import, he communicated it to a soothsayer, Aristander the Telmissian,^ who told him that it signified a plot formed by one of his friends. He said it also signified that the plot would be dis- covered, because the swallow was a bird fond of man's society and well disposed to him as well as more loqua- cious than any other bird. Therefore, comparing this with the depositions of the Persian, the king sent Amphoterus, son of Alexander and brother of Craterus to Parmenio ; and with him he sent ,some Pergaeans to show him the way. Amphoterus, putting on a native dress, so that he should not be recognised on the road, reached Parmenio by stealth. He did not carry a letter from Alexander, because it did not appear to the king advisable to write openly about' such a matter ; but he reported the message entrusted to him byword of mouth. Consequently this Alexander was arrested and kept under guard.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Alexander in Pamphtlia. — Capture op Aspendds AND Side.

Alexander then, moving from Phaselis, sent part of his army to Perga through the mountains, where the

' See chap. xi. supra.

Capture of Aspendus and Side. 71

Thracians had levelled a road for him by a route which was otherwise difficult and long. But he himself led his own brigade by the beach along the sea, where there is no route, except when the north wind blows. But if the south wind prevails it is impossible to journey along the beach. At that time, after a strong south wind, the north winds blew, and rendered his passage easy and quick, not without the divine intervention, as both he and his men interpreted. ^ As he was advancing from Perga, he was met on the road by envoys from the Aspendians * with full powers, who offered to surrender their city, but begged him not lead a garrison into it. Having gained their request in regard to the garrison, they went back ; but he ordered them to give him fifty talents* as pay for his army, as well as the horses which they were rearing as tribute to Darius. Having agreed with him about the money, and having likewise promised to hand over the horses, they departed.

Alexander then marched to Side,* the inhabitants of which were Cymaeans from Cyme, in Aeolis. These people give the following account of themselves, saying that their ancestors starting from Cyme, arrived in that country, and disembarked to found a settlement. They immediately forgot the G;recia,n language, and forthwith began to utter a foreign speech,, not, indeed, that of the

' Compare Plutarch (Alex., 17). Just as the historians of Alexander afBrmed that iixe sea near Pamphylia providientially made way for him, so the people of Thapsaous, when they saw the army of Cyrus cross the Euphrates on foot, said that the river made way for him to come and take the sceptre (Xen., Anab., i. 4). So also the inhabitants prostrated themselves before LuouUus when the same river subsided and allowed his army to cross (Plutarch, Lucullus, chap. xxiv.). There was the game omen in the reign of Tiberius, when Vitellius, with a- Boman army, crossed the Euphrates to restore Tiridates to the throne of Parthia (Tacitus, Annals, vi. 37). Cf. Strabo, xiv. 3.

^ Aspendus was on the Eurymadon.

3 About f 12,0Q0.

•* Side was on the coast of PamphyHa, a little west of the liver Melae.

72 The Anabasis of Alexander.

neighbouring barbarians, but a speech peculiar to them- selves, which had never before existed. From that time the Sidetans used to speak a foreign language unlike that of the neighbouring nations. Having left a garrison in Side, Alexander advanced to Syllium,i ^ strong place, containing a garrison' of Grecian mercenaries as well as of native barbarians themselves. But he was unable to take Syllium ofifhand by a sudden assault, for he was informed on his march that the Aspendians refused to perform any of their agreements, and would neither deliver the horses to those who were sent to receive them, nor pay the money; but that they had collected their property out of the fields into the city, shut their gates against his men, and were repairing their walls where they had become dilapidated. Hearing this, he marched off to Aspendus.

CHAPTER XXVII.

Alexajjdeb in Pheygia and Pisidia.

The greater part of Aspendus had been built upon a strong and precipitous rock, at the very foot of which flows the river Burymedon ^ ; but round the rock, on the low ground, were many of the citizens' houses, sur- rounded by a small wall. As soon as they ascertained that Alexander was approaching, the inhabitants deserted the wall and the houses situated on the low ground, which they thought they were unable to protect ; and they fled in a body to the rock. When he arrived with his forces, he passed within the deserted wall and

' Sjllium was about five miles from the coast, between Aspendus and Side.

' This river is celebrated for the double victory of Cimon the Athenian over the Persians, in b.o. 466. See Smith's Greece, p. 252 ; Grote, vol. V. p. 163,

Alexander in Phrygia and Pisidia. 73

took up his quarters in the houses which had been abandoned by the Aspendians. When these saw that Alexander himself had come, contrary to their expecta- tion, and that his camp was encircling them on all sides, they sent envoys to him, entreating him to form an agreement with them on the former terms. Alexander, consideripg the strength of the place, and how unpre- pared he was to undertake a long siege, entered into an agreement with them, though not on the same terms as before. For he ordered them to give him their most influential men as hostages, to hand over the horses which they had formerly agreed to give him, to pay 100 talents instead of fifty, to obey the viceroy appointed by him, and to pay an annual tribute to the Macedonians. Moreover he directed an inquiry to be held about the land which they were accused of holding by force, though it belonged of right to their 'neighbours.

When all these concessions had been made to him, he marched away to Perga, and thence set out for Phrygia, his route leading him past the city of Termessus. The people of this city are foreigners, of the Pisidian race, inhabiting a very lofty place, precipitous on every side ; so that the road to the city is a difficult one. For a mountain stretches from the city as far as the road, where it suddenly stops short ; and over against it rises another mountain, no less precipitous. These mountains form gates, as it were, upon the road ; and it is possible for those who occupy these eminences even with a small guard to render the passage impracticable. On this occasion the Termissians had come out in a body, and were occupying both the mountains; seeing which, Alexander ordered the Macedonians to encamp there, armed as they were, imagining that the Termissians would not remain in a body when they saw theni bivouacking, but that most of them would withdraw into their city, which was near, leaving upon the mountains

74 The Anahasis of Alexander.

only sufficient men to form a guard. And it turned out just as he conjectured; for most of them retired, and only a guard remained. He forthwith took the archers, the regiments of javelin-throwers, and the lighter hoplites, and led them against those who were guarding the pass. When these were attacked with missiles, they did not stand their ground, but abandoned the position. Alexander then passed through the defile, and encamped near the city.

CHAPTER XXYIIL

Opeeations in Pisidia.

While he was there, ambassadors came to him from the Belgians, who are also Pisidian barbarians, inhabiting a large city, and being warlike. Because they happened to be inveterate enemies to the Termessians they had despatched this embassy to Alexander, to treat for his friendship. He made a treaty with them, and from this tiine found them faithful allies in all his proceedings. Despairing of being able to capture Termessus without a great loss of time, he marched on to Sagalassus. This was also a large city, inhabited likewise by Pisidians ; and though all the Pisidians are warlike, the men of this city were deemed the most so. On this occasion they had occupied the hill in front of the city, because it was no less strong than the walls, from which to attack the enemy ; and there they were awaiting him. But Alex- ander drew up the phalanx of Macedonians in the follow- ing way : on the right wing, where he had himself taken up his position, he held the shield-bearing guards, and next to these he extended the foot Companions as far as the left wing, in the order that each of the generals had precedence in the array that day. On the left wing he stationed Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, as commander.

Operaiions in Pisidia. 75

In front of the right wing were posted the archers and AgrianianSj and in front of the left wing the Thracian javelin-throwers under the command of Sitalces. But the cavalry were no use to him in a place so rough and unfavourable. The Termessians also had come to the aid of the Pisidians, and arrayed themselves with them. Alexander had already made an attack upon the mountain which the Pisidians were occupying, advancing up the most abrupt part of the ascent, when the barbarians from an ambuscade attacked him on both wings, in a place where it was very easy for themselves to advance, but where the route was very diflScult for their enemy. The archers, who were the first to approach, were put to rout, inasmuch as they were insufficiently armed; but the Agrianians stood their ground, for the Macedonian phalanx was already drawing near, at the head of which Alexander himself was seen. When th« battle became a hand-to-hand one, though the barbarians were destitute of armour, they rushed against the Macedonian hoplites, and fell wounded on all sides. Then, indeed, they gave way, after about 500 of them had been killed. As they were nimble and well-acquainted with the locality, they effected their retreat without difficulty ; whereas the Macedonians, on account of the heaviness of their arms and their ignorance of the roads, durst not pursue them vigorously. Alexander therefore held off from the fugitives, and took their city by storm- Of those with him. Oleander, the general of the archers, and about twenty others were slain. Alexander then marched against the rest of the Pisidians, and took some of their strongholds by storm ; others he won over to him by granting them terms of capitulation,

76 The Anabasis of Alexander.

chapter' XXIX.

Alexander in Phrtgia.

Thence he went into Phrygia, passing by the lake called Ascania/ in which salt is naturally concreted. The natives use this salt, and do not need the sea at all for this article. On the fifth day of his march, he arrived at Celaenae,^ in which city there was a fortified rock, pre-" cipitous on all sides. This citadel was o'ccupied by the viceroy of Phrygia with a garrison of 1,000 Carians and 100 Grecian mercenaries. These men despatched ambas- sadors to Alexander, promising to surrender the place to him, if succour did not reach them by a day which had been agreed upon with them, naming the day.^ This arrangement seemed to Alexander more advantageous than to besiege the fortified rock, which was inaccessible on all sides to attack. At Celaenae he left a garrison of 1,500 soldiers. Remaining here ten days, he appointed Antigonus, son of Philip,* viceroy of Phrygia, placed Balacrus, son of Amyntas ^ as general over the Grecian allies in place of Antigonus, and then directed his march to Gordium.^ He sent an order to Parmenio to meet

' This lake is mentioned by Herodotus (vii. 30), as being near the city of Anava. It is now called Burdur.

^ Here Cyrus the Younger reviewed his Grecian forces and found them to be 11,000 hoplites and 2,000 peltasts. Here that prince had a palace and park, in which rose the river Maeander, close to the source of the' Marsyas. See Xenophon (Andb., i. 2) ; compare Gurtiui (iii. 1).

3 Curtius (iii. 1) says they made a truce with Alexander for sixty days.

* Antigonus, called the One-eyed, was father of Demetrius Poliorcetes. On the division of Alexander's empire he received Phrygia, Lyoia, and Pamphylia. He eventually acquired the whole of Asia Minor ; but was defeated and slain at the battle of Ipsus by the allied forces of Cassander, Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and Seleuous (b.o. 301). When he was slain ha was in his eighty-first year.

' Balacrus was left by Alexander to command in Egypt. See Arrian (iii. 5).

8 The capital of the old Phrygian kings. It was rebuUt in the time of Augustus, and called Juliopolis.

Alexander in Phrygia. 77

him there with the forces under his comiuand ; an order which that general obeyed. The newly-married men also, who had been despatched to Macedonia, now arrived at Gordium, and with them another army which had been levied, and put under the command of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus,^ Coenus, son of Polemocrates, and Mele- ager, son of Neoptolemus. This army consisted of 3,000 Macedonian foot-soldiers and 300 horse-soldiers, 200 Thessalian cavalry, and 150 Eleans under the command of Alcias the Elean.

Gordium is in the Phrygia which lies near the Hellespont, and is situated upon the river Sangarius, which takes its rise in Phrygia, but, flowing through the land of the Bithynian Thracians, falls into the Euxine Sea. Here an embassy reached Alexander from the Athenians, beseeching him to release to them the Athen- ian prisoners who had been captured at the river Granicus, fighting for the Persians, and were then in Macedonia serving in chains with the two thousand others captured in that battle. The envoys departed without obtaining their request on behalf of the prisoners for the present. For Alexander did not think it safe, whilst the war against the Persian was still going on, to relax in the slightest degree the terror with which' he inspired the Greeks, who did not deem it unbecoming for them to serve as soldiers on behalf of the foreigners against Greece. However, he replied that whenever his present enterprise had been successfully achieved, they might then come as ambassadors to treat on behalf of the same persons.^

^ This Ptolemy was killed at the battle of Ibsus {Arrian, ii. 110).

^ We learn from Curtius (iv. 34) that Alexander released these prisoners at the request of ambassadors from Athens, who met him in Syria after his return from Egypt.

BOOK II.

CHAPTER I.

CaPTUEE of MlTYLENE BT THE PkESIANS. DeATH OP

Memnon.

Soon after this, Memnon, whom King Darius had ap- pointed commander of the whole fleet and of the entire sea-coast, with the design of moving the seat of war into Macedonia and Greece, acquired possession of Chios, wl^ich was surrendered to him by treachery. Thence he sailed to Lesbos and brought over to his side all the cities of the island,^ except Mitylene, the inhabitants of which did not submit to him. When he had gained these cities over, he turn fed his attention to Mitylene; and walling off the city from the rest of the island by constructing a double stockade from sea to sea, he easily got the mastery on the land side by building five camps. A part of his fleet guarded their harbour, and, intercept- ing the ships passing by, he kept the rest of his fleet as a guard off Sigrium,^ the headland of Lesbos, where is the best landing-place for trading vessels from Chios, Geraestus,* and Malea.* By this means he deprived the Mitylenaeans of all hope of succour by sea. But mean-

* The other oities of Lesbos were Methymna, Antissa, Eresus, and Pyrrha.

" Now called Cape Sigri, the west point of tlie island. ' The southern point of Euboea, now called Cape Mandili. Of. Homer {Odyss., iii. 177).

* The south-eastern point of Laoonia, now called Cape Malia di St. Angelo. It was dreaded by ancient mariners : see Homer [Odyssey, ix. 80) ; Ovid {Armies, ii. 16, 24) ; Vergil (Aeneid, v. 193). There was a say- ing ; — MoX^os Si Kti/M^as iiriXiiBov rCiv olKaSe [Straio, Yiii. p. 250).

78

J.'M

Death of Memnon. 79

time be himself fell ill and died, and his death at that crisis , was exceedingly injurious to the king's interests. Nevertheless Autophradates, and Pharnabazns, son of Artabazus, prosecuted the siege with vigour. To the latter indeed, Memnon, when dying, had entrusted his command, as he was his sister's son, till Darius should come to some decision on the matter. The Mitylenaeans, therefore, being excluded from the land, and being blockaded on the sea by many ships lying at anchor, sent to Pharnabazus and came to the following agree- ment : — That the auxiliary troops which had come to their aid from Alexander should depart, that the citizens should demolish the pillars on which the treaty made by them with Alexander was inscribed,^ that they should become allies of Darius on the terms of the peace which was made with King Darius in the time of Antalcidas,^ and that their exiles should return from banishment on condition of receiving back half the property which they possessed when they were banished. Upon these terms the compact was made between the Mitylenaeans and the Persians. But as soon as Pharnabazus and Auto- phradates once got within the city, they introduced a garrison with Lycomedes, a Ehodian, as its commandant. They also appointed Diogenes, one of the exiles, to be despot of the city, and exacted money from the Mityle- naeans, taking parb of it by violence for themselves from the wealthy citizens, and laying the rest as a tax upon the community.

1 In aooordanee with the convention of Corinth. Compare next chapter. For the pillars compare Herodotus (ii. 102, 106) ; Thucydides V. 18, 47, 5G) ; Aristophanes {Achamians, 727; Ljsistrata, 513).

^ This treaty was concluded by the Spartans with the king of Persia, B.C. 387. It was designed to break up the Athenian supremacy. It • stipulated that all the Grecian colonies in Asia were to be given to the Persian king ; the Athenians- were to retain only Imbros, Lesbos, and Scyros ; and all the other Grecian cities were to be autonomous. See Xenophon {Hellenics, iv. 8 ; v. 1).

80 The Anabasis of Alexander.

CHAPTER II.

The Persians Capture Tenedtjs. — Thet are Defeated

AT Sea. After accomplishing this, Pharnabazus sailed to Lycia, taking with him the Grecian mercenaries ; but Autophra- dates sailed to the other islands. Meantime Darius sent Thymondas, son of Mentor,* down to the maritime dis- tricts, to take over the Grecian auxiliaries from Pharna- hazus and to lead them up to him ; and to tell Pharna- bazus that he was to be the ruler of all that Memnon had ruled. So Pharnabazus handed over to him the Grecian auxiliaries and then sailed to join Autophra- dates and the fleet. When they met, they despatched Datames, a Persian, with ten ships to the islands called Cyclades,* whilst they with 100 sailed to Tenedus.^ Having sailed into the harbour of Tenedus which is called Boreus, they sent a message to the inhabitants, commanding them to demolish the pillars on which the treaty made by them with Alexander and the Greeks was inscribed, and to observe in regard to Darius the terms of the peace which they had ratified with the king of Persia in the time of Antalcidas. The Tenedians pre- ferred to be on terms of amity with Alexander and the Greeks ; but in the present crisis it seemed impossible to save themselves except by yielding to the Persians, since Hegelochus, who had been commissioned by Alex- ander to collect another naval force, had not yet gathered so large a fleet as to warrant them in expecting any speedy succour from him. Accordingly Pharnabazus made the Tenedians comply with his demands rather from fear than good-will.

' Cf. ii. 13 infra.

' " Cyclades ideo sio appellatae, quod omnes ambiunt Delon partu deorum insignem."— ^mmianu», xxii. 8, 2. Cf. Horace {Carm.,i. 14, 19 ; iii. 28, 14).

3 Cf. Vergil (Aeneid, ii. 21).

The Persians Defeated at Sea. 81

Meantime Proteas, son of Andronicus, by command of Antipater,^ succeeded in collecting ships of war from Euboea and the Peloponnese, so that there might be some protection both for the islands and for Greece itself, if the foreigners attacked them by sea, as it was reported they intended to do. Learning that Datames with ten ships was moored near Siphnas,* Proteas set out by night with fifteen from Chalcis on the Euripus/ and approaching the island of Cythnus * at dawn, he spent the day there in order to get more certain informa- tion of the movements of the ten ships, resolving at the same time to fall upon the Phoenicians by night, when he would be likely to strike them with greater terror. Having discovered with certainty that Datames was moored with his ships at Siphnus, he sailed thither while it was still dark, and just at the very dawn fell upon them when they least expected it, and captured eight of the ships, men and all. But Datames, with the other two triremes, escaped by stealth at the beginning of the attack made by the ships with Proteas, and reached the rest of the Persian fleet in safety.

' The regent of Macedonia and Greece during Alexander's absence.

^ One of the Oyclades, a little to the north-east of Melos. It was noted for the low morahty of its inhabitants. See Aristophanes {Frag- ment, 558 ; on the authority of Suidas).

' Buripus properly means any narrow sea, where the ebb and flow of the tide is violent. The name was especially applied to the strait between Boeotia and Euboea, where the ancients asserted the sea ebbed and flowed seven times in the day (Strabo, ix. 1). Modern observers have noticed these extraordinary tides. The present name of the island, Negropont, is the Italian name formed from Egripo, the modern corruption of Euripus. Cf . Cicero, pro Muraena, xvii. :— Quod {return, quern Euripum tot motus, tantas, tarn varias habere putatis agitationes fluctuum, quantas perturbationes et quantos aestus habet ratio comitiorum. Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea, ix. 6 : — tuv toioijtuiv yap ixiva ri, ^ovKiiiara, KoX oi fierafipet &<rirep 'EVpi'iros.

* One of the Oyclades, about half-way between Attica and Siphnus.

82 The Anabasis of Alexander.

CHAPTER in.

AliEXANDEE AT GOEDIUM.

When Alexander arrived at Gordium, he was seized with an ardent desire to go up into the citadel, which con- tained the palace of Gordius aad his son Midas. He was also desirous of seeing the wagon of Gordius and the cord which bound the yoke to the wagon. There was a great deal of talk about this wagon among the neigh- bouring population. It was said that Gordius was a poor man among the ancient Phrygians, who had a small piece of land to till, and two yoke of oxen. He used one of these in ploughing and the other to draw the wagon. On one occasion, while he was ploughing, an eagle settled upon the yoke,^ and remained sitting there until the time came for unyoking the oxen. Being alarmed at the sight, he went to the Telmissian sooth- sayers to consult them about the sign from the deity ; for the Telmissians were skilful in interpreting the mean- ing of Divine manifestations, and the power of divination has been bestowed not only upon the men, but also upon their wives and children from generation to generation. When Gordius was driving his wagon near a certain village of the Telmissians, he met a maiden fetching water from the spring, and to her he related how the sign of the eagle had appeared to him. As she herself was of the prophetic race, she instructed him to returji to the very spot and offer sacrifice to Zeus the king. Gordius requested her to accompany him and direct him how to perform the sacrifice. He offered the sacrifice in the way the girl suggested, and afterwards married her. A son was born to them named Midas, who, when he arrived at the age of maturity, was both handsome and valiant. At this time the Phrygians were harassed by

' iiriTT^vai, a poetical form for i7riirTi<rSat.

Alexander at Oordium. 83

civil discordj and consulting the oracle, they were told that a wagon would bring them a king, who would put an end to their discord.^ "While they were still deliber- ating about this very matter, Midas arrived with his father and mother, and stopped near the assembly with the very wagon in question. They, interpreting the oracular response to refer to him, decided that this was the person whom the god told them the wagon would bring. They therefore appointed Midas king ; and he, putting an end to their discord, dedicated his father's wagon in the citadel as a thank-offering to Zeus the king for sending the eagle. In addition to this the following report was current concerning the wagon, that whosoever could loosen the cord with which the yoke of the wagon was tied, was destined to be the ruler of Asia. , The cord was made of cornel bark, and neither end nor beginning to it could be seen. It is said by some that when Alexander could find out no way to loosen the cord and yet was unwilling to allow it to remain unloosened, lest it should exercise some disturbing influence uponj the multitude, he struck the cord with his sword and cut it through, saying that it had been untied by him. But Aristobulus says that he pulled out the pin of the wagon- pole, which was a wooden peg driven right through it, holding the cord together. Having done this, he drew out the yoke from the wagon-pole. How Alexander performed the feat in connection with this cord, I can- not affirm with confidence. At any rate both he andu his troops departed from the wagon as if the oracular prediction concerning the untying of the cord had been, fulfilled. Moreover, that very night, the thunder and - lightning were signs from heaven of its fulfilment ; and for this reason Alexander offered sacrifice on the follow- ing day to the gods who had revealed the^ signs and

' Cf. Justin, xi. 7.

84 The Anabasis of Alexander.

assured him -tkat tte cord had been untied in a proper way.^

CHAPTER IV.

Conquest of Oappabocia.. — Alexanbee's Illness at Taesus. The next day he sent out to Ancyra ^ in Galatia, where he was met by an embassy from the Paphlagonians, offering to surrender their nation to him and to enter into an alliance with him; but they requested him not to invade their land with his forces. He therefore com- manded them to submit to the authority of Galas, the viceroy of Phrygia. Marching thence into Cappadocia, he subjugated all that part of it which lies on this side of the river Halys/ and much of that which lies beyond it. Having appointed Sabiotas viceroy of Cappadocia, he advanced to the Gates of Cilicia/ and when he arrived at the Camp of Cyrus, who (went) with Xenophon,' and saw that the Gates were occupied by strong guards, he left Parmenio there with the regiments of infantry which were more heavily armed; and about the first watch, taking the shield-bearing guards, the archers, and the Agrianians, he advanced by night to the Gates, in order to fall upon the guards when they least expected it. However, his advance was not unobserved ; but his

' Cf. Curtius, iii. 2 (Zumpt's edition) ; Plutarch (Alexander, 18).

^ Now caEed Angora. In the time of Alexander the country was named Great Phrygia, the term Galatia being afterwards applied to it, from the fact that it was conquered by the Gauls in the 3rd century B.C.

' Now called Kizil-Irmak, i.e. the Bed Eiver. It is the largest river in Asia Minor, and separated the empires of Persia and Lydia, until the conquest of the latter by Cyrus.

* The chief pass over the Taurus between Cappadoeia and Cilioia. It is more than 3,600 feet above the sea-level. Its modern name is Golek- Boghaz. Cf. Curtim, ui. 9-11. It is called Tauri Pylae by Cicero (Epistolae ad Atticum, v. 20, 2).

* See Xenophon (Anabasis, i. 2, 20, 21).

Alexander's -Jllness at Tarsus. 85

\ \

boldness served him equally well, for the guards, per- ceiving that Alexander was advancing in person, deserted their post and set off in flight. At dawn next day he passed through the Gpates with all his forces and de- scended into Cilicia.^ Here he was informed that Arsa- mes had previously intended to preserve Tarsus for the Persians ; but when he heard that Alexander had already passed through the Gates, he resolved to abandon the city J and that the Tarsians were therefore afraid he would turn to plunder their city and afterwards evacuate it. Hearing this, Alexander led his cavalry and the lightest of his light infantry to Tarsus with a forced march ; consequently Arsames, hearing of his start, fled with speed from Tarsus to King Darius without inflicting any injury upon the city.

Alexander now fell ill from the toils he had under- gone, according to the account of Aristobulus ; but other authors say that while he was very hot and in profuse perspiration he leaped into the river Oydnus ^ and swam, being eager to bathe in its water. This river flows through the midst of the city ; and as its source is in mount Taurus and it flows through a clean district, it is \cold and its- water is clear. Alexander therefote was seized with convulsions, accompanied with high fever and continuous sleeplessness. None of the physicians thought he was likely to sur^dve,^ except Philip, an

■ ' CurJius (iii. 11)' says, that Alexander wondeced at his own good fortune, when he observed how easily Aisames might have blocked up the pass. Cyrus the Younger was equally fortunate in finding, this impregnable pass abandoned by Syennesis, king of Cilicia. See Xenophon (Anabasis, i. 2, 21).

' Now called Tersoos-Chai: See Gwrtius, iii. 12 ; Justin, xi. 8 ; and Lucian [De Domo, i.). At Tarsus the emperor Julian was buried. See Ammiamis, zxv. 10, 5.

' Probably none of the physicians would venture to prescribe, for feai of being hdd responsible for his death, which seemed likely to ensue. Nine years after, when Hephaestion died of fever at Ecbatana, Alexander

86 The Anabasis of Alexander.

•Acarnanian, a physician in attendance on the king, and very much trusted by him in medical matters, who also -enjoyed a great reputation in the army in general affairs. This man wished to administer a purgative draught to Alexander, and the king ordered him to administer it. While Philip was pi-eparing the cup, a letter was given to the king from Parmenio, warning him to beware of Philip ; for he heard that the physician had been bribed by Darius to poison Alexander with medicine. But he, having read the letter, and still holding it in his hand, took the cup which contained the medicine and gave Philip the letter to read. While Philip was reading the news from Parmenio, Alexander drank the potion. It was at once evident to the king that the physician was acting honourably in giving the medicine, for he was not alarmed at the letter, but only so much the more exhorted the king to obey all the other prescriptions which he might give, promising that his life would be saved if he obeyed his instructions. Alex- ander was purged by the draught, and his illness then took a favourable turn. He afterwards proved to Philip that he was a faithful friend to him ; and to the rest of those a;bout he proved that he had perfect confidence in his friends by refusing to entertain any suspicion of their fidelity ; and at the same time he showed that he could meet death with dauntless courage.^

caused the physician who had attended him to he crucified. See Arrian, vii. 14 ; Plutarch {Alexander, 72).

' Cf. Curtius, iii. 14-16 ; Diodorus, x^vii. 31 ; Justin, 3d. 8 ; Plutarch {Alex., 19). The barharous conduct of Alexander towards Philotas four years after, when contrasted with his noble confidence in Philip, shows the bad effect of his unparalleled success, upon his moral character.

Alexander at the Tomb of Sardanajpalus. 87

CHAPTER Y,

Alexandeb at the Tomb of Saedanapalus. — Peoceed-

INQS m OiLICIA.

Aptee this he sent Parmenio to the other Gates which separate the land of the Cilicians from that of the As- syriansj in order to capture them before the enemy could do so, and to guard the pass.^ He gave him the allied infantry, the Grecian mercenaries, the Thracians who were under the command of Sitalces, and the Theasalian cavalry. He afterwards marched from Tarsus, and on the first day arrived at the city of Anchialus.^ Accord- ing to report, this city was founded by Sardanapalus the Assyrian;* and both from the circumference and from the foundations of the walls it is evident that a large city had been founded and that it had .reached a great pitch of power. Also near the wall of Anchialus was the monument of Sardanap$,lus, upon the top of which stood the statue of that king with the hands joined to each ■ other just as they are joined for clapping.* An inscrip- tion had been placed upon it in Assyrian characters,' which the Assyrians asserted to be in metre. The mean- ing which the words expressed was this :: — " Sardanapa- lus, son of Anacyndaraxas, built Anchialus and TarSus in one day ; but do thou, 0 stranger, eat, drink, and

1 This pass was called the Syrian Gates, lying between the shore of the Gnlf of Issus and Mount Amanus. Cyrus the Youilger was six days marching from Tarsus through this pass. See Xenophon {Anah., i. 4). The Greeks often gave the name of Assyria to the country usually called by them Syria. The Hebrew name for it is Aram (high-land). Cf. Cicero {ad Diversoi, xv. 4, 4) ; Diod,, xiv. 21.

^ A city of CUicia on the coast, a Little west of the mouth of the Cydnus.

^ Said to have been the last of the Assyrian kings.

* Cf . Strabo (xiv. 5) for a description of this statue.

' This was, doubtless, the arrow-headed writing which has been de- ciphered by Sir Henry Bawlinson. Cf. Herodotus, iv. 87 ; Thucydides, iv. 50.

88 The Anabasis of Alexander.

play, since all other human things are not worth this ! " referring, as in a riddle, to the empty sound which the hands make in clapping. It was also said that the word translated pla/y had been expressed by a more lewd one in the Assyrian language.

From Anchialus Alexander went to Soli,^ into which city he introduced a garrison, and imposed upon the inhabitants a fine of 200 talents of silver,^ because they were more inclined to favour the Persians than himself. Then, having taken three regiments of Macedonian in- fantry, all the archers, and the Agrianians, he marched away thence against the Cilicians, who were holding the mountains ; and in seven days in all, having expelled some by force, and having brought the rest over by composition,, he marched back to Soli. Here he ascer- tained that Ptolemy and Asander ^ had gained the mastery over Orontobates the Persian who was guarding the citadel of Halicamassus, and was also holding Myndus, Caunus, Thera, and Callipolis.* Cos and Triopium " also had been brought into subjection. They wrote to inform him that Orontobates had been worsted in a great battle j that about 700. of his infantry and 50 of his cavalry had been killed, and not less than 1,000 taken prisoners. In Soli Alexander offered sacrifice to Asclepius,^ conducting

' Now called Mezetlu. It was a Bhodian colony on the coast of Cilicia, between the rivers Cydnus and Lamus. It was afterwards re-named . Fompeiopolis. The birthplace of Philemon, Aratus, and Chiysippus.

" About £49,000.

^ Asander was a nephew of Parmenio. He afterwards brought a re- inforcement to Alexander from Greece (Arrian, iv. 7). After the king's death he obtained the rule of Caria, but joining the party of Ptolemy and Gassander, he was defeated by Antigonus, b.c. 313.

* These were Carian cities.

° Cos, the birthplace of ApeUes and Hippocrates, is one of the group of islands called Sporades, off the coast of Oaria. Triopium is the pro- montory terminating the peninsula of Cnidus, the south-west headland of Asia MinOT, Cf. Tilullue, ii. 3, 57 ; Fropertius, i. 2, 1 ; ii. 1, 5 ; Hero- dotus, i. 174.

° Called by the Bomans, Aesculapius. He was the god of the medical

Alexander Advances to Myriandrus. 89

a procession of the entire army, celebrating a torcli race, and superintending a gymnastic and musical contest. He granted the Solians the privilege of a democratical con- stitution ; and then marched away to Tarsus, despatching the cavalry under Philotas to march through the Aleian plain to the river Pyramus.^ But he himself with the infantry and the royal sqaiadron of cavalry came to Magarsus, where he offered sacrifice to the Magarsian Athena. Thence he marched to Mallus, where he rendered to Amphilochus the sacrificial honours due to a hero.^ He also arrested those who were creating a sedition among the citizens,, and thus put a stop to it. He remitted the tribute which they were paying to King Darius, because the Malliotes were a colony of the Ar- gives, and he himself claimed to have sprung from Argos, being a descendant of Heracles.

CHAPTER VI.

Alexander Advances to Mteiandeu&. — Daeius Marches against him.

While he was still at Mallus, he was informed that Darius was encamped with all his forces at Sochi, a place in the land of Assyria, distant about two days' march from the Assyrian Gates. ^ Then indeed he collected the Com- panions and told them what was reported about Darius

art, and no doubt Alexander saorifiteed to him, and celebrated the games, in gratitude for his recovery from the feyer he had had. at Tarsus.

' This plain is mentioned in Homer, vi. 201 ; Herodotus, vi. 95. The large river Pyramus, now called Jihan, falls into the sea near MaUus.

* Mallus was said to have been founded by Amphilochus after the fall of Troy. This hero was the son of Amphiarans, the great prophet of Argos, whom Zeus is said to have made immortal. Magarsus, of Megarsa, was the port of Mallus. The difference of meaning between eietv and ivayl^eiv is seen from Herodotus, ii. 44; Plutarch (Moralia, ii. p. 857 D).

' Usually called the Syrian Gates. See chap. v. note ' supra.

90 The Anabasis of Alexander.

and his army. They urged him to lead them on as they were, without delay. At that time be commended them, and broke up the conference ; but next day he led them forward against Darius and the Persians. On the second day he passed through the Gates and encamped near the city of Myriandrus ; ^ but in the night a heavy tempest and a violent storm of wind and rain occurred which detained him in his camp. Darius, on the other hand, had been spending a long time with his army, having chosen a plain in the land of Assyria which stretches out in every direction, suitable for the immense size of his army and convenient for the evolutions of cavalry. Amyntas, son of Antiochus, the deserter from Alexander, advised him not to abandon this position, because there was plenty of room for the great multitude of the Persians and for the vast quantity of their baggage. So Darius remained. But as Alexander made a long stay at Tarsus on account of his illness, and not a short one at Soli, where he offered sacrifice and conducted his army in procession, and moreover spent some time in marching against the Oilician mountaineers, Darius was induced to swerve from his resolution., He was also not unwilling to be led to form whatever decision was most agreeable to his own wishes; and being influenced by those who gave him the advice which they thought would be pleasant to him, without consideration of its utility (for kings will always have associates to give them bad advice),^ he came to the conclusion that Alexander was no longer desirous of advancing further, but was shrinking from an encounter on learning that Darius himself was marching against him. On all sides they were urging him on, asserting that he would trample down the army of the Macedonians

1 A oity on the Gulf of Issub, being a settlement of the Phoenicians. Herodotus (iv. 38) calls the gulf the Myiiandric Gulf. Cf. Xenophon (Andb., i. 4).

" Cf. Arrian, vii. 29 ; Curtius, viii. 17.

Darius at Issus. 91

■ with his cavahy.i Nevertheless, Amyutas, at any rate, confidently affirmed that Alexander would certainly come to any place where he heard Darius might be ; and he ex- horted him by all means to stay where he was. But the worse advice, because at the immediate time it was more pleasant to hear, prevailed ; moreover he was led by some divine influence into that locality where he derived little advantage from his cavalry and from the sheer number of his men, javelins and bows, and where he could not even exhibit the mere magnificence of his army, but surren- dered to Alexander and his troops an easy victory. For it was already decreed by fate that the Persians should be deprived of the rule of Asia by the Macedonians, just as the Medes had been deprived of it by the Persians, and still earlier the Assyrians by the Medes.

CHAPTER YII.

Dabitjs at Issus. — Alexander's Speech to his Aemt.

Darius crossed the mountain range by what are called the Amanic Gates, and advancing towards Issus, came without being noticed to the rear of Alexander.^ Having reached Issus, he captured as many of the Macedonians as had

' Aeschines tells us in his speech against ' Ctesiphon (p. 552), that the anti-Macedonian statesmen at Athens at this time receiyed letters from their friends, stating that Alexander was caught and pinned Up in Cilioia. He says Demosthenes went about shomng these letters and boasting of the news. Josephus {Antiquities of the Jews, xi. 7, 3) says that " not only Sanballat at Samaria but all those that were in Asia also were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much as come to a battle with the Persians, on account of their multitude."

* There are two passes by which the eastern countries are entered from Cilicia ; one on the south, near the sea, leads into Syria. The other pass lies more to the north, and leads to the country near the Euphrates. The latter was called the Amanic, and the former the Syrian gate. Alexander had just passed through the Syrian gate in order to march against Darius, at the very time that Darius was descending into

92 The Anabasis of Alexamder.

been left behind there on account of illness. These he cruelly mutilated and slew. Next day he proceeded to the river Pinarus. As soon as Alexander heard that Darius was in his rear, because the news did not seem to him trust- worthy, he embarked some of the Companions in a ship with thirty oars, and sent them back, to Issus, to observe whether the report was true.. The men who sailed in the thirty-oared ship, discovered the Persians encamped there more easily, because the sea in this part takes the form of a bay. They therefore brought back word to Alexander that Darius was at hand. Alexander then called together the generals, the commanders of cavalry, and the leaders of the Grecian allies,, and exhorted them to take courage from the dangers which, they had already surmounted, asserting that the struggle would be between themselves who had been previously victorious and a foe who had already been beaten ; and that the deity was acting the part of general on their behalf better than himself, by putting it into the mind of Darius to move his forces from the spacious plain and shut them up in a narrow place, where there was sufficient room, for them to deepen their phalanx by marching from front to rear, but where their vast multitude would be useless- to their enemy in battle. He added that their foes were similar to them neither in strength nor in courage |. for the Macedonians, who had long been practised in warlike toils accompanied with danger, were coming into close conflict with Persians and Medes, men who had become enervated by a long course of luxurious ease i and, to crown all, they, being freemen, were abouit to engage in battle with, men who were slkves. Hfe said, moreover, that the Greeks who were in the two armies would not be fighting for the

Cilioia % the Amanio gate, and oeonpying Issus with his advanced guard.. Alexander, ■who, had reached Myriandrus in Syria, made a countermarch to. meet Darius. Blutaroh {Alex., 20) says that thej missed each other in the night,. whickis quite a mistake

Alexander's Speech to His Army. 93

same objects ; for those with Darius were braving danger for pay, and that pay not high ; whereas, those on their side were voluntarily defending the interests of Greece. Again, of foreigners, the Thracians, Paeonians, lUyrians, and Agrianians, who were the most robust and warlike of men in Europe, were about to be arrayed against the most sluggish and effeminate races of Asia. In addition to all this, Alexander was commanding in the field against Darius. These things he enumerated as evidences of their superiority in the struggle ; and then he began to point out the great rewards they would win from the danger to be incurred. For he told them that on that occasion they would overcome, not merely the viceroys of Darius, nor the cavalry drawn up at the Granicus, nor the 20,000 Grecian mercenaries, but would overcome all the available forces of the Persians and Medes, as well as all the other races subject to them dwelling in Asia, and the Great King present in person. After this con- flict nothing would be left for them to do, except to take possession of all Asia, and to put an end to their many labours. In addition to this, he reminded them of their brilliant achievements in their collective capacity^ in days gone by ; and if any man had individually performed any distinguished feat of valour from love of glory, he mentioned him by name in commendation of the deed.^ He then recapitulated as modestly as possible his own daring deeds in the various battles. He is also said to have reminded them of Xenophon and the ten thousand men who accompanied him, asserting that the latter were in no way comparable with them either in number or in general excellence. Besides, they had had with them neither Thessalian, Boeotian, Peloponnesian, Macedonian, or Thracian horsemen, nor any of the other cavalry which was in the Macedonian army ; nor had they any archers

1 Of. Sallust {Catilina, 59) ; Caesar {Bell. Gall., ii. 35).

94 The Anabasis of Alexander.

or slingers except a few Cretans and Ehodians, and even these were got ready by Xenophon on the spur of the moment in the very crisis of danger.^ And yet even these put the king and all his forces to rout close to Babylon* itself, and succeeded in reaching the Euxine Sea after defeating all the races which lay in their way as they were marching down thither. He also adduced whatever other arguments were suitable for a great commander to use in order to encourage brave men in such a critical moment before the perils of battle. They urged him to lead them against the foe without delay, coming from all sides to grasp the king's right hand, and encouraging him by their promises.

CHAPTER VIII.

AeEANGEMENT 01 THE HoSTILE AeMIES.

Alexander then ordered his soldiers to take their dinner, and having sent a few of his horsemen and archers forward to the Gates to reconnoitre the road in the rear, he took the whole of his army and marched in the night to occupy the pass again. When about midnight he had again got possession of it, he caused the army to rest the remainder of the night there upon the rocks, havin posted vigilant sentries. At the approach of dawn he began to descend from the pass along the road ; and as long as the space was narrow everywhere, he led his army in column, but when the mountains parted so as to leave a plain between them, he kept on opening out the column into the phalanx, marching one line of heavy

' See Xenophon (Anab., iii. 3).

2 At Cunaxa. Xenophon (ii. 2, 6) does not mention the name of the place where the battle was fought, but says that he was informed it was only 360 stadia (about 40 mUes) from Eabylon. We get the name Cunaxa from Plutarch {Life of Artaxerxes, o. 8), who says it was 500 stadia (about 68 miles) from Babylon.

/

Arrangement of the Hostile Armies. 95

armed infantry after another up into line towards the mountain on the right and towards the sea on the left. Up to this time his cavalry had been ranged behind the infantry ; but when they advanced into the open country, he began to draw up his army in order of battle. First, upon the right wing near the mountain he placed his infantry guard and the shield-bearers, under the com- mand of Nicanor, son of Parmenio; next to these the regiment of Ooenus, and close to them that of Perdiccas. These troops were posted as far as the middle of the heavy-armed infantry to one beginning from the right. On the left wing first stood the regiment of Amyntas, then that of Ptolemy, and close to this that of Meleager. The infantry on the left had been placed under the com- mand of Oraterus ; but Parmenio held the chief direction of the "whole left wing. This general had been ordered not to abandon the sea, so that they might not be sur- rounded by the foreigners, who were likely to outflank them on all sides by their superior numbers.^

But as soon as Darius was certified of Alexander's approach for battle, he conveyed about 30,000 of his cavalry and with them 20,000 of his light-armed infantry across the river Pinarus, in order that he might be able to draw up the rest of his forces with ease. Of the heavy armed infantry, he placed first the 30,000 Greek mer- cenaries to oppose the phalanx of the Macedonians, and on both sides of these he placed 60,000 of the men called Oardaces,^ who were also heavy-armed infantry.^ For

' Callistheties the historian, who accompanied Alexander into Asia, states that the breadth of the plain between the mountain and the sea was not more than fourteen stadia, or a little more thaji one English mile and a half. See Polybius, zii. 17.

^ These seem to have been foreign mercenaries. See Polybius, v. 79, 82 ; Strabo, xv. 3. Hesychius says that they were not a nation, but foreigners serving for pay.

' Callisthenes — as quoted in Polybim, xii. 18 — reckoned the Grecian mercenaries of Darius at 30,000, and the cavalry at 30,000. Airian

96 The Anabasis of Alexander.

the place where they were posted was able to contain only this number in a single phalanx.^ He also posted 20j000 men near the mountain on their left and facing Alexander's right. Some of these troops were also in the rear of Alexander's army; for the mountain near which they were posted in one part sloped a great way back and formed a sort of bay, like a bay in the sea, and afterwards bending forwards caused the men who had been posted at the foot of it to be behind Alexander's right wing. The remaining multitude of Darius's light- armed and heavy-armed infantry was marshalled by nations to an unserviceable depth and placed behind the Grecian mercenaries and the Persian army arranged in phalanx. The whole of the army with Darius was said to number about 600,000 fighting men.^

As Alexander advanced, he found that the ground spread out a little in breadth, and he accordingly brought up his horsemen, both those called Companions, and the Thessalians as well as the Macedonians, and posted them with himself on the right wing. The Peloponnesians and the rest of the allied force of Greeks he sent to

enumerates 90,000 heavy-armed, not including the oavaby. Yet Polybius tries to prove that there was not room even for the 60,000 troops men- tioned by CalliBtheneB,

1 " The depth of this single phalanx is not given, nor do we know the exact width of the ground which it occupied. Assuming a depth of sixteen, and one pace in breadth to each soldier, 4,000 men would stand in the breadth of a stadium of 250 paces ; and therefore 80,000 men in a breadth of twenty stadia. Assuming a depth of twenty-six, 6,500 men would stand in the breadth of the stadium, and therefore 90,000 in a total breadth of 14 stadia, which is that given by Kallisthenes. Mr. Kinneir states that the breadth between Mount Amanus and the sea varies between one and a halt mile and three miles." — Grote.

' Diodorm (xvii. 31), and Plutarch (Alea:., 18), give the same number; but Justin (xi. 9) says the Persians numbered 400,000 infantry and 100,000 cavalry. It took five days for them to cross the Euphrates, over bridges of boats (Gurtius, m. 17). The money alone of the king required 600 mules and 300 camels to convey it {Gurtius, iii. 8).

Alexander Changes the Disposition of His Forces. 97

Parmenio on the left. When Darius had marshalled his phalanx, by a pre-concerted signal he recalled the cavalry which he had posted in front of the river' for the express purpose of rendering the arranging of his army easy. Most of these he placed on the right wing near the sea facing Parmenio ; because here the ground was more suitable for the evolutions of cavalry. A certain part of them also he led up to the mountain towards the left. Bat when they were seen to be useless there on account of the narrowness of the ground, he ordered most of these also to ride round to the right wing and join their comrades there. Darius himself occupied the centre of the whole army, inasmuch as it was the custom for the kings of Persia to take up that position, the reason of which arrangement has been recorded by Xeuophon, son of Gryllus.^

CHAPTER IX.

Alexandbe Changes the Disposition of his Forces.

Meantime when Alexander perceived that nearly all the Persian cavalry had changed their ground and gone to his left towards the sea, and that on his side only the Peloponnesians and the rest of the Grecian cavalry were posted there, he sent the Thessalian cavalry thither with speed, ordering them not to ride along before the front of the whole array, lest they should be seen by the enemy to be shifting their ground, but to proceed by stealth in the rear of the phalanx.^ In front of the cavalry on the right, he posted the lancers under the command of Protomachus, and the Paeonians under that of Aristo ; and of the infantry, the archers under the direction of Antiochus, and the Agrianians under that of

1 Cf. Arrian, iii. 11 ; and Xenophon {Anah., i. 8, 21, 22).

2 See Donaldson's New Cratylus, sect. 178.

H

98 The Anabasis of Alexander.

Attains. Some of the cavalry and archers also he drew up so as to form an angle with the centre ^ towards the mountain which was in the rear; so on the right his phalanx had been drawn up separated into two wings, the one fronting Darius and the main body of Persians beyond the river, and the other facing those who had been posted at the mountain in their rear. On the left wing the infantiiiy consisting o£ the Cretan archers and the Thracians under command of Sitalces were posted in front ;. and before these the cavalry towards the left. The Grecian mercenaries were d^awn up as a reserve for all of them. When he perceived that the phalanx to- wards the right was too thin, and it seemed likely that the Persians would outflank him here considerably, he ordered two squadrons of the Companion savalry, viz. the Anthemusian,^ of which Peroedas, son of Menestheus, was captain, and that which was called Leugaean, under the command of Pantordanus, son of Cleander, to proceed from the centre to the right without being seen. Having also marched the archers,, part of the Agrianians and of the Grecian mercenaries up along his right in the front, he extended his phalanx beyond the wing of the Persians. But when those who- had been posted upon- the mountain did not descend, a charge was made by a few of the Agrianians and archers at Alexander's order. By which they were easily put to the rout from the foot of the mountain. As they fled to the summit he decided that he could make use of the raen who had been drawn up to keep thesein check, to fill up the ranks of his phalanx.

'■ Cf. Xenophon [Gyropaedia, vii. 1, 6).

' In describing the battle of Arbela, Arrian mentions eight distinct squadrons of Macedonian heavy cavalry, which was known by the name of the Companions. Among the squadrons several, if not all, were named after partiaular towns or districts of Macedonia, as here, An- themus, and Leuge. We also find mention of the squadrons of Bottiaea, Amphipolis, and Apollonia. See also Arrianf.i. 2 ; i. 12 ; iii. 11.

Battle of Issus. 99

He thought it quite sufficient to post 300 horsemen to watch the men on the mountain.

CHAPTER X.

Battle of Issua. Having thus marshalled his men^ he caused them to rest for some time, and then led them forward', as he thought the enemy's approach was very slow. For Darius was no longer leading the foreigners^ against him, as he had arranged them at first, but he remained in his position, upon the bank of the river, which was in many parts steep and precipitous ; and in certain places, where it seemed more easy to ascend, he extended a stockade along it. By this it was at once evident to Alexander's men that Darius had become cowed in spirit.^ But when the armies at length met in conflict, Alexander rode about in every direction to exhort his troops to show their valour; mentioning with befitting epithets the names, not only of the generals, but also those of the captains of cavalry and infantry, and of the Grecian mercenaries as many as were more distinguished either by rank or merit. From all sides arose a shout not to delay but to attack the enemy. At first he still led them on in close array with measured step, although he had the forces of Darius already in full view, lest by a more hasty march any part of the phalanx should fluctuate from the line ^ and get separated from the rest. But when they came within range of darts, Alexander himself and those around him being posted on the right wing, advanced first- into the river with a run, — ^ .

' Tif -yviiiiTi SeSovKufiLlvos. An expression imitated from Thucydides, iv. 34 ; compare Arrian, iii. 11 ; v. 19 ; vi. 16, where the same words are used of Porus and the Indians.

' Kv/i^pav TTji (piiXayyos. An expression imitated from Xenophon (Anab., i. 8, 18). It is praised by Demetrius (De Elocutione, 84). Kruger reads iKKVfirjvav. Cf. Plutarch (Pompey, 69).

100 The Anabasis of Alexander.

in order to alarm the Persians by the rapidity of their on- set, and by coming sooner to close conflict to receive little damage from the archers. And it turned out just as Alex- ander had conjectured ; for as soon as J;he battle became a hand-to-hand one, the part of the Persian army stationed on the left wing was put to rout ; and here Alexander and his men won a brilliant victory. But the Grecian mercenaries serving under Darius attacked the Mace- donians at the point where they saw their phalanx especially disordered. For the Macedonian phalanx had been broken and disjoined towards the right wing; because Alexander had charged into the river with eager- ness, and engaging in a hand-to-hand conflict was already driving back the Persians posted there ; but the Mace- donians in the centre did not execute their task with equal speed; and finding many parts of the bank steep and precipitous, they were unable to preserve the front of the phalanx in the same line. Here then the struggle was desperate ; the aim of the Grecian mercenaries of Darius being to push the Macedonians back into the river, and regain the victory, though their own forces were already flying; the aim of the Macedonians being not to fall short of Alexander's good-fortune, which was already tmanifest, and not to tarnish the glory of the phalanx, which up to that time had been commonly asserted to be invincible. Moreover the feeling of rivalry which existed between the Grecian and Macedonian races inspired each side in the conflict. Here fell Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, after proving, himself a valiant man, besides about one hundred and twenty other Macedonians of no mean repute.^

1 Cmtim (iii. 29) says that on Alexander's side 504 were wounded, and 182 kiUed. Diodorm (xvii. 36) says, that 450 Macedonians were killed. Jmtin (xi. 9) states that 280 were slain.

Defeat and Fliglit of Darius. 101

CHAPTER XI.

Defeat and Flight of Darius.

Hereupon the regiments on the right wing, perceiving that the Persians opposed to them had already been put to rout, wheeled round towards the Grecian mercenaries of Darius and their own hard-pressed detachment. Hav- ing driven the Greeks away from the river, they extended their phalanx beyond the Persian army on the side which had been broken ; and attacking the Greeks on the flank, were already beginning to cut them up. However the Persian cavalry which had been posted opposite the Thessalians did not remain on the other side of the river - during the struggle, but came through the water and made a vigorous attack upon the Thessalian squadrons.-^ In this plape a fierce cavalry battle ensued ; for the Per- sians did not give way until they perceived that Darius had fled and the Grecian mercenaries had been cut up by the phalanx and severed from them. Then at last the flight of all the Persians was plainly visible. Their horses suffered much injury in the retreat, because the riders ^ were heavily armed ; and the horsemen themselves, being so many in number and retreating in panic terror without any regard to order along narrow roads, were trampled on and injured no less by each other than by the pursuing enemy. The Thessalians also followed them up with vigour, so that no fewer of the cavalry than of the infantry ^ were slaughtered in the flight.

But as soon as the left wing of Darius was terrified and

' Polybius, who lived nearly three centuries before Arrian, oensnrea Callisthenes for asserting that the Persian cavalry crossed the river Pinarus and attacked the Thessalians. Np doubt Arrian received this information from the lost works of Ptolemy and Aristobulus (Poly., xii. 18).

2 &ii^&Trjs is the poetical form of dva'pirvs, the word used by Xenophon, Plato, and other Attic writers. The latter is found only once in Arrian (III. xiii. 5).

' ij T&v veiuv is Martin's emendation for fi us ■irel;uv.

102 The Anabasis of Alexander.

routed by Alexander, and the Persian king perceived that this part of his army was severed from the rest, without any further delay he began to flee in his chariot along with the first, just as he was.^ He was conveyed safely in the chariot as long as he met with level ground in his flight ; but when he lighted upon ravines and other rough ground, he left the chariot there, divesting himself of his shield and Median mantle. He even left his bow in the chariot ; and mounting a horse continued his flight. The night, which came on soon after, alone rescued him from being captured by Alexander; ^ for as long as there was daylight the latter kept up the pursuit at full speed. But when it began to grow dark and the ground before the feet became invisible, he turned back again to the camp, after capturing the chariot of Darius with the shield, the Median mantle, and the bow in it.^ For his pursuit had

' Curtius (iii. 27) and* Dioionts (xvii. 34) give a graphic description of a direct charge made by Alexander upon Darius, and a sanguinary conflict between Alexander's body-guard and the Persian nobles, in which the Great King's horses were wounded and became unmanageable, whereupon Darius got out, mounted a horse, and fled. We learn from Plutarch (Alex., 20) that Chares affirmed Alexander came into hand- to-hand conflict with Darius, and that he received a wound in the thigh from that king's sword. Plutarch says that Alexander wrote to Anti- pater that he had been wounded in the thigh with a dagger, but did not say by whom. He also wrote that nothing serious had resulted from the wound. The account of Arrian is far the most trustworthy. Callis- thenes stated that Alexander made a direct attack upon Darius (Poly- bius, xii. 22). We know from Xenophon that the Persian kings were in the habit of occupying the centre, and that Cyrus directed Clearehus to make the attack against the person of his brother Artaxerxes at the battle of Cunaxa. Polybius seems to have been ignorant of this custom of the Persian kings when he wrote his criticism on the statement of Callisthenes.

2 d^eftero. On this word see Donaldson {New Cratylus, sect. 315). Cf. Aeschylus (Persae, 428) ; Thucydides (iv. 134) ; Xenophon [Hellenics, i. 2, 16).

' The victories of the Greeks and Macedonians over the Persians were materially aided by the pusillanimity of Xerxes and Darius. Compare the conduct of Xerxes at Salamis (Herodotus, viii. 97; Aeschylus, Persae, 465-470, with Mr. Paley's note) and that of Darius at Arbela (Arrian, iii. 14).

Defeat a/iid Flight of Darius. ' 103

been too slow for him to overtake Darius, because, though he wheeled round at the first breaking asunder of the phalanx, yet he did not turn to pursue him until he observed that the Grecian mercenaries and the Persian cavalry had been driven away from the river.

Of the Persians were killed Arsames, Rheomithres, and Atizyes who had commanded the cavalry at the Granicus. Sabaces, viceroy of Egypt, and Bubaces, one of the Persian dignitaries, were also killed, besides about 100,000 of the private soldiers, among them being more than 10,000 cavalry.! So great was the slaughter that Ptolemy, son of Lagus, who then accompanied Alexander, says that the men who were with them pursuing Darius, coming in the pursuit to a ravine, filled it up with the corpses and so passed over it. The camp of Darius was taken forthwith at the first assault, containing his mother, his wife, — who was also his sister, — and his infant son.^ His two daughters, and a few . other women, wives of Persian peers,^ who were in attendance upon them, were likewise captured. For the other Persians happened to have despatched their womea along with the rest of their property to Damascus ; * because Darius had sent to that city the greater part of his money and all the other things which the Great King was in the habit of taking with him as necessary for his luxurious mode of living, even though

' Diodorus (xvii. 36) and Curtius (iii. 29) agree with Arriau as to the number of slain in the army of Darius. Plutarch {Alex., 20) gives the number as 110,000.

^ Justin (xi. 9) agrees with Arrian, that the wife of Darius was also his sister. Grote speaks of the mother, wife, and sister of Darius being cap- tured, which is an error. Diodorus (xvii. 38) and Curtius (iii. 29) say that the son was about six years of age.

' Cf. Xenophon {Cyropaedia,a. X, 3; vii, 5, 85).

' Damascus, — the Hebrew name of which is Dammesek, — a very ancient city in Syria, at the foot of the Antilibanus, at an elevation of 220 feet above the sea, in a spacious and fertile plain about 30 miles in diameter, which is watered by three rivers, two of which are called in the Bible Abaua and Pharpar. It has StiU a population of 150,000. The emperor Jnlian, in one of his letters, calls it " the Bye of all the East."

104 The Anabasis of Alexander.

he was going on a military expedition. The consequence wa,s, that in the camp no more than 3,000 talents^ were captured; and soon after, the money in Damascus was, also seized by Parmenio, who was despatched thither for that very purpose. Such was the result of this famous battle (which was fought) in the month Maimaoterion, when Nicostratus was archon of the Athenians.^

CHAPTER XII. Kind Treatment or Daeius's Family. The next day, Alexander, though suffering from a wound which he had received in the thigh from a sword, visited the wounded, and having collected the bodies of the slain, he gave them a splendid burial with all his forces most brilliantly marshalled in order of battle. He also spoke with eulogy to those whom he himself had recognised performing any gallant deed in the battle, and also to those whose exploits he had learnt by report fully corro- borated. He likewise honoured each of them individually with a gift of money in proportion to his desert.^ He then appointed Balacrus, son of Nicanor, one of the royal body-guards, viceroy of Cilicia ; and in his place among the body-guards he chose Menes, son of Dionysias. In the room of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, who had been killed in the battle, he appointed Polysperchon, son of Simmias, to the command of a brigade. He remitted to the Solians the fifty talents * which were still due of the money imposed on them as a fine, and he gave them back their hostages.

1 About £730,000.

2 B.C. 333 ; end of October or beginning of November.

' Alexander erected three altars on the bank of the Pinarus, to Zeus, Heracles, and Athena (Curtius, iii. 33). Cicero, who was proconsul of Cilicia, speaks of " the altars of Alexander at the foot of Amanus," and says that he encamped there four days (Epistolae ad Diversos, xv. 4).

■• About £12,000.

Kind Treatment of Darius's Family. 105

Nor did. lie treat the mother, wife, and children of Darius with neglect ; for some of those who have written Alexander's history say that on the very night in which he returned from the pursuit of Darius, entering the Persian king's tent, which had been selected for his use, he heard the lamentation of women and other noise of a similar kind not far from the tent. Inquiring therefore who the women were, and why they were in a tent so near, he was answered by some one as follows : — " 0 king, the mother, wife, and children of Darius are lamenting for him as slain, since they have been informed that thou hast his bow and his royal mantle, and that his shield has been brought back." When Alexander heard this, he sent Leonnatus,^ one of his Companions, to them, with injunc- tions to tell them : — " Darius is still alive ; in his flight he left his arms and mantle in the chariot ; and these are the only things of his that Alexander has." Leonnatus entered the tent apd told them the news about Darius, saying, moreover, that Alexander would allow them to retain the state and retinue befitting their royal rank, as well as the title of queens; for he had not undertaken the war against Darius from a feeling of hatred, but he had conducted it in a legitimate manner for the empire of Asia. Such are the statements of Ptolemy and Aris- tobulus. ^ But there is another report, to the effect that on the following day Alexander himself went into the tent, accompanied alone by Hephaestion one of his Com- panions. The mother of Darius,* being in doubt which

' This distinguished general saved Alexander's life in India, in the assault on the city of the Mallians. After the king's death, he received the rule of the lesser or Hellespontine Phrygia. He' was defeated And slain by the Athenians under Antiphilus, against whom he was fighting in alliance with Antipater, B.o. 323. See Diodorui, xviii. 14, 15 ; Plutarch (Phocion, 25).

* Compare Diodorus, xvii. 37, 38 ; Curtius, iii. 29-32.

' Named Sisygambis.

106 The Anahasis of Alexander.

of them was the king (for they had both arrayed them- selves in the same style of dress), went up to Hephaes- tion, because he appeared to her the taller of the two, and prostrated herself before him. But when he drew back, and one of her attendants pointed out Alexander, saying he was the king, she was ashamed of her mistake, and was going to retire. But the king told her she had made no mistake, for Hephaestion was also an Alexander. This I record neither being sure of its truth nor thinking it altogether unreliable. If it really occurred, I commend Alexander for his compassionate treatment of the women, and the confidence he felt in his companion, and the honour bestowed on him ; but if it merely seems pro- bable to historians that Alexander would have acted and spoken thus, even for this reason I think him worthy of commendation.^

CHAPTER XIII.

Flight of Macedonian Deseetees into Egypt. — Pro- ceedings OF Agis, King op Sparta. — Alexander OCCUPIES Phoenicia.

Darius fled through the night with a few attendants ; but in the daytime, picking up as he went along the Persians and Grecian mercenaries who had come safely out of the battle, he had in all 4,000 men under his command.

' In a letter written by Alexander to Parmenio, an extract from which is preserved by Plutarch {Alex., 22), he says that he never saw nor enter- tained the desire of seeing the wife of Darius, who was said to be the most beautiful woman in Asia ; and that he would not allow himself to listen to those who spoke about her beauty. Cf. Ammianus (xxiv. 4, 27), speaking of Julian : " Ex virginibus autem, quae speciosae sunt captae, ut . in Perside, ubi f eminarum pulchritudo excellit, nee contrectare aliquam voluit, nee videre : Alexandrum imitatus et Africanum, qui haec deolinabant, ne frangeretur cupiditate, qui se invictos a laboribus ubique praestiterunt."

Flight of Macedonian Deserters into Egypt. 107

He tten made a forced march towards the city of Thap- sacus^ and the river Euphrates/ iu order to pat that river as soon as possible between himself and Alex- ander. But Amyntas son of Antiochus, Thymondas son of Mentor, Aristomedes the Pheraean, and Bianor the Acarnanian, all being deserters, fled without delay from the posts assigned them in the battle, with about 8,000 soldiers under their command, and passing through the mountains, they arrived at Tripolis in Phoenicia.^ There

' Thapsacus is understood to be identical with the city called Tiphsaoh (passage) in 1 Kings iv. 24; which is there said to have been the eastern boundary of Solomon's empire. It is generally supposed that the modern Deir occupies the site of the ancient Thapsacus ; but it has been discovered that the only ford in this part of the river is at Suriyeh, 165 miles above Deir. This was probably the site of Thapsacus. From the time of Seleucus Nicator the city was called Amphipolis {Pliny, v. 21). See Stephanus of Byzantium, sub voce Amphipolis. Cf . Xenophon {Anabasis, i.4, 11).

2 The Euphrates is the largest river of western Asia, and rises in the mountains of Armenia. It unites with the Tigris, and after a course of 1,780 miles flows into the Persian Gulf. It is navigable by boats for 1,200 miles. The annual inundation, caused by the melting of the snow in the mountains of Armenia, takes place in the month of May. The Euphrates, Tigris, and Eulaeus had formerly three separate outlets into the Persian Gulf; but the three now unite in a single stream, which is called Shat-el-Arab, The Hebrew name for the river which the Greeks called Euphrates, was Perath (rapid stream). It is called in the Bible, the Great River, and the River (Gen. XV. 18 ; Exod. xxiii. 31 ; et passim). In Jeremiah xiii. 4-7, the word Perath stands for Ephrath, another name for Bethlehem ; in our Bible it is mis-tianslated. See Fiirst's Hebrew Lexicon.

^ The term Genaan was applied to the lowland plain from Aradus to Gaza. The northern portion, from Aradus to Carmel, is known to as under its Grecian name of Phoenicia, which is probably derived front the Greek phoinix (a palm-tree), which grew abundantly in the country, and was the emblem of some of its towns. Others derive it from another Greek word phoinix (red dye), which formed one of its most important manufactures. The Phoenicians applied the term Cenaan to their land in contrast to the highlands to the west, which they called Aram (high- land), the Hebrew name for Syria. The country of Phoenicia was 120 miles long and with an average breadth of 12 miles, never exceeding 30 miles. The chief cities of Phoenicia were Tyre, Sidon, Aradus, Byhlus,

108 The Anabasis of Alexander.

they seized tke ships which had been hauled up on shore in which they had previously been transported from Lesbos ; they launched as many of these vessel as they thought sufficient to convey them, and the rest they burnt there in the docks, in order not to supply their enemy with the means of quickly pursuing them. They fled

Berytus, Tripolis, and Aooho or Ptolemais. Its eeBtral position between the eastern and western countries, early developed its commercial power, and its intercourse with foreign nations at an early period produced an advanced state of civilization and refinement. The Phoenicians were a Semitic nation like the Israelites ; and their language bears a remarkable affinity with the Hebrew, as is seen by fragments of the Carthaginian language preserved in Plautus. In an inscription discovered at Marseilles in 1845, out of 94 words 74 were found in the Hebrew Bible. The Phoenicians were asserted by the Greeks to have communicated to them the knowledge of letters ; and this statement is corroborated by the similarity of the Hebrew and ancient Greek letters. Their colonies spread from Cyprus to Crete and the Cyclades, thence to Euboea, Greece, and Thrace. The coasts of Asia Minor and Bithynia were dotted with their settlements, and they carried their commerce into the Black Sea. They also had colonies in SicUy, Sardinia, Iviea, and Spain, where they founded Cadiz. The northern coast of Africa was lined with their colonies, the most flourishing of ^hioh was Carthage, which rose to be" one of the great powers of the world. Strabo says that they had 300 colonies on the western coast of Africa. They visited the coasts of Eng- land for tin ; and thus, to quote the words of Humboldt, " the Tyrian flag waved at the same time in Britain and the India Ocean." Herodotus (iv. 42, 43) says that under the patronage of Neoho, king of Egypt, they circumnavigated Africa ; but he states that he does not believe it was a fact. The reason which he assigns for his disbelief is, that the naviga- tors alleged that the sun was on their right hand, which is the strongest argument in favour of the truth of their statement. In Isaiah xxiii. XI, Phoenicia is called Cenaan, where the English Bible has erroneously, the merchant city. In the Bible the word Genaanim is frequently used for merchants, because the Phoenicians were the principal commercial people of antiquity (Jobxli. 6; Prov. xxxi. 24; IsaiaJi xxiii. 8 ; Hos. xii. 7 ; Zeph. i. 2 ; Zeoh. xiv. 21). Tripolis consisted of three distinct cities, 600 feet apart, each having its own walls, but all united in a common constitution with one place of assembly. These cities were colonies re- spectively of Sidon, Tyre, and Aradus. Tripolis was a flourishing port on a headland whioh is a spur of Lebanon. It is now called Tripoli, and is stiU a large town. See Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Classical Geography.

Proceedings of Agis, King of Sparta. 109

first to Cyprus/ thence to Egypt ; where Amyntas shortly after, meddliag in political disputes, was killed by the natives.

Meantime Pharnabazus and Autophradates were staying near Chios j then having established a garrison in this island they despatched some of their ships to Cos and Halicarnassus, and with 100 of their best sailing vessels they pat to sea themselves and landed at Siphnus. And Agis, king of the Lacedaemonians,^ came to them with one trireme, both to ask for money to carry on the war, and also to urge them to send with him into the Pelo- ponnese as large a force both naval and military as they could. At that very time news reached them of the battle which had been fought at Issus; and being alarmed at the report, Pharnabazus started off to Chios with twelve triremes and 1,500 Grecian mercenaries, for fear that the Chiana might attempt to effect a revolution when they received the news of the Persian defeat. Agis, having received from Autophradates thirty talents of silver * and ten triremes, despatched Hippias to lead these

' The oldest towns in Cyprus, — Citium, Amathus, and Paphus, — were Phoenician oolouies. These were afterwards eclipsed by the Greek colonies, Salamis, Soli, and New Paphus. In Hebrew the island is called Geth, and the inhabitants Oittim. Gesenius says, that upon a Sidonian coin Ceth in Cyprus, which the Greeks called Citium, is de- scribed as a Sidonian colony. Diodorus (xvi. 42) says there were nine kings in Cyprus. It is probable that the kings of the Hittites mentioned in 1 Kings x. 29, were from Cyprus. Also the Hittite women whom Solomon married were probably Cyprians (1 Kings xi. 1). The kinga of the Hittites of whom the Syrians were afraid were also Cypriotes (2 Kings Tii. 6) ; and the land of the Hittites mentioned in Judges i. 26, probably means Cyprus. Josephus, Eusebius, and Jerome understand these passages to refer to Cyprus. In Isaiah xxiii. 1, the land of Cittim refers to Cyprus, which belonged to Tyre, the revolt of which the prophet announced. This revolt is confirmed by Menander {Josephus, ix. 14, 9).

^ Agis III. was ultimately defeated and slain by Antipater, b.o. 330. See Curtius, vi. 1 and 2 ; Grote's Greece, vol. xii. pp. 102-106.

3 About £7,300.

110 The Anabasis of Alexander.

ships to his brother Agesilaus at Taenarum,^ ordering him also to instruct Agesilaus to give full pay to the sailors and then to sail as quickly as possible to Crete/ in order to set things in order there. For a time he himself re- mained there among the islands, but afterwards joined Autophradates at Halicamassus.*

Alexander appointed Menon, son of Cerdimmas, viceroy of Ooele- Syria/ giving him the cavalry of the Grecian

' Now Cape Matapau. Cf. Propertim, iii. 2, 11 ; Tibullus, in. 3, 13 ; Homer {Hymn to Apollo, 411).

^ The Cretans were very early civilized and powerfnl, for we read in Homer of their 100 cities. Before the Trojan war lived the famous king Minos, who is said to have given laws to Crete, and to have been the first potentate who possessed a navy, with which he suppressed piracy in the Aegean Sea. The Cretans gradually degenerated, so that we find in the New Testament St. Paul quoting from their own poet, Epi- menides : "Always liars and beasts are the Cretans, and inwardly sluggish " (Titus i. 12). The lying propensity of the Cretans is proved from the fact that the verb to Gretize, was used in Greek with the meaning " to speak falsely." In Hebrew, Crete is called Caphtor (cypress). It is men- tioned in Jer. xlvii. 4. It was the native land of a tribe of Philistines called Caphtorim (Gen. i. 14; Deut. ii. 28 ; 1 Chron. i. 12). The fact that the FhUistineB came partly from Crete is also affirmed in Amos ix. 7. Another branch of the Philistines came from Casloach in Egypt. The Caphtorim emigrated originally from Egypt to Crete, from which island they were probably driven by the Greeks. Tacitus asserts that the inhabitants of Palestine came from Crete {Historiae, v. 2) ; and the early name of Gaza was Minoa, after the famous king of Crete. Another Hebrew name for Crete is' Cereth, whence the inhabitants were called Cerethim. They are mentioned in Ezek. xxv. 16, and Zeph. ii. 5 ; where the Septuagint and the Syriao have Cretans. We find the Philis- tines, who were partly emigrants from Crete, called Cerethim in 1 Sam. XXX. 14. From among these Cerethim and Philistines David chose his body-guard, which was composed of men skilled in shooting and slinging (2 Sam. viii. 18, xv. 18, xx. 7, 23; 1 Kings i. 38, 44 ; 1 Chron. xviii. 17).

' From Diodorus (xvii. 48) it appears that Agis went personally to Crete, and compelled most of the cities to join the Persian side. We also learn that the deputies of the Greeks assembled at the Isthmian games at Corinth sent an embassy to Alexander to congratulate him on his victory at Issus, and to present him with a golden wreath. (See also Curtius, iv. 22.)

* Coele-Syria, or Hollow Syria, is, in its more limited sense, the country

Darius' s Letter, and Alexander's Reply. Ill

allies to guard the country. He then went in person towards Phoenicia ; and on the march he was met by Strato, son of Gerostratus, king of the Aradians and of the people living near Aradus.^ Bat Gerostratus him- self was serving in the fleet with Autophradates, as were also the other kings both of the Phoenicians and the Cyprians. When Strato fell in with Alexander, he placed a golden crown upon his head, promising to surrender to him both the island of Aradus and the great and pros- perous city of Marathus, situated on the mainland right opposite Aradus ; also Sigon, the city of Mariamme, and all the other places under his own dominion and that of his father.

CHAPTER XIV.

DaEIUS's LlTTEE, AND AlEXANDER's RbPLT.

While Alexander was still in Marathus, ambassadors came bringing a letter from Darius, entreating him to give up to their king his mother, wife, and children. They were also instructed to support this petition by word of mouth. The letter pointed out to him that

between the ranges of Libanus and Anti-Libanus, in which Damascus and Baalbek are situated ; in its wider meaning, it comprises the whole of Northern Syria, in opposition to- the countries of Phoenicia and Palestine.

' Aradus is an island lying two or three miles from the mainland of Phoenicia. According to Strabo, a State was founded in it by refugees from Sidon. For a long time the island was independent, under its own kings ; and even after it fell under the sway of the Macedonian kings of Syria, and subsequently under that of the Eomans, it retained a great deal of its commercial prosperity. Aradus appears in Hebrew under the form Arvad. It is evident from Ezek. xxvii. 8, 11, that its inhabitants were skilful sailors and brave warriors. They sent out colonies to Aradus south of Carmel, the island of Aradus near Crete, and the islands in the Persian gulf. The present name of this island is Ruad. The Aradians inhabited the mainland opposite the island, as well as the island itself.

112 The Anabasis of Alexander.

friendship and alliance had subsisted between Philip and Artaxerxes ; ' and that when Arses, son of Artaxerxes, ascended the throne, Philip was the first to practise in- justice towards him, though he had suffered no injury from the Persians. Alexander also, from the time when Darius began to reign over the Persians, had not sent any one to him to confirm the friendship and alliance which had so long existed, but had crossed over into Asia with his army and had inflicted much injury upon the Persians. For this reason he had come down in person, to defend his country and to preserve the empire of his fathers. As to the battle, it had been decided as seemed . good to some one of the gods. And now he, a king, begged his captured wife, mother, and children from a king ; and he wished to form a friendship with him and become his ally. For this purpose he requested Alexander to send men to him with Meniscus and Arsimas, the messengers who came from the Persians, to receive pledges of fidelity from him and to give them on behalf of Alexandei:.

To this Alexander wrote a reply, and sent Thersippua with the men who had come from Darius, with instruc- tions to give the letter to Darius, but not to converse about anything. Alexander's letter ran thus : " Your ancestors came into Macedonia and the rest of Greece and treated us ill, without any previous injury from us. I, having been appointed commander-in-chief of the Greeks, and wishing to take revenge on the Persians, crossed over into Asia, hostilities being begun by you. For you sent aid to the Perinthiansj* whd were dealing un- justly with my father; and Ochus sent forces into Thrace, which was under our rule. My father was killed by

' Artaxerxes Ochus reigned b.o. 359-338.

' Perinthus was a Samian colony on the Propontis. For the siege by Philip, see Diodorus, xvi. 74-76.

^y

Darius' s Letter, and Alexander's Reply. 113

conspirators wliom you instigated, as you have yourself boasted to all in your letters ; ^ and after slaying Arses, as well as Bagoas, and unjustly seizing the throne con- trary'to the law of the Persians/ aind ruling your subjects unjustly, you sent unfriendly letters about me to the Greeks, urging them to wage war with me. You have also despatched money to the Lacedaemonians, and cer- tain other Greeks ; but none of the States received it, except the Lacedaemonians.^ As your agents destroyed my friends, and were striving to dissolve the league which I had formed aniong the Greeks, I took the field against you, because you were the party who commenced the hostility. Since I have vanquished your generals and viceroys in the previous battle, and now yourself and your forces in like manner, I am, by the gift of the gods, in possession of your land. As many of the men who fought in your army as were not killed in the battle, but fled to me for refuge, I am protecting ; and they are with me, not against their own will, but they are serving in my army as volunteers. Come to me therefore, since I am lord of

^ Impartial historians deny that Philip's murderers were bribed ; they committed the murder from private resentment.

2 Oohus was poisoned about b.o. 338, by the eunuch Bagoas, who placed upon the throne Arses, one of the king's sons, killing all the rest. Cf. Aeliau {Varia Historia, yi. 8). Two years afterwards, Bagoas put Arses and all his children to death ; thus leaving no direct heir of the regal family alive. He then placed upon the throne one of his adhe- rents, named Darius Codomaunus, a descendant of one of the brothers of Artaxerxes Mnemon. Bagoas soon afterwards tried to poison this Darius ; but the latter, discovering his treachery, forced him to drink the deadly draught himself (Diod., xvii. 5 ; Justin., x. 3). From Arrian, Hi. 19, we learn that Bistanes, a son of Ochus, was alive after the battle of Arbela.

' Aeschines, in his speech against Ctesiphon (p. 634), asserts that Darius sent 300 talents to Athens, that the Athenians refused them, and that Demosthenes took them, reserving 70 talents for his own private use. Deinarchus repeats this statement in his speech against Demosthenes, (pp. 9-14). If Demosthenes had really acted thus, it is strange Alexander knew nothing about it.

I

■'114 The Anabasis of Alixander.

all Asia ; but if you are afraid you may sufifer any harah treatment from me in case you come to me, send some of your friends to receive pledges of safety from me. Come to me then, and ask for your mother, wife, and children, and anything else you wish. For whatever you ask for you will receive ; and nothing shall be denied you. But for the future, whenever you send to me, send to me as the iking of Asia, and do not address to me your wishes as to an equal ; but if you are in need of anything, speak to me as to the man who is lord of all your territories. If you act otherwise, I shall deliberate concerning you as an evil-doer ; and if you dispute my right to the king- dom,, stay and fight another battle for it ; but do not run away. For wherever you may be, I intend to march against you." This is the letter which he sent to Darius.

CHAPTER XV.

Alexandeb's Treatment op the Captdbed Greek Am- bassadors.— Submission op Btblus and Sidon.

When Alexander ascertained that all the money which Darius had sent oflf to Damascus with Cophen, son of Artabazus, was captured, and also that the Persians who had been left in charge of it, as well as the rest of the royal property, were taken prisoners, he ordered Par- menio to take the treasure back to Damascus, and there guard it.^ When he also ascertained that the Grecian ambassadors who had reached Darius before the battle had likewise been captured, he ordered them to be sent to him.^ They were Euthycles, a Spartan ; Thessaliscus,

' This statement of Arrian is confirmed by Curtius (ill. 34), who says that Parmenio captured the treasure, not in the city, but from fugitives who were conveying it away.

' In giving the names of the captured Grecian envoys, Curtius (iii. 36) seems to have confounded this with a future occasion, mentioned in Arrian (iii. 24).

The Submission of Byhlus and Sidon. 115

son of Ismenias, and Dionysodorus, a victor in the Olympic games, Thebans ; and Iphicrates, son of Iphi- crates the general, an Athenian.^ When these men came to Alexander, he immediately released Thessaliscus and Dionysodorus, though they were Thebans, partly out of compassion for Thebes, and partly because they seemed to have acted in a pardonable manner. For their native city had been reduced to slavery by the Macedonians, and they were trying to find whatever succour they could for themselves and perhaps also for their native city from Darius and the Persians. Thinking thus compassionately about both of them, he released them, saying that he dismissed Thessaliscus individually out of respect for his pedigree, for he belonged to the ranks of the distinguished men of Thebes. Dionysodorus also he released because he had been conqueror at the Olympic games ; and he kept Iphricrates in attendance on himself as long as he lived, treating him with special honour both from friend- ship to the city of Athens and from recollection of his father's glory. When he died soon after from sickness, he sent his bones back to his relations at Athens. But Buthycles at first he kept in custody, though without fetters, both because he- was a Lacedaemonian of a city at that time openly and eminently hostile to him, and because in the man as an individual he could find nothing to warrant his pardon. Afterwards, when he met with great success, he released even this man also.

He set out from Marathus and took possession of Byblus' on terms of capitulation, as he did also of

1 The great Iphioratea had been adopted by Alexander's grandfather, as is stated in a note on Book I. chap. 23.

2 Byblua is said by Straho (xvi. 2) to have been situated on a height not far from the sea. It was reported to be the oldest city in the world. It possessed a considerable extent of territory, including Berytus, and was an independent State for a long period, the last king being deposed by Pompey. On a Byblus coin of Alexander's time appears the name

116 . The Anabasis of Alexander.

Sidon,^ the inhabitants of which spontaneously invited him from hatred of the Persians and Darius.^ Thence he advanced towards Tyre ;* ambassadors from which city,

Einel, which is the king Enylus mentioned by Arrian (ii. 20). Byblns was the chief seat of the worship of Adonis, or Thammuz, who was supposed to have been born there. In the Bible it appears under its Hebrew name Gebal (mountain-district). The inhabitants of Gebal are said in Ezek. zxvii. 9 to have been skilled in building ships. In Josh, xiii. 5 the northern boundary of the Holy Land is said to reach as far as the laud of the Giblite,'ox inhabitant of Gebal. In 1 Kings v. 18 the word translated in our Bible sUme-squarers ought to be rendered Giblitet. The Arabs stiU call the place JebaU. Cf. Milton (Paradise Lost, viii. 18).

' Sidon, or in Hebrew Tsidon (fortress), is called in Gen. x. 15, 19 the firstborn son of Canaan, i.e. it was the first city founded by the Oanaan- ites or Phoenicians. It lay about twenty miles south of Tyre, on a small promontory two miles south of the river Bostremus. We read in Homer that it was famous for its embroidered robes and metal utensils, and from other ancient writers we find that it manufactured glass and linen and also prepared dye's. Before the time of David it fell under the rule of Tyre ; but when Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, invaded Phoenicia, it revolted from Tyre and submitted to the invader. It was governed by its own kings under the Babylonian and Persian empires ; and under the latter power it reached its highest prosperity, surpassing Tyre in wealth and importance. In the expedition of Xerxes against Greece, the Sidonians furnished the best ships in the whole fleet, and their king obtained the highest place under Xerxes in the council. But they re- volted against Ochns, king of Persia, and being betrayed to bim by their own king Tennes, they burnt their city and ships. It is said that 40,000 persons perished in the fire and by the sword, B.C. 351. (Diodorus, xvi. 43-45). No doubt this barbarous treatment of Ochus induced the Sidon- ians to take the side of Alexander. The city was already built and again flourishing when that king appeared on the scene. Near the site of the ancient city is the present town of Saida, with a population of about 5,000. Cf. Homer [Iliad, vi. 289 ; xxiii. 741) ; Lvean, iii. 217.

' At Sidon, Alexander deposed the reigning king Strato, a friend of the Persians ; and a poor man, named Abdalonymns, distantly related to the regal family, was put into his place (Curtim, iv. 3, 4). Diodorus (xvii. 47) tells the same story, but appUes it to Tyre, probably by mistake.

3 The Hebrew name for Tyre is Tsor (rock). In Isa. xxiii. 4 it is called the fortress of the sea ; and in ver. 8, " Tsor, the crowning one," because Tyre gave rulers to the Phoenician cities and ooloniee. Valuable information about the power, trade, and customs of Tyre is derived from Ezek. xxvi-xxviii. ; and we learn the fact that she employed mercenaries like her colony Carthage (Ezek. zxvii. 10, 11). In the classical writers

The Worship of Hercules in Tyre. 117

despatched by the commonwealth, met him on the march, announcing that the Tyrians had decided to do whatever he might command.^ He commended both the city and its ambassadors, and ordered them to return and tell the Tyrians that he wished to enter their city and oflFer sacri- fice to Heracles. The son of the king of the Tyrians was one of the ambassadors, and the others were conspicuous men in Tyre; but the king Azemilcus " himself was sailing with Autophradates.

CHAPTBE XVI.

The Woeship oi Hercules in Tyee. — The Tyeuns Refuse to Admit Alexandee.

The reason of this demand was, that in Tyre there existed a temple of Heracles/ the most ancient of all those which are mentioned in history. It was not dedicated to the Argive Heracles, the son of Alcmena; for this Heracles was. honoured in Tyre many generations before Cadmus set out from Phoenicia and occupied Thebes, and before Semele, the daughter of Cadmus, was born, from whom Dionysus, the son of Zeus, was born. This Dionysus

the name ia corrupted into Tyrus, and sometimes into Sarra. Tyre was unsuccessfully besieged for five years by Shalmaneser. It was also be- sieged for thirteen years by Nebuchadnezzar, and in the end an alliance was formed, by which the Tyrians retained their own king as a vassal of the king of Babylon. This arrangement was continued under the kings of Persia.

^ Curtius (iv. 7) tells us that the envoys also brought to Alexander a golden wreath, together with abundant supplies for his army.

^ This king must have brought home his ships for the defence of Tyre, for he was in the city when it was captured. See chap. 24.

' The Phoenician god Melkarth (lord of the city), whom the Syrians called Baal (lord), was supposed to be identical with the Grecian Heracles, or Hercules, who was the mythical ancestor of the Macedonian kings. Curtius (iv. 7) tells us that Alexander affirmed he had been ordered by an oracle to sacrifice in Tyre to Heracles. Gesenius informs us that a Maltese inscription identifies the Tyrian Melkarth with Heracles.

118 The Anabasis of Alexander.

would be third from Cadmus, being a contemporary of Labdacus, son of Polydorus, the son of Cadmus ; and the Argive Heracles lived about the time of Oedipus, son of Laius.i The Egyptians also worshipped another Heracles, not the one which either the Tyrians or Greeks worship. But Herodotus says that the Egyptians considered Heracles to be one of the twelve gods,^ just as the Athenians worshipped a different Dionysus, who was the son of Zeus and Core ; and the mystic chant called lacchus was sung to this Dionysus, not to the Theban. So also I think that the Heracles honoured in Tartessus* by the Iberians, where are certain pillars named after Heracles, is the Tyrian Heracles ; for Tartessus was a colony of the PhcEnicians, and the temple to Heracles there was built and the sacrifices offered after the usage of the Phoenicians. Hecataeus the historian* says Gery- ones, against whom the Argive Heracles was despatched by Eurystheus to drive his oxen away and bring them to Mycenae, had nothing to do with the land of the Iberians ; ^ nor was Heracles despatched to any island

' Who was the son of Labdacus.

^ See Herodotus, ii. 43, 44.

' The district comprising all the south-west of Spain outside the pillars of Heracles, or Straits of Gibraltar, was called Tartessis, of which the chief city was Tartessus. Here the Phoenicians planted colonies, one of which still remains under the name of Cadiz. The Bomans called the district Baetica, from the principal river, the Baetis or GuadalquiTir. The Hebrew name for this region is Tarshish, of which Tartessus is the Greek form. Tarshish was the station for the Phoenician trade with the West, which extended as far as Cornwall. The Tyrians fetched from this locality silver, iron, lead, tin, and gold (Isa. xxiii. 1, 6, 10, Ixvi. 19 ; Jer. X. 9 ; Ezek. xxyii. 12, xxxviii. 13). Martial, Seneca, and Avienus, the first two of whom were Spaniards, understood Tartessus to stand for the south- west of Spain' and Portugal. The word Tarshish probably means sea-coast, from the Sanscrit tarischa, the sea. Ovid (Met., xiv. 416) ; Martial, viii. 28 ; Siliiis, xiii. 673.

* Of MUetus. Herodotus knew his writings well, but they have not come down to us. See Herod, (ii. 143 ; v. 36 and 125).

' The Iberians were originally called Tibarenes, or Tibari. They dwelt

The Tyrians Refuse to Admit Alexander. 119

called Erythia ^ outside the Great Sea ; but that Geryones was king of the mainland (Bpirus) around Ambracia * and. the Amphilochiansj that Heracles drove the oxen from this Epirus, and that this was deemed no mean task. I know that to the present time this part of the mainland is rich in pasture land and rears a very fine breed of oxen ; and I do not think it beyond the bounds of probability that the fame of the oxen from Epirus, and the name of the king of Bpirus, Geryones, had reached Eurystheus. But I do not think that Eurystheus would know the name of the king of the Iberians, who were the remotest nation in Europe, or whether a fine breed of oxen grazed in their land, unless some one, by introducing Hera into the ac- count, as herself giving these commands to Heracles through Eurystheus, wished, by means of the fable, to disguise the incredibility of the tale.

To this Tyrian Heracles, Alexander said he wished to offer sacrifice. But when this message was brought to Tyre by the ambassadors, the people passed a decree to obey any other command of Alexander, but not to admit into the city any Persian or Macedonian ; thinking that under the existing' circumstances, this was the most specious answer, and that it would be the safest course for them to pursue in reference to the issue of the war, which was still uncertain.^ When the answer from Tyre

on the east of the Black Sea, and west of Colchis, whence they emigrated to Spain. This nation is called Tubal in the Hebrew Bible ; in Isa.' , Ixvi. 19 the Iberians of western Europe are referred to.

1 An island near Cadiz, now called Leon. Cf. Hesipd (Theogonia, . 287-294) ; Herodotus, iv. 8.

2 Now called Arta.

' Arrian omits to mention that the Tyrians pointed out to him that his wish to sacrifice to Hercules might be gratified without entering their city, since at Palaetyrus, on the mainland, separated from Tyre only by a narrow strait, was a temple of that deity more ancient than that in Tyre. See Curtius, iv. 7 ; Justin, xi. 10. We learn from Arrian, i. 18, that when Alexander offered sacrifice to the Ephesian Diana he marched to the temple with his whole army in battle array. No doubt it was

120 The Anabasis of .Alexander.

was brought to Alexander, he sent the ambassadors back in a rage. He then summoned a council of his Com- panions and the leaders of his army, together with the captains of infantry and cavalry, and spoke as follows : —

CHAPTER XVII.

Speech op Albxandbe to his Officers.

" Feiends and allies, I see that an expedition to Egypt will not be safe for us, so long as the Persians retain the sovereignty of the sea ; nor is it a safe course, both for other reasons, and especially looking at the state of matters in Greece, for us to pursue Darius, leaving in our rear the city of Tyre itself in doubtful allegiance, and Egypt and Cyprus in the occupation of the Persians. 1 am apprehensive lest while we advance with our forces towards Babylon and in pursuit of Darius, the Persians should again forsooth conquer the maritime districts, and transfer the war into Greece with a larger army, con- sidering that the Lacedaemonians are now waging war against us without disguise, and the city of Athens is restrained for the present rather by fear than by any good-will towards ns. But if Tyre were captured, the whole of Phoenicia would be in our possession, and the fleet of the Phoenicians, which is the most numerous and the best in the Persian navy, would in all probability come over to us. For the Phoenician sailors and marines will not put to sea in order to incur danger on behalf of others, when their own cities are occupied by us. After this, Cyprus will either yield to us without delay, or will be captured with ease at the mere arrival of a naval force J and then navigating the sea with the ships from Macedonia in conjunction with those of the Phoenicians,

this kind of thing the Tyrians objected to. Alexander actually did the game at Tyre tlf ter its capture. (See chapter 24.)

Siege of Tyre. 121

Cyprus at the same time coming over to us, we shall acquire the absolute sovereignty of the sea, and at the same time an expedition into Egypt will become an easy matter for us. After we have brought Egypt into sub- jection, no anxiety about Greece and our own land will any longer remain, and we shall be able to undertake the expedition to Babylon with safety in regard to affairs at home, and at the same time with greater reputation, in consequence of having cut off from the Persian empire all the maritime provinces and all the land this side of the Euphrates."

CHAPTER XVIII.

Siege op Ttee. — Consteuction of a Mole pbom the Mainland to the Island.

By this speech he easily persuaded his officers to make an attempt upon Tyre. Moreover he was encouraged by a divine admonition, for that very night in his sleep ^ he seemed to be approaching the Tyrian walls, and Heracles seemed to take him by the right hand and lead him up into the city. This was interpreted by Aristander ' to mean that Tyre would be taken with labour, because the deeds of Heracles were accomplished with labour. Cer- tainly, the siege of Tyre appeared to be a great enter- prise ; for the city was an island ' and fortified all round with lofty walls. Moreover naval operations seemed at that time more favourable to the Tyrians, both because the Persians still possessed the sovereignty of the sea and many ships were still remaining with the citizens themselves. However, as these arguments of his had

' For this use of Mirnov, cf. Homer (Iliad, ii. 56) ; Aristophanes {Wasps, 1218).

' Cf. Arrian, i. 11 and 25 supra.

' The island was about half a mile from the mainland, and about a mile in length.

122 The Anabasis of Alexander.

prevailed, lie resolved to construct a mole from tte main- land to the city.^ The place is a narrow strait full of pools ; and the part of it near the mainland is shallow water and muddy, but the part near the city itself, where was the deepest part of the channel, was the depth of about three fathoms. But there was an abundant supply of stones and wood, which they put on the top of the stones.** Stakes were easily fixed down firmly in the mud, which itself served as a cement to the stones to hold them firm. The zeal of the Macedonians in the work was great, and it was increased by the presence of Alexander himself, who took, the lead^ in everything, now rousing the men to exertion by speech, and now by presents of money, lightening the labour of those who were toiling more than their fellows from the desire of gaining praise for their exertions. As long as the mole was being constructed near the mainland, the work made easy and rapid progress, as the material was poured into a small depth of water^.and there was no one to hinder them ; but when they beg^^n to approach the deeper water, and at the same time came near the city itself, they suffered severely, being assailed with missiles from the walls, which were lofty, inasmuch as they had been expressly equipped for work rather than for fighting. Moreover, as the Tyrians still retained command of the sea, they kept on sailing with their triremes to various parts of the mole, and made it impossible in many places for the Macedon- ians to pour in the material. But the latter erected two towers upon the mole, which they had now projected over a long stretch of sea, and upon these towers they placed engines of war. Skins and prepared hides served

' We learn from Diodorus (x-vii. 40) that the breadth of this mole was about 200 feet.

' Curtius (iv. 10) says that the timber was procured from Lebanon, and the stones from Old Tyre on the mainland.

^ Cf. Polyaenus (iy. 3).

The Siege of Tyre. 123

as coverings in front of them, to prevent them being struck by fire-bearing missiles from the wall, and at the same time to be a screen against arrows to those who were working. It was likewise intended that the Tyrians who might sail near to injure the men engaged in the construction of the mole should not retire easily, being assailed by missiles from the towers. ,

CHAPTER XIX.

The Siege op Ttee. BoT to counteract this the Tyrians adopted the following contrivance. They filled a vessel, which had been used for transporting horses, with dry twigs and other com- bustible wood, fixed two masts on the prow, and fenced it round in the form of a circle as large as possible, so that the enclosure might contain as much chaff and as many torches as possible. Moreover they- placed upon this vessel quantities of pitch, brimstone, and whatever else was calculated to foment a great flame.^ They also stretched out a double yard-arm upon each mast ; and from these they hung caldrons into which they had poured or cast materials likely to kindle flame which would extend to a great distance. They then put ballast into the stern, in order to raise the prow aloft, the vessel being weighed down abaft.^ Then watching for a wind bearing towards the mole, they fastened the vessel to some triremes which towed it before the breeze. As soon as they approached the mole and the towers, they threw fire among the wood, and at the same time ran the vessel, with the triremes,, aground as violently as possible, dashing against the end of the mole. The men

■ Cf. CsBsar {Bell. Gall.,\ni 24) — ^reliquasque res, quibus ignis excitari potest, fundebant. Kruger has unnecessarily altered iirl raihri into ir airiiv (i.e. vpifpav).

' Curtius (iv. 12) says that the stern was loaded with stones and sand.

124 The Anabasis of Alexander.

in the vessel easily swam away, as soon as it was set on fire. A great flame soon caught the towers ; and the yard-arms being twisted round poured out into the fire the materials that had been prepared for kindling the flame. The men also in the triremes tarrying near the mole kept on shooting arrows into the towers, so that it was not safe for men to approach in order to bring materials to quench the fire. Upon this, when the towers had already caught fire, many men hastened from the city, and embarking in light vessels, and striking against various parts of the mole, easily tore down the stockade which had been placed in front of it for protec- tion, and burnt up all the engines of war which the fire from the vessel did not reach.^ But Alexander began to construct a wider mole from the mainland, capable of containing more towers; and he ordered the engine- makers to prepare fresh engines. While this was being performed, he took the shield-bearing guards and the Agrianians and set out to Sidon, to collect there all the triremes he could ; since it was evident that the success- ful conclusion of the siege would be much more difficult to attain, so long as the Tyrians retained the superiority at sea.'

CHAPTEE XX.

Ttee Bbsikgkd by Sea as well as Land.

Abotjt this time Gerostratus, King of Aradus, and Enylus, King of Byblus, ascertaining that their cities were in the possession of Alexander, deserted Autophradates and the fleet under his command, and came to Alexander

' Diodorus (xvii. 42) and Curtim (iv. 12) say that a great tempest helped to demolish the palisade.

2 We learn from Josephus {Antiquities of the Jews, ix, 14), on the authority of Menander, that when Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, four centuries before Alexander's time, besieged Tyre, the other Phoenicians supplied him with ships in like manner.

Tyre Besieged hy Sea as well as Land. 125

with their naval force, accompanied by the Sidonian triremes ; so that about eighty Phoenician ships joined him. About the same time triremes also came to him from Ehodes, both the one called Peripolus} and with it nine others. From Soli and Mallus also came three, and from Lycia ten; from Macedonia also a ship with fifty oars, in which sailed Proteas, son of Andronicus.* Not long after, too, the kings of Cyprus put into Sidon with about one hundred and twenty ships, when they heard of the defeat of Darius at Issus, and were terrified, be- cause the whole of Phoenicia was already in the possession of Alexander. To all of these Alexander granted in- demnity for their previous conduct, because they seemed to have joined the Persian fleet rather by necessity than by their own choice. While the engines of war were being constructed for him, and the ships were being fitted up for a naval attack on the city and for the trial of a sea-battle, he took some squadrons of cavalry, the Agrianians and archers, and made an expedition into the range of mountains called Anti-Libanus.^ Having sub- dued some of the mountaineers by force, and dpawn others over to him by terms of capitulation, he returned to Sidon in ten days.* Here he found Oleander, son of Polemocrates, just arrived from Peloponnesus, having 4,000 Grecian mercenaries with him.^

' This was a state vessel, or gnardship, similar to the Paralus and Salaminia at Athens. See Alciphron, Bk. I. Epistle 11, with Bergler's note. •

^ See Arrian, ii. 2 supra;

' Gurtivx (iv. 11) says that abont thirty of the Macedonians collecting timber in Lebanon were killed by a party of wild Arabs, and that a few were also captured by them. Lebanon is a Hebrew word meaning white, like Alpes. It was so called on account of its white cUfCs, just as Britain is called by Aristotle, Albion, the Celtic for white.

■* Plutarch (Life of Alexander, 24) gives us, on the authority of Chares, some details of daring valour on the parti of Alexander in this expedition.

* Cleauder was put to death by Alexander for oppression in exercising his duties as governor of Media. See Arrian, vi. 27 infra.

126 The Anabasis of Alexander.

When his fleet had been arranged in due order, he embarked upon the decks as many of his shield-bearing guards as seemed sufficient for his enterprise, unless a sea-battle were to be fought rather by breaking the enemy's line ^ than by a close convict. He then started from Sidon and sailed towards Tyre with his ships arranged in proper order, himself being on the right wing which stretched out seaward ; and with him were the kings of the Cyprians, and all those of the Phoenicians except Pnytagoras, who with Craterus was commanding the left wing of the whole line. The Tyrians had previously resolved to fight a sea-battle, if Alexander should sail against them by sea. But' then with surprise they beheld the vast multitude of his ships ; for they had not yet learnt that- Alexander had all the ships of the Cyprians and Phoenicians. At the same time they were surprised to see that he was sailing against them with his fleet arranged in due order; for Alexander's fleet a little before it came near the city, tarried for a while out in the open sea, with the view of provoking the Tyrians to come out to a battle ; but afterwards, as the enemy did not put out to sea against them, though they were thus arranged in line, they advanced to the attack with a great dashing of oars. Seeing this, the Tyrians decided not to fight a battle at sea, but closely blocked up the passage for ships with as many triremes as the mouths of their harbour would contain, and guarded it, so that the enemy's fleet might not find an anchorage in ajiy of the harbours.

As the Tyrians did not put out to sea against him, Alexander sailed near the city, but resolved not to try to force an entrance into the harbour towards Sidon on account of the narrowness of its mouth ; and at the same

' In regard to this manoeuvre, see Herodotus, yi. 12 ; Thucydides, i. 49, with Arnold's note.

Siege of Tyre. 127

time because he saw that the entrance had been blocked up with many triremes having their prows turned to- wards him. But the Phoenicians fell upon the three tri- remes moored furthest out at the mouth of the harbour, and attacking them prow to prow, succeeded in sinking them. However, the men in the ships easily swam off to the land which was friendly to them. Then, indeed, Alexander moored his ships along the shore not far from the mole which had been made, where there appeared to be shelter from the winds ; and on the following day he ordered the Cyprians with their ships and their admiral Andromachus to moor near the city opposite the harbour which faces towards Sidon, and the Phoenicians opposite the harbour which looks towards Egypt, situated on the other side of bhe mole, where also was his own tent.

CHAPTER ZXI.

Siege op Tyee.

He had now collected many engineers both from Cyprus and the whole of Phoenicia, and many engines of war had been constructed,^ some upon the mole, others upon vessels used for transporting horses, which he brought with him from Sidon, and others upon the triremes which were not fast sailers. When all the preparations had been completed they brought up the engines of war along the mole that had been made and also began to shoot from ships moored near various parts of the wall and making trial of its strength. The Tyrians erected! wooden towers on their battlements opposite the mole; from which they might annoy the enemy; and ifi the engines of war were brought near any other part, they defended themselves with missiles and shot at

' avfiTreTiiyfi4iiai : — "In the best authors iriiniya, is used as the perf. pass, of TTTiyvv/u " {Liddell d: Scott). Cf. v. 12, 4 ; 24, 4, infra.

128 The Anabasis of Alexander.

the very ships with fire-bearing arrows, so that they deterred the Macedonians from approaching the wall.' Their walls opposite the mole were about one hundred and fifty feet high, with a breadth in proportion, and constructed with large stones imbedded in gypsum. It was not easy for the horse-transports and the triremes of the Macedonians, which were conveying the engines of war up to the wall, to approach the city, because a great quantity of stones hurled forward into the sea pre- vented their near assault. These stones Alexander deter- mined to drag out of the sea; but this was a work accomplished with great diflBculty, since it was performed from ships and not from the firm" earth; especially as the Tyrians, covering their ships with mail, brought them alongside the anchors of the triremes, and cutting the cables of the anchors underneath, made anchoring im- possible for the enemy's ships. But Alexander covered many thirty- oared vessels with mail in the same way, and placed them athwart in front of the anchors, so that the assault of the ships was repelled by them. But, notwithstanding this, divers under the sea secretly cut their cables. The Macedonians then used chains to their anchors instead of cables, and let them down so that the divers could do no more harm. Then, fastening slip- knots to the stones, they dragged them out of the sea from the mole ; and having raised them aloft with cranes, they discharged them into deep water, where they were no longer likely to do injury by being hurled forward. The ships now easily approached the part of the wall where it had been made clear of the stones which had been hurled forward. The Tyrians being now reduced to great straits on all sides, resolved to make an attack on the Cyprian ships, which were moored opposite the harbour turned towards Sidon. For a long time they spread sails across the mouth of the harbour, in order that the filling of the triremes might not be discernible ;

''W^'

Siege of Tyre. 129

and about the middle of the day, when the sailors were scattered in quest of necessaries, and when Alexander usually retired from the fleet to his tent on the other side of the city, they filled three quinqueremes, an equal number of quadriremes and seven triremes with the most expert complement of rowers possible, and with the best- armed men adapted for fighting from the decks, together with the men most daring in naval contests. At first they rowed out slowly and quietly in single file, moving forward the handles of their oars without any signal from the men who give the time to the rowers ^ ; but when they were already tacking against the Cyprians, and were near enough to be seen, then indeed with a loud shout and encouragement to each other, and at the same time with impetuous rowing, they commenced the attack.

CHAPTER XXII.

Siege of Tyre. — Naval Defeat oi the Tyrians.

It happened on that day that Alexander went away to his tent, but after a short time returned to his ships, not tarrying according to his usual custom. The Tyrians fell all of a sudden upon the ships lying at their moor- ings, finding some entirely empty and others being filled with diflSculty from the men who happened to be present at the very time of the noise and attack. At the first onset they at once sank the qninquereme of the king Pnytagoras, that of Androcles the Amathusiau ' and that of Pasicrates the Curian ; ^ and they shattered the other ships by pushing them ashore. But when Alexander

' Cf. Plautus (Mercator, iv. 2, 5), hortator remigum.

* Amathus was a town on the south ooast of Cyprus. It is now called Limasol. Cf. Herodotus, v. 104^115 ; Taoitas {Ann., iii. 62j ; Veigil (Aeneid, x. 51).

^ Curium was also a town on the south coast of Cyprus.

130 The Anabasis of Alexander.

perceived the sailing out of the Tyrian triremes, he ordered most of the ships under his command to be manned and to take position at the mouth of the harbour, so that the rest of the Tyrian ships might not sail out. He then took the quinqueremes which he had and about five of the triremes, which were manned by him in haste before the rest were ready, and sailed round the city against the Tyrians who had sailed out of the harbour. The men on the wall, perceiving the enemy^s attack and observing that Alexander himself was in the fleet, began to shout to those in their own ships, urging them to return ; but as their shouts were not audible, on account of the noise of those' who were engaged in the action, they exhorted them to retreat by various kinds of signals. At last after a long time, perceiving the impending attack of Alexander's fleet, they tacked about and began to flee into the harbour ; and a few of their ships succeeded in escaping, but Alexander's vessels assaulted the greater number, and rendered some of them unfit for sailing ; and a quinquereme and a quadrireme were captured at the very mouth of the harbour. But the slaughter of the marines was not great; for when they perceived that their ships were in possession of the enemy, they swam off without difficulty into the harbour. As the Tyrians could no longer derive any aid from their ships, the Macedonians now brought up their military engines to the wall itself. Those which were brought near the city along the mole, did no damage worth mentioning on account of the strength of the wall there. Others brought up some of the ships conveying military engines opposite the part of the city turned towards Sidon. But when even there they met with no success, Alexander passed round to the wall projecting towards the south wind and towards Egypt, and tested the strength of the works everywhere. Here first a large piece of the wall was thoroughly shaken, and a part of

Siege of Tyre. 131

it was even broken and thrown down. Then indeed for a short time he tried to make an assault to the extent of throwing a bridge upon the part of the wall where a breach had been made. But the Tyrians without much difficulty beat the Macedonians back.

CHAPTER XX'II.

Siege of Ttks.

The third day after this, having waited for a calm sea, after encouraging the leaders of the regiments for the action, he led the ships containing the military engines up to the city. In the first place he shook down a large piece of the wallj and when the breach appeared to be sufficiently wide, he ordered the vessels conveying the military engines to retire, and brought up two others, which carried his bridges, which he intended to throw upon the breach in the wall. The shield-bearing guards occupied one of these vessels, which he had put under the command of Admetus ; and the other was occupied by the regiment of Coenus, called the feot Companions. Alexander himself, with the shield-bearing guards, in- tended to scale the wall where it might be practicable. He ordered some of his triremes to sail against both of the harbours, to see if by any means they could force an entrance when the Tyrians' had turned themselves to oppose him. He also ordered those of his triremes which contained the missiles to be hurled from engines, or which were carrying archers upon deck, to sail right round the wall and to put in where it was practicable, and to take up position within shooting range, until it became impossible to put in, so that the Tyrians, being shot at from all quarters, might become distracted, and not know whither to turn in their distress. When Alexander's ships drew close to the city and the bridges

132 The Anabasis of Alexander.

were thrown from them upon the wall, the shield-bearing guards mounted valiantly along these upon the wall; for their captain, Admetus, proved himself brave on that occasion, and Alexander accompanied them, both as a courageous participant in the action itself, and as a witness of brilliant and dangerous feats of valour per- formed by others. The first part of the wall that was captured was where Alexander had posted himself; the Tyrians being easily beaten back from it, as soon as the Macedonians found firm footing, and at the same time a way of entrance not abrupt on every side. Admetus was the first to mount the wall ; but while cheering on his men to mount, he was struck with a spear and died on the spot.

After him, Alexander with the Companions got posses- sion of the wall ^ ; and when some of the towers and the parts of the wall between them were in his hands, he advanced through the battlements to the royal palace, because the descent into the city that way seemed the easiest.

OHAPTBE XXIV.

Capture of Tteb.

To return to the fleet, the Phoenicians posted opposite the harbour looking towards Egypt, facing which they happened to be moored, forcing their way and bursting the bars asunder, shattered the ships in the harbour, attacking some of them in deep water and driving others ashore. The Cyprians also sailed into the other harbour looking towards Sidon; which had no bar across it, and made a speedy capture of the city on that side. The main body of the Tyrians deserted the wall when they

' Viodoriis (xvii. 45) says, that after Admetus was killed, Alexander recalled bis men from the assault that night, but renewed it next day.

Capture of Tyre. 133

saw it in the enemy's possession j and rallying opposite what was called the chapel of Agenor,^ they there turned round to resist the Macedonians. Against these Alexan- der advanced with his shield-bearing guards, destroyed the men who fought there, and pursued those who fled. Great was the slaughter also made both by those who were now occupying the city from the harbour and by the regiment of Coenus, which had also entered it. For the Macedonians were now for the most part advancing full of rage, being angry both at the length of the siege and also because the Tyrians, having captured some of their men sailing from Sidon, had conveyed them to the top of their wall, so that the deed might be visible from the camp, and after slaughtering them, had cast their bodies into the sea. About 8,000 of the Tyrians were killed ; and of the Macedonians, besides Admetus, who had proved himself a valiant man, being the first to scale the wall, twenty of the shield-bearing guards were killed in the assault on that occasion. In the whole siege about 400 Macedonians were slain. Alexander gave an amnesty to all those who fled for refuge into the temple of Hera- cles ; among them being most of the Tyrian magistrates, including the king Azemilcus, as well as certain envoys from the Carthaginians, who had cpme to their mother-city to attend the sacrifice in honour of Heracles, according to an ancient custom.^ The rest of the prisoners were reduced to slavery ; all the Tyrians and mercenary troops, to the number of about 30,000, who had been captured,

' Agenor, tlte father of Cadmus, was the reputed founder of Tyre and Sidon. See Gurtius, iv. 19.

" The Tyrians had been encouraged in their resistance by the promise of aid from their colony Carthage. But the Carthaginians excused themselves on the ground of their own difficulties in contending with the Greeks. The Tyrians however despatched their women, children, and old men to Carthage for safety. See Diodonis, xvii. 40, 41 ; Gurtius, iv. 8 and 15. We learn from Diod., xx. 14, that the Carthaginians were in the habit of sending to the Tyrian Hercules the tenth of their revenues.

134 The Anabasis of Alexamder.

being sold.^ Alexander then offered sacrifice to Heracles, and conducted a procession in honour of that deity with all his soldiers fully armed. The ships also took part in this religious procession in honour of Heracles. He moreover held a gymnastic contest in the temple, and celebrated a torch race. The military engine, also, with which the wall had been battered down, was brought into the temple and dedicated as a thank-offering ; and the Tyrian ship sacred to Heracles, which had been cap- tured in the naval attack, was likewise dedicated to the god. An inscription was placed on it, either composed by Alexander himself or by some one else ; but as it is not worthy of recollection, I have not deemed it worth while to describe it. Thus then was Tyre captured in the month Hecatombaion, when Anicetus was archon at Athens.^

CHAPTER XXV.

The Offees of Daeius Rejected. — Batis, Goveenor of Gaza, Refuses to Submit.

While Alexander was ?till occupied by the siege of Tyre, ambassadors came to him from Darius, announcing that he would give him ten thousand talents * in exchange for his mother, wife, and children ; that all the territory west of the river Euphrates, as far as the Grecian Sea, should be Alexander's; and proposing that he should marry the daughter of Darius, and become his friend and

' Diodorus (xvii. 46) and Curlius (iv. 19) state that 2,000 Tyrians who had escaped the massacre were hanged on the sea-shore by Alexander's order.

^ The end o£ July and beginning of August b.c. 332. Diodorus (xvii. 46) tells us that the siege lasted seven months. See also Curtius (iv. 20) and Plutarch {Life of Alexander, 24). We find from Strabo (zvi. 2) that Tyre again became a flourishing city.

'About £2,440,000.

Batis, Governor of Gaza, Befuses to Submit. 135

ally.^ When these proposals were announced in a conference of tlie Companions, Parmenio is said to have told Alexander^ that if he were Alexander he should be delighted to put an end to the war on these terms, and incur no further hazard of success. Alexander is said to have replied, So would he also do, if he were Parmenio, but as he was Alexander he repliefd to Darius as he did. For he said that he was neither in want of money from Darius, nor would he receive a parb of his territory instead of the whole ; for that all his money and territory were his ; and that if he wished to marry the daughter of Darius, he would marry her, even though Darius refused her to him. He commanded Darius to come to him if he wished to experience any generous treatment from him. When Darius heard this answer, he despaired of coming to terms with Alexander, and began to make fresh preparations for war.

Alexander now resolved to make an expedition into Egypt. All the other parts of what was called Palestine Syria ^ had already yielded to him ; but a certain eunuch, named Batis, who was in possession of the city of Gaza, paid no heed to him; but procuring Arabian mercenaries, and having been long employed in laying up sufficient food for a long siege, he resolved not to admit Alexander into the city, feeling confident that the place could never be taken by storm.

' Diodorus (xvii. 54) puts the arrival of this embassy after Alexander's conquest of Egypt. Curtius (iv. 21) says that the name of the daughter whom Darius offered to Alexander was Statira.

2 The term Palestine is derived from PelesJieth, the name given in Hebrew to the coast district in the south-west of Palestine, the inhabi- tants of which were called Pelishtim, or Philistines. As this tract of country lay directly between Phoenicia and Egypt, it became known to the Greeks sooner than the rest of the Holy Land, and they called it Syria Palaestine. The name was gradually extended until it became the usual one for all the Holy Land among Greek and Latin writers. An interesting account of Alexander's visit to Jerusalem and his dealings with. th& Jews is found in Josephus (Antiquities, xi. 8).

136 Tlie Anabasis of Alexander.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Siege op Gaza.

Gaza is about twenty stades from the sea ; ^ the approach to it is sandy and over heavy soil, and the sea near the city everywhere shallow. The city of Gaza ^ was large, and had been built upon a lofty mound, around which a strong wall had been carried. It is the last city the traveller meets with going from Phoenicia to Egypt, being situated on the edge of the desert. When Alexan- der arrived near the city, on the first day he encamped at the spot where the wall seemed to him most easy to assail, and ordered his military engines to be constructed. But the engineers expressed the opinion that it was not possible to capture the wall by force, on account of the height of the mound. However, the more impracticable it seemed to be, the more resolutely Alexander deter- mined that it must be captured. For he said that the action would strike the enemy with great alarm from its being contrary to their expectation ; whereas his failure to capture the place would redound to. his disgrace when mentioned either to the Greeks or to Darius. He there- ibre resolved to construct a mound right round the city, so as to be able to bring his military engines up to the walls from the artificial mound which had been raised to the same level with them. The mound was constructed especially over against the southern wall of the city, where it appeared easiest to make an assault. When he

' Nearly two miles and a half. Strabo (xvi. 2) says that the city was only seven stades from the sea.

2 Gaza is the Greek form of the Hebrew name Azzah (fortress). Its position on the border of Egypt and Palestine has given it importance from the earliest times. It was one of the five cities of the Philistiaes ; and retained its own king till a late period, as we learn from Zeohariah ix. 5. It was the scene of a battle between Eichard I. and the Saracens. It is now called Guzzeh, with a population of 15,000.

S(^eof Gaza. 137

thought that the mound had be'oli'T^apeverii "thg proper level with the walls, the Macedonians placed their military engines upon it, and brought them close to the wall of Gaza. At this time while Alexander was offering sacri- fice, and, crowned with a garland, was about to com- mence the first sacred rite according to custom, a certain carnivorous bird, flying over the altar, let a stone which it was carrying with its claws fall upon his head. Alex- ander asked Aristander, the soothsayer,^ what this omen meant. He replied : " O king, thou wilt indeed capture the city, but thou must take care of thyself on this day."

CHAPTER XXVII.

Capture of Gaza.

When Alexander heard this, he kept himself for a time near the military engines, out of the reach of missiles. But when a vigorous sortie was made from the city, >and the Arabs were carrying torches to set fire to the military engines, and from their commanding position above hurling missiles at the Macedonians, who were defending themselves from lower ground, were driving them down from the mound which they had made, then Alexander either wilfully disobeyed the soothsayer, or forgot the prophecy from excitement in the heat of action. Taking the shield-bearing guards, he hastened to the rescue where the Macedonians were especially hard pressed, and prevented them from being driven down from the mound in disgraceful flight. But he was himself wounded by a bolt from a catapult, right through the shield and breastplate into the shoulder. When he perceived that Aristander had spoken the truth about the wound, he

' Compare Arrian, i. 11 and 25 ; ii. 18. Plutaroli [Alex., 25) says that the bird was entangled and caught among the nets and cords. See also Curtius, iv. 26.

ih: ^''^ Anabasis o/^/'^foasarader.

rejoiced, bee. *^ /ue thought he should also capture the ( city by the aid of the soothsayer. And yet indeed he was not easily cured of the wound. In the meantime the military engines with which he had captured Tyre arrived, having been sent for by sea ; and he ordered the mound to be constructed quite round the city on all sides, two stades ^ in breadth and 250 feet in height. When his engines had been prepared, and brought up along the mound, they shook down a large extent of wall; and mines being dug in various places, and the earth being drawn out by stealth, the wall fell down in many parts, subsiding into the emptied space.^ The Macedonians then commanded a large extent of ground with their missiles, driving back the men who were defending the city, from the towers. Nevertheless, the men of the city sustained three assaults, though many of their number were killed or wounded ; but at the fourth attack, Alexander led up the phalanx of the Macedonians from all sides, threw down the part of the wall which was undermined, and shook down another large portion of it by battering it with his engines, so that he rendered the assault an easy matter through the breaches with his scaling ladders. Accordingly the ladders were brought up to the wall ; and then there arose a great emulation among those of the Macedonians who laid any claim to valour, to see who should be the first to scale the wall. The first to do so was Neoptolemus, one of the Com- panions, of the family of the Aeacidae ; and after him mounted one rank after another with their officers. When once some of the Macedonians got within the wall, they split open in succession the gates which each party happened to light upon, and thus admitted the whole army into the city. But though their city was now in

1 A stadium equalled 606| feet.

' Qi. Thucydides, ii. 76 (description of the siege of Flataeae).

Capture of Gaza. 139

the tands of the enemy, the Gazaeans nevertheless stood together and fought ; so that they were all slain fighting there, as each man had been stationed. Alexander sold their wives and children into slavery ; and having peopled the city again from the neighbouring settlers, he made use of it as a fortified post for the war.^

1 Diodorus (xvii. 48) saya that the siege of Gaza lasted two months. Polybius (xvi. 40) speaks of the resolution and valour of the Gazaeans. We learn from Curtius (iv. 28) and from Dionysius of Halicarnassus (De Gompositione Verborum, pp. 123-125) that Alexander treated the brave Batis with horrible cruelty. He ordered his feet to be bored and brazen rings to be put through them, after which the naked body was tied to the back of a chariot which was driven by Alexander himself round the city, in imitation of the treatment of Hector by Achilles at Troy. Cf . Arrian, vii. 14. Dionysius quotes from Hegesias of Magnesia, who wrote a history of Alexander, not now extant. Curtius says that nearly 10,000 of the Persians and Arabs were slain at Gaza. Strabo (xvi. 2) says that in his time {i.e. in the reign of Augustus) the city still remained desolate, as it was left by Alexander.

BOOK III.

CHAPTER I.

Conquest of Egypt." — Foundation of Alexandeia.

Alexander now led an expedition into Egypt, whither he had set out at first (from Tyre); and marching from Gaza, on the seventh day he arrived at Pelusium ' in Egypt. His fleet had also set sail from Phoenicia to Egypt ; and he found the ships already moored at Pelusium.^ When Mazaces the Persian, whom Darius had appointed viceroy of Egypt/ ascertained how the battle at Issus had resulted, that Darius had fled in disgraceful flight, and that Phoenicia, Syria, and most of Arabia were already in Alexander's possession, as he had no Persian force with which he could ofier resistance, he admitted Alexander into the cities and the country in a friendly

' Pelusium is identical with the Hebrew Sin (a marsh) the most easterly city of Egypt, which is called in Ezekiel xxx. 15, the strength of Egypt, because it was the key to that country from its frontier position. Cf. Herodotus, iii. 5. Strabo (xvii. 1) says it was situated near marshes. It stood east of the Pelusiao branch of the Nile, about 2J miles from the sea. This mouth of the river was choked up with sand as early as the first century of the Christian era {Lucan, viii. 465). Sennacherib advanced as far as this city, and here Cambyses defeated the Egyptians, B.C. 525. Iphicrates the Athenian advanced to Pelusium with the satrap Pharna- bazus, B.C. 373. Cf. Vergil (Geor^ic, i. 228); Martial, nm.. 9; Silius, iii. S7 5.

2 Curtius (iv. 22) says that this fleet was under the -command of Hephaestion.

' His predecessor, Sabaces, was slain at Issus. See Arrian, ii. 11 supra.

140

Conquest of Egypt. 141

way.i Alexander introduced a garrison into Pelusium, and ordering the men in the ships to sail up the river as far as the city of Memphis/ he went in person towards Heliopolis,^ having the river Nile* on his right. He' reached that city through the desert, after getting possession of all the places on the march through the voluntary surrender of the inhabitants. Thence he

^ Curtius (iv. 29) says that Mazaoes surrendered to Alexander treasure to the amount of 800 talents, nearly £200,000.

^ Memphis, the capital of Egypt, is called in the Hebrew Bible, Noph. In Hosea ix. 6 it is called Moph. The Egyptian name was Menoph, of which both Moph and Noph are contractions. The name signifies place of Ftah, the Egyptian name for Vulcan. Memphis stood on the west bank of the Nile, and is said by Herodotus (ii. 99) to have been founded by Menes. It had a circumference of fifteen miles. Its numerous temples were famous and are mentioned in the poems of Martial, Ovid, and TibuUus. It never recovered the devastation committed by Cambyses, who was exasperated by its resistance. The rise of Alexandria as the capital under the Ptolemies, hastened the decline of Memphis. At Gizeh, near Memphis, are the three great pyramids, being of the height respectively of 460, 446, and 203 feet. Not far off are six smaller ones. Near the second pyramid is the Sphinx, out out of the solid rook, which was probably an object of worship. Cf. Apollodorus, ii. 4.

3 Heliopolis is known in Hebrew as On, which is an Egyptian word meaning Sun. It is mentioned in Gen. xli. 45, 50 ; xlvi. 20. In Ezek. XXX. 17, it is called Aven, which is the same word in Hebrew as On, with a variation of the vowels'. In Jer. xliii. 13 it is called Beith-Shemesh, which in Hebrew means Bouse of the Sun, a translation of the Egyptian name. The Greeks called it Heliopolis, City of the Sun. The great temple of the Sun and its priesthood are described by Herodotus and Strabo. There are still remaining a beautiful obelisk of red granite nearly 70 feet high, and the brick wall of the temple 3,750 feet long by 2,370 feet broad. Cf. Apollodorus, ii. 4.

* The word Nile never occurs in the Hebrew Bible ; but that river is called Yeor (river). In Amos viii. 8 it is called Year Mitsraim, the river of Egypt ; but it is usually called simply Yeor, the river. In Isa. xxiii. 3 the corn of Egypt is called the harvest of Yeor, or the Nile. In like manner Avon, Ganges, Ehine, mean river. The Greek name' Neilos, or Nile, means a bed with a stream, and was originaUy applied to the land of Egypt, as the vaUey of the Nile. It rises in the lake Victoria Nyauza, and has a course of 3,800 miles. In Isa. xxiii. 3 and Jer. ii. 18 the Nile is called Shichor (turbid). In Homer (Odys., iv. 477, etc.) the river is caUed Egypt as well as the country. Cf. Ammianus, xxii. 15.

142 The Anabasis of Alexander.

crossed the stream and came to Memphis; where he offered sacrifice to Apis ^ and the other gods, and cele- brated a gymnastic and musical contest, the most dis- tinguished artists in these matters coming to him from Greece. From Memphis he sailed down the river to- wards the sea, embarking the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, and of the cavalry the royal squadron of the Companions. Coming to Canobus,* he sailed round the Marian lake,^ and disembarked where now is situated the city of Alexandria, which takes its name from him. The position seemed to him a very fi.ne one in which to found a city, and he foresaw that it would become a prosperous one.* Therefore he was seized by an ardent desire to undertake the enterprise, and himself marked out the boundaries of the city, point- ing out the place where the agora was to be constructed, where the temples were to be built, stating how many there were to be, and to what Grecian gods they were to be dedicated, and specially marking a spot for a temple to the Egyptian Isis.^ He also pointed out where the wall was to be carried round it. In regard to these matters he offered sacrifice, and the victims appeared favourable.

CHAPTER II.

Foundation op Alexandria. — Events in the Aegean. The following story is told, which seems to me not un-

' The Bull of Memphis, sacred to Ftah, the god of fire. See Herodotus, iii. 27, 28; Strabo, xvii. 1; Ammianus, xxii. 14; Ovid (Met., ix. 690).

2 Now AbouMr, about 13 miles north-east of Alexandria, near the westernmost mouth of the Nile. Cf. Aeschylus {Supp., 311 ; Prom., 846) ; Strabo, xvii. 1, 17 ; Tacitus {Ann., ii. 60).

' Usually called Lake Mareotis, now Marifit. Cf . Vergil (Georgic, ii. 91).

* We learn, from Gurtiris (iv. 38), that Alexander at first resolved to build the city on the island of Pharos, but finding it too small, built it on the mainland.

' A goddess representing the moon, and wife of Osiris the sun-god.

Events in the Aegean. 143

worthy of belief ^ : — that Alexander himself wished to leave behind for the builders the marks for the bound- aries of the fortification, but that there was nothing at hand with which to make a furrow in the ground. One of the builders ^ hit upon the plan of collecting in vessels the barley which the soldiers were carrying, and throw- ing it upon the ground where the king led the way ; and thus the circle of the fortification which he was making ^ for the city was completely marked out. The soothsayers, and especially Aristander the Telmissian, who was said already to have given many other true predictions, pondering this, told Alexander that the city would become prosperous in every respect, but especially in regard to the fruits of the earth.

At this time Hegelochus * sailed to Egypt and informed Alexander that the Tenedians had revolted from the Persians and attached themselves to him ; because they had gone over to the Persians against their own wish. He also said that the democracy of Chios were intro- ducing Alexander's adherents in spite of those who held the city, being established in it by Autophra,dates and Pharnabazus. The latter commander had been caught there and kept as a prisoner, as was also the despot Aristonicus, a Methymnaean,^ who sailed into the har- bour of Chios with five piratical vessels, fi.tted with one and a half banks of oars, not knowing that the harbour was in the hands of Alexander's adherents, but being misled by those who kept the bars of the harbour, because forsooth the fleet of Pharnabazus was moored in it. All

' Of. Strdbo (xvii. 1) ; Plutarch (Alex. , 26) ; Diodorus (xvii. 52) ; Curtius (iv. 33) ; Ammianus (xxii. 16).

2 We find from Valerius Maximum (i. 4) and Ammianus, I.e., that his name was Dinocrates.

3 Kruger substitutes iTrevUi. ioxiiroia, comparing iv. 1, 3, and 4, 1 infra, • See Arrian, ii. 2 supra.

5 Methymna was, next to Mitylene, the most important city in Lesbos.

144 The Anabasis of Alexander.

the pirates were there massacred by the Chians ; and Hegeloohus brought to Alexander, as prisoners Aristo- nicus, Apollonides the Chian, Phisinus, Megareus, and all the others who had taken part in the revolt of Chios to the Persians, and who at that time were holding the government of the island by force. He also announced that he had deprived Chares^ of the possession of Mitylene, that he had brought over the other cities in Lesbos by a voluntary agreement, and that he had sent Atnphoterus to Cos with sixty ships, for the Coans them- selves invited him to their island. He said that he him- self had sailed to Cos and found it already in the hands of Amphoterus. Hegelochus brought all the prisoners with him except Pharnabazus, who had eluded his guards at Cos and got away by stealth. Alexander sent the despots who had been brought from the cities back to their fellow-citizens, to be treated as they pleased ; but Apollonides and his Chian partisans he sent under a strict guard to Elephantine, an Egyptian city.^

CHAPTER III.

Alexandee Visits the Temple of Ammon.

After these transactions, Alexander was seized by an ardent desire to visit Ammon ^ in Libya, partly in order

1 Chares was an Athenian who had been one of the generals at the fatal battle of Chaeronea. Gwriius (iv. 24) says that he consented to evacuate Mitylene with his force of 2,000 men on condition of a free departure.

* On an island in the Nile, of the same name, opposite Syene. It served as the southern frontier garrison station.

^ The temple of Jupiter Ammon was in the oasis of Siwah, to the \7est of Egypt. Its ruins were discovered by Browne in 1792. This oasis is about 6 miles long and 3 broad. The people called Libyans occupied the whole of North Africa excluding Egypt. In Hjebrew they are called Lubim (sunburnt). See 2 Chron. xii. 3 ; xvi. 8 ; Dan. xi. 43 ; Nah. iii. 9. Of. Herodotus, ii. 32 ; iv. 168-199.

Alexander Visits the Tem/ple of Amman. 145

to consult the god, because the oracle of Ammon was said to be exact in its information, and Perseus and Heracles were said to have consulted it, the former when he was despatched by Polydectes ^ against the Gorgons, and the latter, when he visited Antaeus ^ in Libya and Busiris ^ in Egypt. Alexander was also partly urged by a desire of emulating Perseus and Heracles, from both of whom he traced his descent.* He also deduced his pedigree from Ammon, just as the legends traced that of Heracles and Perseus to Zeus. Accordingly he made the expedition to Ammon with the design of learning his own origin more certainly, or at least that he might be able to say that he had learned it. According to Aris- tobulus, he advanced along the sea-shore to Paraetonium through a country which was a desert, but not destitute of water, a distance of about 1,600 stades.^ Thence he turned into the interior, where the oracle of Ammon was located. The route is desert, and most of it is sand and destitute of water. But there was a copious supply of rain for Alexander, a thing which was attributed to the influence of the deity ; as was also the following occur- rence. Whenever a south wind blows in that district, it heaps up the sand upon the route far and wide, rendering the tracks of the road invisible, so that it is impossible to discover where one ought to direct one's course in the sand, just as if one were at sea; for there are no landmarks along the road, neither mountain anywhere, nor tree, nor permanent hill standing erect, by which travellers might be able to form a conjecture of the right course, as

' King of the island Seriphus. Cf. Herodotus, ii. 91.

" The gigantic son of Poseidon and Ge.

' King of Bgypt, who was said to have sacrificed all foreigners that visited the land.

■* Perseus was the grandfather of Alemena, the mother of Hercules.

' About 183 miles. This city lay at tjje extreme west of Egypt, in Marmarica.

1

146 The Anabasis of Alexander.

sailors do by the stars.i Consequently, Alexander's army lost the way, and even the guides were in doubt about the course to take. Ptolemy, soil of Lagus, says that two serpents went in front of the army, uttering a voice, and Alexander ordered the guides to follow them, trusting in the divine portent. He says too that they showed the way to the oracle and back again. But Aristobulus, whose account is generally admitted as cor- . rect, says that two ravens flew in front of the army, and that these acted as Alexander's guides. I am able to assert with confidence that some divine assistance was aflforded himj for probability also coincides with the supposition j but the discrepancies in the details of the various narratives have deprived the story of certainty.^

' "For some distance onward the engineers had erected a line of telegraph poles to guide us, but after they ceased the desert was abso- lutely trackless. Our guides were the stars — had the night been overcast the enterprise would have been impossible — and we were steered by a naval officer, Lieutenant Eawson, who had doubtless studied on previous nights the relation of these celestial beacons to the course of our march. The centre of the line was the point of direction ; therefore he rode between the centre battalions {75th and 79th) of the Highland Brigade. Frequently in the course of the night, after duly ascertaining what dark figure I was addressing, I represented to him that his particular star was clouded over ; but he always replied that he had another in view, a second string to his bow, which he showed me, and that he was convinced he had not deviated in the least from the proper direction. And he was right, his guidance was marvellously correct ; for his reward, poor feUow, he was shot down in the assault, niortally wounded. Here we were adrift, but for the stars, in a region where no token existed on the sur- face by which to mark the course — any more than on the ocean without a compass — and the distance to be traversed was many miles." — Sir Edward Hamley : " The Second Division at Tel-el-Kebir," nineteenth Century, December, 1882.

* Strabo (xvii. 1) quotes from Callisthenes, whose work on Alexander is lost. He agrees with Aristobulus about the two ravens. Callisthenes is also quoted by Plutarch (Alex., 27) in regard to this prodigy. Curtius (iv. 30) says that there were several ravens; and Diodorus (xvii. 49) speaks of ravens.

The Oasis of Ammon. 147

CHAPTER IV.

The Oasis of Ammon.

The place where the temple of Ammon is located is entirely surrounded by a desert of far-stretching sand, which is destitute of water. The fertile spot in the midst of this desert, is not extensive ; for where it stretches into its greater expanse, it is only about forty stades broad.^ It is full of cultivated trees, olives and palms ; and it is the only place in those parts which is refreshed with dew. A spring also rises from it, quite unhke all the other springs which issue from the earth.^ For at mid-day the water is cold to the taste, and still more so to the touch, as cold as cold can be. But when the sun has sunk into the west, it gets warmer, and from the evening it keeps on growing warmer until midnight, when it reaches the warmest point. After midnight it goes on getting gradually colder : at day-br^ak it is already cold ; but at midday it reaches the coldest point. Every day it under- goes these alternate changes in regular succession. In this place also natural salt is procured by digging, and certain of the priests of Ammon convey quantities of it into Egypt. For whenever they set out for Egypt they put it into little boxes plaited out of palm, and carry it as a present to the king, or some other great man. The grains of this salt are large, some of them being even longer than three fingers' breadth ; and it is clear like crystal.^ The Egyptians and others who are respectful to the deity, use this salt in their sacrifices, as it is

' Nearly five miles. Cf. Lucan, ix. 511-543.

' This Fountain of the Sun, as it is called, is 30 paces long and 20 broad ; 6 fathoms deep, with bubbles constantly rising from the surface. Cf . Herodotus, iv. 181 ; Lucretius, vi. 849-878 ; Ptolemy, iv. 5, 37.

' This is what we call sal ammoniac, known to chemists as hydro- chlorate of ammonia. The dactylos was the smallest Greek measure of length, about ^^^ of an inch. '

148 The Anabasis of Alexander.

clearer than tliat which is procured from the sea. Alex- ander then was struck with wonder at the place, and consulted the oracle of the god. Having heard what was agreeable to his wishes, as he himself said, he set out on the journey back to Egypt by the same route, according to the statement of Aristobulus ; but accord- ing to that of Ptolemy, son of Lagus, he took another road, leading straight to Memphis.^

CHAPTER V.

Settlement oe the Afpaies op Egypt.

At Memphis, many embassies from Greece reached him ; and he sent away no one disappointed by the rejection of his suit. From Antipater also arrived an army of 400 Grecian mercenaries under the command of Menidas, son of Hegesander : likewise from Thrace 500 cavalry, under the direction of Asclepiodorus, son of Eunicus. Here he offered sacrifice to Zeus the King, led his soldiers fully armed in solemn procession, and celebrated a gym- nastic and musical contest. He then settled the affairs of Egypt, by appointing two Egyptians, Doloaspis and Petisis, governors of the country, dividing between them the whole land; but as Petisis declined his province, Doloaspis received the whole. He appointed two of the Companions to be commandants of garrisons : Pantaleon the Pydnaean in Memphis, and Polemo, son of Megacles, a Pellaean, in Pelusium. He also gave the command of the Grecian auxiliaries to Lycidas, an Aetolian, and ap-

' We learn from Strabo (xvii. 1), on the authority of Callisthenes, that the declaration of the oraole of Ammon was confirmed by thoge of Apollo at Branchidae near Miletus, and of Athena at Erythrae iu Ionia. Plutarch (Alex., 28) and Arrian (vii. 29) assert that Alexander set afloat the declaration that he was the son of Zeus to overawe the foreigners over whom he was extending his rule.

^^mie

lement of the Affairs of Egypt. 149

pointed E agnosias, son of Xenophantes, one of the Com- panions, to be secretary over the same troops. As their overseers he placed Aeschylas and Bphippus the Chalci- dean. The government of the neighbouring country of Libya he granted to ApoUonius, son of Charinus; and the part of Arabia near Heroopolis^ he put under Cleomenes, a man of Naucratis.^ This last was ordered to allow the governors to rule their respective districts according to the ancient custom; but to collect from them the tribute due to him. The native governors were also ordered to pay it to Cleomenes. He appointed Peucestas, son of Macartatus, and Balacrus, son of Amyntas, generals of the army which he left behind in Egypt ; and he placed Polemo, son of Theramenes, over the fleet as admiral. He made Leonnatus, son of Anteas, one of his body-guards instead of Arrhybas, who had died of disease. Antiochus, the commander of the archers, also died ; and in his stead Ombrion the Cretan was appointed. When Balacrus was left behind in Egypt, the allied Grecian infantry, which had been under his command, was put under that 6t Calanus. Alexander was said to have divided the government of Egypt among so many men, because he was surprised at the natural strength of the country, and he thought it unsafe to entrust the rule of the whole to a single person. The Eomans also seem to me to have learned a lesson from him, and therefore keep Egypt under strong guard ; for they do not send any of the senators thither as proconsul for the same reason, but only men who have the rank among them of Equites (Knights).^

' Ewald and others think that Heroopolis was identical with the Baamses of the Bible. Baamses, or Barneses, is a Coptic word meaning " the son of the sun."

' A city founded by the Milesians on the Canopio branch of the Nile. It remained a purely Greek city, being the only place where Greeks were allowed to settle and trade in Egypt. Cf. Herodotus, ii. 97, 135, 178, 179.

' Cf. Tacitus {Historiae, i. 11).

160 The Anabasis of Alexander.

CHAPTER VI.

, March into Steia.-^Alexandee's Kindness to Haepalus and his other early adherents.

As soon as spring began to appear, lie went from Mem- phis to Phoenicia, bridging the stream of the Nile near Memphis, as well as the canals issuing from it. When he arrived at Tyre, he found his fleet already there.^ In this city he again offered sacrifice to Heracles, and 'cele- brated both a gymnastic and musical contest. While there, the state vessel called the Paralus came to him from Athens, bringing Diophantus and Achilleus as envoys to him j and all the crew of the Paralus were joined with them in the embassy.^ These men obtained all the requests which they were despatched to make, and the king gave up to the Athenians all their fellow- citizens who had been captured at the Granicus.^ Being informed that revolutionary plans had been carried out in the Peloponnese, he sent Amphoterus thither to assist those of the Peloponnesians who were firm in their sup- port of his war against Persia, and were not under the control of the Lacedaemonians. He also commanded the Phoenicians and Cyprians to despatch to the Peloponnese 100 other ships in addition to those which he was sending with Amphoterus. He now started up into the interior

' We learn, from Gurtius (iv. 34), that Alexander went to Samaria to chastise the inhabitants, who had burnt his deputy, Andromachus, to death.

" From early times the Athenians kept two sacred vessels for state purposes, the one called the Paralus and the other Salaminia. In the earliest times the former was used for coasting purposes, and the latter for the journey to Salamis. Hence their respective names. See Dr. Smith's Diet, of Antiquities. Aesohines, in his oration against Ctesiphon (p. 550), asserts that he was informed by the seamen of the Paralus that Demosthenes on this occasion sent a letter to Alexander soliciting pardon and favour.

' Cf. Aelian, Varia Historia, i. 25 ; Curtius, iv. 34.

March into Syria. 151

towards Thapsacus and the river Euphrates, after placing Coeranus, a Beroean i over the levy of tribute in Phoenicia, and Philoxenus to collect it in Asia as far as the Taurus. In the place of these men he i entrusted the custody of the money which he had with him to Harpalus, son of Machatas, who had just returned from exile. For this man at first had been banished, while Philip was still king, because he was an adherent of Alexander ; as also was Ptolemy, son of Lagus, for the same reason ; likewise Nearchus, son of Androtimus, Brigyius, son of Larichus, and his brother Laomedon. For Alexander fell under Philip's suspicion when the latter married Eurydice ^ and treated Alexander's mother Olympias with dishonour. But after Philip's death those who had been banished on Alexander's account returned from exile and were received into favour. He made Ptolemy one of his con- fidential body-guards; he placed Harpalus over the money, because his bodily strength was unequal to the fatigues of war. Erigyius was made commander of the allied Grecian cavalry ; and his brother Laomedon, be- cause he could speak both the Greek and Persian lan- guages and could read Persian writings, was put in charge of the foreign prisoners. Nearchus also was appointed viceroy of Lycia and of the land adjacent to it as far as mount Taurus. But shortly before the battle which was fought at Issus, Harpalus fell under the influence of Tauriscus, an evil man, and fled in his company. The

' Beroea was a city of Macedonia, on the Astraeus, a tributary of the Haliacmon, about 20 miles from the sea.

^ Other historians call this queen Cleopatra. She was the daughter of a Macedonian named Attains. Plutarch {Alex., 9 and 10) says that she was cruelly put to death by Olympias during Alexander's absence. Justin (ix. 7 ; xi. 2) states that Olympias first slew her daughter on her mother's bosom and then had Cleopatra hanged ; while Alexander put to death Caranns, the infant son of Philip and Cleopatra. Paiisanias (viii. 7) says that Olympias caused Cleopatra and her infant son to be roasted on a brazen vessel. Of. Aelian (Varia Historia, xiii. 35).

152 The Anabasis of Alexander.

latter started off to Alexander the Epirotei in Italy, where he soon after died. But Harpalus found a refuge in Megaris, whence however Alexander persuaded him to return, giving him a pledge that he should be none the worse on account of his desertion. When he came back, he not only received no punishment, but was even reinstated in the office of treasurer. Menander, one of the Companions, was sent away into Lydia as viceroy ; and Clearchus was put in command of the Grecian auxiliaries who had been under Menander. Asclepiodorus, son of Bunicus, was also appointed viceroy of Syria instead of Arimmas, because the latter seemed to have been remiss in collecting the supplies which he had been ordered to collect for the army which the king was about to lead into the interior.

CHAPTER VII. ,

Passage of the Bupheates and Tigris.

Alexander arrived at Thapsacus in the month Hecatom- baion,^ in the archonship of Aristophanes at Athens ; and he found that two bridges of boats had been constructed over the stream. But Mazaeus, to whom Darius had committed the duty of guarding the river, with about 3,000 cavalry, 2,000 of which were Grecian mercenaries, was up to that time keeping guard there at the river. For this reason the Macedonians had not constructed the complete bridge as far as the opposite bank, being afraid that Mazaeus might make an assault upon the bridge where it ended. But when he heard that Alexander was approaching, he went off in flight with all his army.

• This king was brother of Alexander's mother Olympias, and husband of Cleopatra the daughter of Philip and Olympias. He crossed over into Italy to aid the Tarentines against the Lucanians and Bruttians, but was eventually defeated and slain near Paudosia, B.C. 326.

' June-July, b.o. 331.

Passage of the Euphrates and Tigris. 153

As soon as lie had fled, the bridges were completed as far as the further bank, and Alexander crossed upon- them with his army.^ Thence he marched up into the interior through the land called Mesopotamia, having the river Euphrates and the mountains of Armenia on his left. When he started from the Euphrates he did not march to Babylon by the direct road ; because by going the other route he found all things easier for the march of his army, and it was also easier to obtain fodder for the horses and provisions for the men from the country. Besides this, the heat was not so scorching on the indirect route. Some of the men from Darius's army, who were dispersed for the purpose of scouting, were taken prisoners ; and they reported that Darius was encamped near the river Tigris, having resolved to prevent Alex- ander from crossing that stream. They also said that he had a much larger army than that with which he had fought in Cilicia. Hearing this, Alexander went with all speed towards the Tigris; but when he reached it he found neither Darius himself nor any guard which he had left. However he experienced great diflBculty in crossing the stream, on account of the swiftness of the current,^ though no one tried to stop him. There he made his army rest, and while so doing, an eclipse of the moon nearly total occurred.^ Alexander thereupon

' We learn, from Gurtius (iv. 37), that Alexander took eleven days to marqli from Phoenicia to the Euphrates.

" Curtius (iv. 37) says that Tigris is the Persian word for arrow ; and that the river was so named on account of the swiftness of its current. The Hebrew name is Chiddekel, which means arrow. See Gen. ii. 14 ; and Dan. i. 4, where it is called the great river. The name Tigris is derived from the Zend Tighra, which comes from the Sanscrit Tig, to sharpen. It is now called Dijleh. It joins the Euphrates 90 miles from the sea, and the united stream is called Shat-el-Arab. Its entire length is 1,146 mUes. In ancient times the two rivers had distinct mouths. So the Ehon formerly had several mouths. See Livy, xxi. 26. Strabo (iv. 1, 8) says that Timaeus gave it five mouths ; Polybius gives it two ; others give seven.

' This eclipse occurred September 20th, b.o. 331.

154 The Anabasis of Alexander.

offered sacrifice to the moonj the sun and the earth, ■whose deed this was, according to common report. Aristander thought that this eclipse of the moon was a portent favourable to Alexander and the Macedonians ; that there would be a battle that very month, and that victory for Alexander was signified by the sacrificial vic- tims. Having therefore decamped from the Tigris, he went through the land of Aturia,^ having the mountains of the Gordyaeans ^ on the left and the Tigris itself on the right ; and on the fourth day after the passage of the river, his scouts brought word to him that the enemy's cavalry were visible there along the plain, but how many of them there were they could not guess. Accordingly he drew his army up in order and advanced prepared for battle. Other scouts again riding forward and taking more accurate observations, told him that the cavalry did not seem to them to be more than 1,000 in number.

CHAPTER Vlir.

Desceiption of Daeius's Aemt at Aebela.

Alexandee therefore took the royal squadron of cavalry, and one squadron of the Companions, together with the Paeonian scouts, and marched with all speed; having ordered the rest of his army to follow at leisure. The Persian cavalry, seeing Alexander , advancing quickly, begau to flee with all their might. Though he pressed close upon them in pursuit, most of them escaped ; but a few, whose horses were fatigued by the flight, were slain, others were taken prisoners, horses and all. From these they ascertained that Darius with a large force was

' The part of Assyria lying between the Upper Tigris and the Lycus was called Aturia.

^ Galled Carduohi by Xenophon. These mountains separate Assyria and Mesopotamia from Media and Armenia

Description of Darius' s Army at Arbela. 155

not far off. For tte Indians who were conterminous with the Bactrians, as also the Bactrians themselves and the Sogdianians had come to the aid of Darius, all being under the command of Bessus, the viceroy of the land of Bactria. They were accompanied by the Sacians, a Scythian tribe belonging to the Scythians who dwell in Asia.^ These were not subject to Bessus, but were in alliance with Darius. They were commanded by Mavaces, and were horse-bowmen. Barsaentes, the viceroy of Arachotia, le^ the Arachotians ^ and the men who were called mountaineer Indians. Satibarzanes, the viceroy of Areia, led the Areians,* as did Phrataphernes the Parfchians, Hyrcanians, and Tapurians/ all of whom were horsemen. Atropates commanded the Medes, with whom were arrayed the Oadusians, Albanians, and Sace- sinians.^ The men who dwelt near the Red Sea* were marshalled by Ocondobates, Ariobarzanes, and Otanes. The Uxians and Susianians ' acknowledged Oxathres son of Aboulites as their leader, and the Babylonians were commanded by Boupares. The Carians who had

^ C{. Aeliau (Varia Historia, xii. 38).

' Arachosia comprised what is now the south-east part of Afghanistan and the north-east part of Belooohistan.

' Aria comprised the west and north-west part of Afghanistan and the east part of Ehorasan.

* Parthia is the modern Khorasan. Hyroania was the country south and south-east of the Caspian Sea. The Tapurians dwelt in the north of Media, on the borders of Parthia between the Caspian passes. Cf. Ammianus, xxili. 6.

* The Oadusians lived south-west of the Caspian, the Albanians on the west of the same sea, in the south-east part of Georgia, and the Saoesinians in the north-east of Armenia, on the river EJir.

" The Bed Sea was the name originally given to the whole expanse of sea to the west of India as far as Africa. The name was subsequently given to the Arabian Gulf exclusively. In Hebrew it is called Yam-Svjah (Sea of Sedge, or a seaweed resembling wool). The Egyptians called it the Sea of Weeds.

' The Uxians occupied the north-west of Persis, and Susiana was the country to the north and west of Persis.

156 The Anabasis of Alexander.

been deported into central Asia, and the Sitacenians^ had been placed in the same ranks as the Babylonians. The Armenians were commanded by Orontes and Mithraustes, and the Cappadocians by Ariaces. The Syrians from the vale between Lebanon and Anti- Lebanon {i.e. Coele-Syria) and the men of Syria which lies between the rivers^ were led by Mazaeus. The whole army of Darius was said to contain 40,000 cavalry, 1,000,000 infantry, and 200 scythe-bearing chariots.^ There were only a few elephants, about fifteen in number, belonging to the Indians who live this side of the Indus.* With these forces Darius had encamped at Gaugamela, near the river Bumodus, about 600 stades distant from the city of Arbela, in a district everywhere level ; ^ for whatever ground thereabouts was unlevel and unfit for the evolutions of cavalry, had long before been levelled by the Persians, and made fit for the easy rolling of chariots and for the galloping of horses. For there were some who persuaded Darius that he had forsooth got the

' The Sitacenians lived in the south of Assyria. ^Terdxaro. is the Ionic form for rerayiUvoi ^aav.

^ The Greeks called this country Mesopotamia because it lies' between the rivers Euphrates and Tigris. In the Bible it is called Paddan-Aram (the plain of Aram, which is the Hebrew name of Syria). In Gen. xlviii. 7 it is called merely Paddan, the plain. In Hos. xii. 12, it is called the field of Aram, or, as our Bible has it, the country of Syria. Elsewhere in the Bible it is called Aram-naharaim, Aram of the two rivers, which the Greeks translated Mesopotamia. It is called " the Island," by Arabian geographers.

' Curtius (iv. 35 and 45) states that Darius had 200,000 infantry, 45,000 cavalry, and 200 scythed chariots ; Diodorus (xvii. 53) says, 800,000 infantry, 200,000 cavalry, and 200 scythed chariots; Justin (xi. 12) gives 400,000 foot and 100,000 horse ; and Plutarch {AUx., 31) speaks of a million of men. For the chariots of. Xenophon {Anab., i 8, 10) ; Livy, xxxvii. 41.

* This is the first instance on record of the employment of elephants in battle.

' This river is now called Ghasir, a tributary of the Great Zab. The village Gaugamela was in the district of Assyria called Atuiia, about 69 miles from the city of Arbela, now called Erbil.

Alexander's Tactics. 157

worst of it in the battle fought at Issus, from the narrow- ness of the battle-field ; and this he was easily induced to believe.

CHAPTER IX.

Alexandee's Tactics. — His Speech to the Officers.

When Alexander had received all this information from the Persian scouts who had been captured, he remained four days in the place where he had received the news ; and gave his army rest after the march. He meanwhile fortified his camp with a ditch and stockade, as he in- tended to leave behind the baggage and all the soldiers who were unfit for fighting, and to go into the contest accompanied by his warriors carrying with them nothing except their weapons. Accordingly he took his forces by night, and began the march about the second watch, in order to come into collision with the foteigners at break of day. As soon as Darius was informed of Alexander's approach, he at once drew out his army for battle; and Alexander led on his men drawn up in like manner.' Though the armies were only sixty stades ^ from each other, yet they were not in sight of each other, for between the hostile forces some hills intervened. But when Alexander was only thirty stades distant from the enemy, and his army was already marching down from the hills just mentioned, catching sight of the foreigners, 'he caused his phalanx to halt there. Calling a council of the Companions, generals, cavalry oflBcers, and leaders of the Grecian allies and mercenaries, he deliberated with them, whether he should at once lead on the phalanx with- out delay, as most of them urged him to do ; or, whether, as Parmenio thought preferable, to pitch their tents" there for the present, to reconnoitre all the ground, in order to

' About 7 miles.

168 The Anabasis of Alexander.

see if there was anything there to excite suspicion or to impede their progress, or if there were ditches or stakes firmly fixed in the earth out of sight, as well as to make a more accurate survey of the enemy's tactical arrange- ments. Parmenio's opinion prevailed, so they encamped there, drawn up in the order in which they intended to enter the battle. But Alexander took the light infantry and the cavalry Companions and went all round, recon- noitring the whole country where he was about to fighb the battle. Having returned, he again called together the same leaders, and said that they did not require to be encouraged by him to enter the contest ; for they had been long before encouraged by their own valour, a.nd by the gallant deeds which they had already so often achieved. He thought it expedient that each of them individually should stir up his own men separately ; the infantry captain the men of his company, the cavalry captain his own squadron, the brigadiers their various brigades, and each of the leaders of the infantry the phalanx entrusted to him. He assured them that in this battle they were going to fight, not as before, either for Coele- Syria, Phoenicia, or Egypt, but for the whole of Asia. For he said this battle would decide who were to be the rulers of that continent. It was not necessary for him to stir them up to gallant deeds by many words, since they had this valour by nature ; but they should see that each man took care, so far as in him lay, to preserve discipline in the critical moment of action, and to keep perfect silence when it was expedient to advance in silence. On the other hand, they should see that each man uttered a sonorous shout, where it would be advantageous to shout, and to raise as terrible a battle-cry as possible, when a suitable opportunity oc- curred of raising the battle-cry. He told them to take care to obey his orders as quickly as possible, and to transmit the orders they had received to the ranks with

Bejection of Parmenio's Advice. 159

all rapidity; eacli man remembering that both as an individual and in the aggregate he was increasing the general danger if he was remiss in the discharge of his duty, and that he was assisting to gain a victory if he zealously put forth his utmost exertions.

CHAPTER X.

•Rejection op Paemenio's Advice.

With these words and others like them he briefly ex- horted his .officers, and in return was exhorted by them to feel confidence in their valour. He then ordered the soldiers to take dinner and to rest themselves. It is said that Parmenio came to him in his tent, and urged him to make a night attack on the Persians; saying that thus he would fall upon them unprepared and in a state of confusion, and at the same time more liable to a panic in the dark.^ But the reply which he made, as others were listening to their conversation, was, that it would be mean to steal a victory, and that Alexander ought to conquer in open daylight, and without any artifice. This vaunting did not appear any arrogance on his part, but rather to indicate self-confidence amid dangers. To me at any rate, he seems to have used correct reasoning in such a matter. For in the night many ' accidents have occurred unexpectedly to those who were sufficiently prepared for battle as well as to those who were defi- ciently prepared, which have caused the superior party to fail in their plans, and have handed the victory over to the inferior party, contrary to the expectations of both sides. Though Alexander was generally fond of en- countering danger in battle, the night appeared to him perilous; and, besides, if Darius were again defeated,

1 Xenophon (Anab., iii. 4, 35) explains wliy this was so.

160 Tlie Anabasis of Alexander.

a furtive and nocturnal attack on the part of the Mace- donians would relieve him of the necessity of confessing that he was an inferior general and commanded inferior troops. Moreover, if any unexpected defeat befell his army, the circumjacent country was friendly to the enemy, and they were acquainted with the locality, whereas the Macedonians ^ were unacquainted with it, and surrounded by nothing but foes, of whom there were a great number prisoners. These would be a great source of anxiety, as they would be likely to assist in attacking them in the night, not only if they should meet with defeat, but even if they did not appear to be gaining a decisive victory. For this way of reasoning I commend Alexander ; and I think him no less worthy of admiration for his excessive desire to fight in open daylight.

CHAPTER XI.

Tactics ob the Opposing Geneeals.

Daeius and his army remained drawn up during the night in the same order as that in which they had first arrayed themselves ; because they had not surrounded themselves with a completely entrenched camp, and, moreover, they were afraid that the enemy would attack them in the night. The success of the Persians, on this occasion, was impeded especially by this long standing on watch with their arms, and by the fear which usually springs up before great dangers; which, however, was not then suddenly aroused by a momentary panic, but had been experienced for a long time, and had thoroughly cowed their spirits.^ The army of Darius was drawn up in the following manner: for, according to the statement of Aristobnlus, the written scheme of arrangement drawn

' (TipeU here stands for avrol. 3 See note 1 to il. 10 supra.

Tactics of the Opposing Generals. 161

up by Darius was afterwards captured. His left wing was held by the Bactrian cavalry, in conjunction with the Daansi and Arachotiansj near these had been posted the Persians, horse and foot mixed together ; next to these the Susians, and then the Cadusians. This was the arrangement of the left wing as far as the middle of the whole phalanx. On the right had been posted the men from Coele- Syria and Mesopotamia. On the right again were the Medes; next to them the Par- thians and Sacians ; then the Tapurians and Hyrcanians, and last the Albanians and Sacesinians, extending as far as the middle of the whole phalanx. In the centre where King Darius was, had been posted the king's kinsmen,^ the Persian guards carrying spears with golden apples at the butt end,^ the Indians, the Garians who had been forcibly removed to Central Asia, and the Mardian archers.* The Uxians, ' the Babylonians, the men who dwell near the Eed Sea, and the Sitacenians had also been drawn up in deep column. On the left, opposite Alexander's right, had been posted the Scythian cavalry, about 1,000 Bactrians and 100 scythe-bearing chariots. In front of Darius's royal squadron of cavalry stood the elephants and 50 chariots. In front of the right wing the Armenian and Cappadocian cavalry with 50 scythe-bearing chariots bad been posted. The Greek mercenaries, as alone capable of coping with the Mace- donians, were stationed right opposite their phalanx, in

' These people were a Scythian tribe leading a nomadic life east of the Caspian. They are called Daoi by Herodotus, i. 125 ; Dahae by Ammiamis, xxii. 8, 21 ; Livy, xxxv. 48 ; xxxvii. 38 ; Vergil (Aeneid, viii. 728) ; Pliny, yi. 19 ; Strabo, xi. 7. They are mentioned in Ezra iv. 9 as subjects of Persia. The district is now called Daikh. See Fiirst'a Hebrew Lexicon, sub voce Pn.

' A title of honour. Curtius saya that they numbered 15,000.

' Cf. Herodotus, vii. 41.

* This people lived to the south of the Caspian.

M

162 The Anabasis of Alexander.

two divisions close beside Darius himself and his Persian attendants, one division on each side.^

Alexander's army was marshalled as follows : The right wing was held by the cavalry Companions, in front of whom had been posted the royal squadron, com- manded by Clitus, son of Dropidas. Near this was the squadron of Glaucias, next to it that of Aristo, then that of Sopolis, son of Hermodorus, then that of Hera- clides, son of Antiochus. Near this was that of Deme- trius, son of Althaemenes, then that of Meleager, and last one of the royal squadrons commanded by Hegelochus, son of Hippostratus. All the cavalry Companions were under the supreme command of Philotas, son of Par- menio. Of the phalanx of Macedonian infantry, nearest to the cavalry had been posted first the select corps of shield-bearing guards, and then the rest of the shield- bearing- guards, under the command of Nicanor, son of Parmenio. Next to these was the brigade of Coenus, son of Polemocrates ; after these that of Perdiceas, spn of Orontes, then that of Meleager, son of Neoptolemus, then that of Polysperchon,^ son of Simmias, and last that of Amyntas, son of Andromenes, under the com- mand of Simmias, because Amyntas had been despatched to Macedonia to levy an army. The brigade of Oraterus, son of Alexander, held the left end of the Macedonian phalanx, and this general commanded the left wing of the infantry.* Next to him was the allied Grecian

' " Several names of various contingents stated to have been present in the field are not placed in the official return— thus the Sogdiani, the Arians, and the Indian mountaineers are mentioned by Arrian as having joined Darius (iii. 8) ; the Kossaeans by Diodorm (xvii. 59) ; the Sogdiani, Massagatae, Belitae, Kossaeans, Goityae, Phrygians, and Kataonians, by Curtitis (iv. 12)." — Grote.

^ This distinguished general succeeded Antipater as regent of Mace- donia, but was overcome by Cassander, the son of the former, and he- came subordinate to him.

0 There were thus six taxeis, or brigades of foot Companions, as they

Alexander's Tacties, 163

cavalry, under the command of Brigyius, son of Lariclius. Next to these, towards the left wing of the army, were the Thessalian cavalry, under the command of Philip, son of Menelaiis. But the whole left wing was led by Parmenio, son of Philotas, round whose person were ranged the Phar^alian horsemen, who were both the best and most numerous squadron of the Thessalian cavalry.

CHAPTER XII.

Alexandeb's Tactics.

In this way had Alexander marshalled his army in front ; but he also posted a second array, so that his phalanx might be a double one.^ Directions had been given to the commanders of these men posted in reserve, to wheel round and receive the attack of the foreigners, if they should see their own comrades surrounded by the Per- sian army. Next to the royal squadron on the right wing, half of the Agrianians, under the command of Attains, in conjunction with the Macedonian archers under Briso's command, were posted angular-wise {i.e. in such a way that the wings were thrown forward at an angle with the centre, so as to take the enemy in flank) in case they should be seized anyhow by the necessity of folding back the phalanx or of closing it up {i.e. of deepening it by countermarching from front to rear). Next to the archers were the men called the veteran merc

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