5.1. Galen

Physicians from or after the Time of Galen - A Literary History of Medicine - NCBI Bookshelf An official website of the United States government Here's how you know The .gov means it's official. Federal government websites often end in .gov or .mil. Before sharing sensitive information, make sure you're on a federal government site. The site is secure. The https:// ensures that you are connecting to the official website and that any information you provide is encrypted and transmitted securely. 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Leiden (NL): Brill; 2019. doi: 10.1163/9789004410312_044 A Literary History of Medicine: The ʿUyūn al-anbāʾ fī ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ of Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah [Internet]. Show details Sánchez I, Joosse NP, Watson Aet al., authors; Savage-Smith E, Swain S, van Gelder GJ, editors. Leiden (NL): Brill ; 2019. Contents Search term < Prev Next > CHAPTER 5 Physicians from or after the Time of Galen Simon Swain , Translation and annotation. 5.1. Galen 1 [5.1.1] Let us begin our account with a complete discussion of the evidence for Galen and his activities. We shall follow this with a summary report of the physicians who lived after Galen’s time or near to it. [5.1.2] 2 . What we know about the status of Galen and the fame he earned among professionals and lay people across many nations is that he was the ‘Seal’ 3 of the great master physicians and was the eighth of them and that no-one came close to him in the art of medicine let alone equalled him. For when he began his career he found the art of medicine was dominated by the teaching of charlatan physicians and its excellent characteristics were being erased. 4 He took the problem in hand and showed that the doctrines of people like that were useless. He championed and invigorated the arguments and teachings of Hippocrates and his successors. It was as a result of his abilities that this was the medicine that triumphed. He composed many treatises on it and through these he clarified many of the obscurities of the art and gave eloquent expression to its truths, allowing medicine’s real language to prevail. Physicians who lived after him were inferior and dependent on him for their learning. [5.1.3] The length of Galen’s life was ‘eighty-seven years. He was a youth and a student for seventeen years and a scholar and a teacher for seventy years’. 5 So runs the account of John the Grammarian. 6 In the same way I have based myself on John’s reports for the divisions in the lives of the previously mentioned great master physicians down to my own time with respect to their studying and their teaching. 7 This matter requires careful scrutiny for information on it cannot be restricted, as has been indicated. Indeed, logic dictates that some of it is inconceivable and this includes his information that Galen was a youth and a student for seventeen years and a scholar and a teacher for seventy years. The only way to check what he says is to use the reports of Galen himself. Following statements by someone like Galen about himself is preferable to following the words of someone else about him. Here is the actual text Galen wrote in his volume on The Order for Reading his Books : 8 My father was continually training me on the basis of his own expertise 9 in the fields in which the young are educated – geometry, arithmetic, and the preparatory disciplines – until I had reached my fifteenth year. Next he sent me to learn logic, with the intention that at this age I should be studying philosophy alone. He then had a dream which directed him to have me instructed in medicine and he sent me to study it when I had reached the seventeenth year of my age. Such is the passage and Galen’s words are clearly different from what is recorded about him. And it is extremely likely that we should apply this verdict to those John treats before Galen. [5.1.4] ‘It was six hundred and sixty-five years from the death of Hippocrates to the start of Galen’s career’, 10 and – according to John’s account – five thousand five hundred and two years from the birth of Asclepius the First to the death of Galen. 11 Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn records an interval of five hundred and twenty five years from the death of Galen to the Hijra. 12 But I note that the birth of Galen was fifty-nine years after the time of Christ according to the dates given by Isḥāq. 13 There is no truth in the claim that Galen was Christ’s contemporary, visited him, and believed in him since Galen mentions Moses and Christ in various passages in his works and it is clear that he lived after Christ by the interval I have stated. [5.1.5] Among the several who record that Galen was a contemporary of Christ is al-Bayhaqī. 14 He says in his Draughts of Experiences and Waves of Wonders , It would have been sufficient if Paul, who was the son of Galen’s sister, had been the only Apostle. For Galen sent him to Jesus and made much of his own inability to travel to him due to his frailty and great age. He believed in Jesus and commanded his nephew Paul to pay homage to him. [5.1.6] In the first section of his Character Traits Galen discusses and praises loyalty and makes mention of those who undergo suffering as a result of the arrest of a friend 15 and put up with being tortured: They were invited to inform on the nefarious deeds of their friends and to confirm their vices. They resisted and endured horrible torments. This happened in year 514 of Alexander. 16 This is the most accurate statement about Galen’s period and point in time. 17 Abū l-Ḥasan 18 ʿAlī ibn al-Ḥusayn al-Masʿūdī puts Galen about two hundred years after Christ, about six hundred years after Hippocrates, and some five hundred years after Alexander. 19 [5.1.7] I have found that ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Jibrīl ibn ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Bukhtīshūʿ 20 made a careful inquiry into this matter. In particular, when he was asked whether Galen’s lifetime coincided with Christ or was earlier or later, he gave the following answer: 21 The chronographers show very clear contradictions in their works. Each of them insists on the totals, but when you look at the details it emerges that there are additions or subtractions. This will be apparent when you peruse the chronological manuals, and especially if you turn to the Book of Dates , which is the work of Mar Elias the Metropolitan of Nisibis. 22 He has uncovered discrepancies between the ancient and modern chronographies. He has shed light on, revealed, and illustrated this with absolute clarity by compiling the totals at the start of his book and providing analyses of them, and by flagging up discrepant passages, additions and subtractions. He also sets out their reasons and causes. I 23 have inspected the shorter chronology by Hārūn ibn ʿAzūz the Monk. 24 He reports that he looked at the dates carefully and was confident in their accuracy. I noticed that he detected some of the discrepancies and gave satisfactory reasons for them. He also cites evidence for their accuracy. This monk records in his chronology that, The total number of years from Adam to King Darius, 25 the time when Alexander the Two-Horned rose to fame, was five thousand, one hundred and eighty years and ten months according to the chronology used by the Greeks. This chronology comes from the Torah, which was transmitted to the Greeks two hundred and seventy-eight years before the advent of Christ. This happened in the time of King Philadelphus, 26 for when he heard the Jews had books that were sent down from God the Exalted via the tongues of the prophets, he brought them fine gifts, and among all the presents he delivered were two tables of gold inlaid with jewels that were more beautiful than anyone had seen before. He asked them about their books and indicated that it was his wish to own copies of them. So they transcribed all the Jewish books they had, including the Torah, the Prophets, and the like, on leaves of silver in letters of gold (as the Monk relates to Eusebius of Caesarea 27 ). When they reached him, he showered praise upon them but could not understand the contents, so he sent them a message saying, ‘What is the use of a treasure that conceals itself with a content that is invisible or of a blocked source whose water cannot flow?’ Thereupon they dispatched to him seventy-two men from all the tribes, six from each. When they arrived, King Philadelphus built boats 28 for them and lodged them two to a boat. He set guards to watch them until they had made their translations. When he collated the transcripts and found they were accurate and without differences, he bestowed gifts and honours on them and sent them back home. [5.1.8.1] Eusebius of Caesarea, who was the bishop of Caesarea, records that this king had translated the books before he summoned the Jews and they arrived and worked on them. 29 However, he had reservations about his translation and wanted a correct version. As ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Jibrīl notes, This shows his intelligence. For had King Philadelphus not doubted his translation, he would not have taken the precautionary measures mentioned or shown so much enthusiasm for ensuring the reliability of the translation. If he had entertained no suspicions about his version, there would have been no reason to be cautious because, having appointed people in the first place, it was natural to reappoint them a second time. But since he wanted to check his interpretation, he acted as described, undertook the comparison, and produced a corrected text. On this basis we should conclude that the chronology of the Greeks is the most correct – I mean the chronology of the Torah and the Prophets that they used. The reign of King Philadelphus lasted for thirty-eight years. He was the third king after Alexander, taking account of the fact that the era of Alexander begins with his killing of Darius, that the duration of Alexander’s rule was six years and that the calendar of the Greeks begins from this point. 30 Greek rule from Alexander to the first of the Roman kings, to whom they gave the title ‘Caesar’, 31 lasted two hundred and seventy-two years. The first of the Roman kings to whom they gave the title ‘Caesar’ was Julius Gaius Caesar. His reign lasted four years and two months. The next was Augustus Caesar the length of whose reign was fifty-six years and six months. In the forty-third year of his rule Christ – peace be upon Him – was born in Bethlehem. The total number of world years between Adam and the birth of Christ was five thousand, five hundred and four. Tiberius Caesar reigned next for twenty-three years and in the fifteenth year of his reign Christ was baptized in the Jordan by the hand of John the Baptist. In the nineteenth year he was raised up high on Friday the twenty-fourth of March. 32 The next king was Julius Gaius the Second for four years. He was killed in his palace, and the next to reign was Claudius Germanicus Caesar for fourteen years. The following king was Nero son of Claudius Caesar for thirteen years (Andronicus 33 says fourteen years); it was he who killed the Apostles Peter and Paul in prison because, though he had rejected the worship of idols, he later repudiated the Faith. He was murdered while suffering from an illness. [5.1.8.2] In his chronicle Andronicus records that Galba became king after Nero for seven months, Vitellius for eight, and Otho for three. The next to rule was Vespasian Caesar for ten years. At the end of his reign he launched an attack on Jerusalem, sacked it, and transferred all the ritual implements of the House to Constantinople. 34 He deprived the Jews of kingship and prophecy in accordance with the promise 35 God the Exalted made about the coming of Christ (Peace Be Upon Him!). 36 This was the last of the kingdoms God promised to them. His son Titus reigned next for two years. I discovered in an old, abridged history in Greek 37 that Titus Ṭamīdiyūs 38 reigned next. In his days lived Apollonius the Sage, the Master of Talismans. 39 The king after him was Titus’ brother Domitian, the son of 40 Vespasian. He reigned for fifteen years. In his time Mani rose to prominence, and it was in his days that the city of ʿAyn Zarbā was razed. He ordered it to be rebuilt but died before it was finished. 41 We learn from the chronicle of Andronicus that Domitian was king for sixteen years, then Nerva Caesar for one year, and after him Ulpius Traianus Caesar for nineteen years. It was Trajan who recovered Antioch from the Persians. His deputy in Palestine wrote to him saying that, ‘The more Christians I kill, they more grow to love their religion’, and so Trajan gave orders to stay the sword from them. 42 In the tenth year of his reign Galen was born, as we shall show soon. The next king was Aelius Hadrianus Caesar, for twenty-one years. He built the city (named after him). 43 The next king was Antoninus Caesar for twenty-two years. He built the city of Heliopolis, which is also known as Baalbek. 44 Galen’s career began in the days of this king and it was Antoninus who took Galen into his service. Proof comes from the statement at the very start of the first section of the Anatomical Procedures . In the passage concerned he says, ‘I had previously written a book on anatomical procedures during my first visit to the city of Rome at the start of the reign of king Antoninus, who is still king in our time’. 45 [5.1.9] 46 . Corroboration comes from statements Galen makes in the book he wrote to record the titles of his works, which is known as the Pinax of Galen . 47 He writes, When I had returned from the city of Rome and had made the decision to remain in my own city and concentrate on my usual activities. But at that point a letter written by the two kings arrived from the city of Aquileia with instructions that I should set out because they had decided to winter at Aquileia and then proceed against the Germans. So I was forced to travel to them. However I had hopes of being excused if I requested it since I had been informed that of the two of them the one called Verus was seen as having an agreeable character and a gentle disposition. When king Antoninus who ruled after Hadrian designated Verus his successor, he had him share power with a man called Lucius, to whom he gave the name Verus. The original Verus was renamed Antoninus. When I reached Aquileia, there was an outbreak of plague on a scale not seen before. Both kings fled to Rome with most of their entourage but the main army remained at Aquileia. Some of them perished and some survived. The fact that they had a very tough time was not simply due to the plague but also because it fell on them in the middle of winter. Lucius died on the journey and Antoninus carried his body to Rome and buried him there. 48 He was determined to proceed against the Germans and made every effort to ensure I should accompany him. But I said, ‘When God the Exalted released me from a lethal abscess that was affecting me, he commanded me to go on a pilgrimage to his House called the Temple of Asclepius’. 49 He granted my request for permission to do this and instructed me to make the pilgrimage. 50 I then waited for him to return to Rome, for he was expecting the war to be over soon. He departed leaving behind his son Commodus, a small boy. He ordered those who attended to his personal service and upbringing to make every effort to preserve his health. If he should fall ill, they were to summon me to assume control over his treatment. During this time I assembled everything I had gathered from my teachers or had discovered for myself. I conducted many investigations and wrote numerous books to train myself in many branches of medicine and philosophy. Most of these were burned in the Temple of Eirene (which means ‘Peace’). Since Antoninus also took longer on his expedition than he had estimated, I had leisure during this period to pursue my training. [5.1.10.1] These statements, and others we have not cited in the interest of brevity, show that Galen lived in the days of this king and that his age at the time when he first visited Rome was thirty. 51 There is proof of what he says in the aforementioned book when he describes his writings on anatomy, saying, 52 I composed four treatises on the voice, which I wrote for a member of the government called Boethus, who practised philosophy following the Aristotelian sect. 53 It was also for him that I wrote five treatises on Anatomy According to the Views of Hippocrates and three on Anatomy According to the Views of Erasistratus . 54 On account of a man named Martialius 55 the style I adopted in these was of someone who loves to compete and trounce his opponents. 56 Martialius had written two treatises on anatomy that are circulating even today and were very much admired at the time I was writing. He was a spiteful individual with a taste for vindictive and argumentative behaviour quite out of keeping with his advanced age for he was well over seventy. When he heard that I had been quizzed in a public assembly about a problem in anatomy and had been commended for my answer, and that the whole audience had shown its appreciation and lavished its praise on me, he asked one of our friends to say which of the several medical sects I claimed to belong to. He replied that I was known for having no personal affiliation to any particular sect, but ‘he says that “ he is a Hippocratic, he is a Praxagorean,” and so on, 57 “whereas I select the finest from the writings of each group”.’ 58 One day it happened that I was attending a public assembly to be examined on my proficiency in the books of the ancients. The set text was Erasistratus’ Bringing Up Blood . A stylus was inserted into it in the usual way and rested at the point where Erasistratus rejected the use of venesection. 59 I said a good deal against Erasistratus in order to annoy Martialius, who claimed to be his follower. The audience were full of admiration. One of my supporters who was an enemy of Martialius requested that I should dictate the lecture I had given at the meeting to a scribe he sent to me with a training in shorthand so that he could repeat it to Martialius whenever he encountered him with patients. [5.1.10.2] When the king made me travel to Rome for the second time, 60 the man who had had the treatise from me was dead, and I could not understand how so many people had come to have a copy of it. 61 I was unhappy about it because the tone of the lecture was competitive. It was written for an occasion when I had wanted to trounce Martialius in a particular public forum, not to mention the fact that I had been a young man of thirty at the time. 62 This made me decide that from this point onward 63 I would no longer lecture or give displays in public – for I had won more successes and triumphs in treating patients than I could have wished for. More to the point, when I saw those without professional qualifications calling any physician who attracted praise for his command of language a ‘word-physician’, I wanted to keep their tongues away from me and hold myself back from speaking except where it was necessary at a patient’s bedside, and from my teaching activities in front of crowds and from lecturing in public engagements. Rather I would confine myself to demonstrating my extensive knowledge of medicine through my activity in treating the sick. I had remained at Rome for three more years. 64 When the plague started, I departed hastily for my homeland 65 and my return to 66 Rome occurred when I was thirty-seven years old. [5.1.11] ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Jibrīl concludes: On the basis of this dating 67 Galen’s birth fell in the tenth year of the reign of king Trajan. For he declares that he composed his book on anatomical procedures during his first visit to Rome, which was under king Antoninus, 68 as we have noted; and that thirty years of his life had elapsed, as we have also noted, of which twenty-one fell in the reign of Hadrian, while the reign of Trajan Caesar lasted nineteen years. This being so, it is correct to say that the birth of Galen occurred in the tenth year of the reign of Trajan. 69 The interval between Christ’s ascension to Heaven, which was in the nineteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, and the tenth year of the reign of Trajan, when Galen was born, was, by the dating given here, a period of seventy-three years. 70 [5.1.12.1] (ʿUbayd Allāh continues) In his History Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn records, with reference to John the Grammarian, that Galen’s lifespan was eighty-seven years. 71 He spent seventeen years as a youth and student and seventy years as a scholar and a teacher. Isḥāq writes that, ‘From the death of Galen to year 290 of the Hijra’ – this was the year he worked on his History 72 – ‘was a period of 815 years’. 73 ʿUbayd Allāh notes that, To this would be added the interval of 132 years up to this year, when we are at work on this book, which is year 422 of the Hijra 74 corresponding to 1342 of Alexander. 75 Thus from the death of Galen to this year we are in, i.e. year 422, would be 947 years. 76 If we add to this total the lifespan of Galen and the interval between his birth and Christ’s ascension to Heaven, i.e. 160 years, the grand total, I mean from Christ’s ascension to this year we are in, would come to 1107 years. This total is wrong for it is defective once one goes into the details. As a result of this sort of chronology people fall into error since they blindly follow the authors of the chronicles and go astray. The nature of the error in the totalling is twofold. First is the dating of Christ and second the dating of Galen. We have addressed both of these in unequivocal terms in the preceding account. If anyone wishes to examine the issue, let him refer to it and the matter will become obvious to him from the details provided. For Christ was born 1018 years ago, and Galen 913 years ago. 77 The difference is large and the error is obvious. He observes, I am mystified as to how something like this has occurred despite the clarity of the passages we have cited from Galen and the texts of the accurate chronographers. And I am mystified as to how no-one has noticed the paragraph in Character Traits , where the error in the dating of the period (between Christ and Galen) is apparent and turns into a century. The copyists are responsible for this type of error and it persists so that people come up with arguments that mislead those who fail to investigate the truth of the matter. [5.1.12.2] The text of the relevant paragraph of Galen’s Character Traits runs: 78 We ourselves saw slaves at that time who did this out of the goodness of their hearts, though they were not free, because they were naturally excellent. For when Perennis 79 died – his death occurred in the ninth year of the reign of Commodus and year 516 of Alexander, the consuls at this point being Maternus and Bradua 80 – very many were tracked down and their slaves were tortured to make them inform on their masters’ activities. 81 This represents a major discrepancy from Isḥāq’s account in particular by introducing a crucial difference relating to what he says about the death of Galen. If we take Isḥāq’s report that his lifespan was eighty-seven years, it must be the case that his death fell in the year mentioned, i.e. 516 of (the era of) Alexander, assuming a date of birth in 429 of this era. 82 It must also be the case that this book, i.e. Character Traits , was the last one he produced because the date of his death would have to coincide with the date and chronology of his story of the slaves. However, the fact he mentions it in another book 83 shows he was at work after this, and that he was alive after this time for a period that goes a long way past the aforementioned year. Evidently, then, his chronology is contradictory and his computation is faulty. If we make assumptions on the basis of his information, we must not ignore a chronology of such evident clarity which confirms that the computation arrived at was wrong. [5.1.12.3] Galen’s own statements in his interpretation of Plato’s Republic testify to the fact that Christ preceded him by a long time: 84 As an instance of this 85 we observe that the people who are called Christians base their faith on myths and miracles, though their actions look like those of philosophers, for example with regard to their fearlessness of death and the things they will encounter after it, and we see this on a daily basis. Another example is their abstention from sexual intercourse and the fact that some of them, not only men but women too, spend the days of their life refraining from intercourse. In certain cases self-control in the regulation of food and drink has led to harm. Their desire to be just is so strong that they are not inferior to those who are really philosophers. [5.1.13] ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Jibrīl concludes, We have learned from this passage that in the time of Christ Christians did not visibly assume this image, I mean the asceticism and preference for devoting themselves to God (May He Be Glorified and Exalted!) that Galen describes. But a century later Christians had become so widespread that they surpassed philosophers in good deeds. They aimed at justice, grace, and continence. They achieved success by justifying miracles. They enjoyed a double condition, were the heirs to a double status, and rejoiced in a double bliss: the happiness of the Law and the happiness of the Intellect. 86 From this and similar passages Galen’s chronology can be clarified. This is ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Jibrīl’s final comment on the subject of Galen. [5.1.14] I have transcribed the following from the hand of Sheikh Muwaffaq al-Dīn Asʿad ibn Ilyās ibn al-Muṭrān: 87 Passages where Galen talks about Moses and Christ. He mentions Moses as follows in the fourth section of his Anatomy According to the Views of Hippocrates : 88 They compare the physicians we have identified with Moses who gave laws to the tribe of the Jews because it was typical of him to write his books without recourse to proof, merely asserting that, ‘God has commanded, God has spoken!’ He also mentions Moses in The Uses of the Parts , 89 and Moses and Christ in the Great Book of the Pulse , where he says: 90 ‘A twisted piece of wood cannot be straightened and an old tree transplanted will not sucker’. 91 It is easier for someone to instruct the followers of Moses and Christ than those physicians and philosophers who cling to their sects and wrangle! There is a reference to Moses and Christ in his treatise On the Prime Mover : 92 If I were thinking of people who instruct their pupils like the followers of Moses or Christ when they tell them to accept everything as a matter of faith, I would not be leaving you with a definition. There are other passages in addition to these. 93 [5.1.15] Sulaymān ibn Ḥassān, known as Ibn Juljul, 94 records that Galen was one of the Greek sages who lived under the empire of the Caesars following the establishment of Rome. His birth and upbringing were at Pergamum. This small town is one of the many cities of Asia, which is administered by Constantinople, and forms an island in the Sea of Constantinople. These Romans are the Graeci , 95 the ancient Greeks. From this quarter the army 96 known as the Goths was driven off by the Romans and then plundered Spain, where they settled. Isidore of Seville the Harranian 97 records that the city of Pergamum was the site of a royal prison and that they used it to confine people with whom they were angry. 98 [5.1.16.1] In the following story Yūsuf ibn al-Dāyah 99 provides information about Galen’s domicile and residence: 100 Abū Isḥāq Ibrāhīm ibn al-Mahdī 101 asked Jibrīl ibn Bukhtīshūʾ, 102 ‘Whereabouts in Roman territory was the house of Galen?’ He stated that in Galen’s own age it had been located in central Roman territory, but ‘at the present time it lies on the edge,’ and he noted that in Galen’s day the eastern Roman border in the Euphrates region was at the settlement called Nighyā in the district of al-Anbār. 103 ‘The Persian and Roman armies joined battle and kept outposts here. The border in the region of the Tigris was Dārā, though not always, for example when the Persian kings seized the land between Dārā and Raʾs al-ʿAyn. 104 The border between the Persians and the Romans to the North was Armenia and in the West Egypt, except that the Romans 105 had control of Egypt and Armenia at certain times.’ I took Jibrīl’s statement about Roman control of Armenia ‘at certain times’ as something that should be rejected and denied the Romans had conquered Armenia apart from the zone called Armenianus in their tongue, 106 ‘for it is a fact that the Romans refer to the people of this country as far as this boundary as Armenians’. Ibn al-Mahdī testified to this and adduced irrefutable proof in the form of an Armenian rug, 107 the finest workmanship I had seen from Armenia. On it were pictures of young women playing a variety of Roman games in a garden. It was embroidered in Latin mentioning the name of a Roman king. And so I gave in to Jibrīl. [5.1.16.2] The conversation returned to the topic of Galen and Jibrīl said, ‘The name of the town where he was born and had his residence was Smyrna. 108 His house was in the neighbourhood of Qurrah, which was only two parasangs 109 from Smyrna’. 110 Jibrīl continued, ‘When Hārūn al-Rashīd was encamped under Qurrah, I saw he was in a good mood and I said to him, O My Lord, O Commander of the Faithful! The house of my supreme Master is two parasangs away. If the Commander of the Faithful thinks it right to allow me to go there that I might eat and drink in it, it would accord me supremacy over the physicians who are my contemporaries, and I should be able to say that I have eaten and drunk in the house of my Master. May he please grant this! He laughed at my words and said, “Woe betide you, Jibrīl! For I fear the Roman army or an advance guard of horsemen will come out and seize you!” I countered, It is impossible that the Romans could advance to within such a close distance of your camp. So he sent for Ibrāhīm ibn ʿUthmān ibn Nahīk 111 and gave the order for five hundred men to be assigned to me so that I could reach the area. When I said, Commander of the Faithful, fifty would suffice, he laughed, saying, “Assign him one thousand horsemen. For I know he hates the thought of having to provide them with food and drink!” So I said, There is no actual need for me to visit Galen’s house! At that he laughed even more: “Upon Ibn al-Mahdī’s honour, you will certainly carry this out, with a thousand horsemen at your side!”’ [5.1.16.3] Jibrīl went on. ‘I was the most sorrowful and the unhappiest of men as I left, for I had not even prepared for myself the wherewithal to cater for ten. The situation was not resolved until all the bread, carcasses and salt were delivered to me. 112 It was enough for all those with me and a lot was left! And so I did indeed get to stay in that place and eat there. The young men of the army went and raided the wine and meat stores of the Romans. They ate the meat sliced on bread and drank wine with it. I withdrew at the end of the day. Ibrāhīm ibn al-Mahdī asked me, “Was anything obvious in the layout of Galen’s house to show that he enjoyed honour?” Yes, the layout was extensive. I saw it had ranges to the east, west, and south, but I did not see one pointing north. 113 This was the way Roman philosophers built their houses, and we know the Persian nobility used the same style. And I am planning the same, if I am true to myself and do what I should. For any house that lacks sunshine is prone to disease. Galen was in the service of the Roman kings because of his wisdom and the Roman kings were men of ambition in everything they did. If you were to compare Galen’s dwelling with (other) Roman dwellings, you would appreciate its large area and the size of its buildings. Although I only saw it in a dilapidated condition, from the fact that I found ranges with intact roofs I could tell he was a man who enjoyed high honour.’ ‘Ibrāhīm ibn al-Mahdī fell silent so I 114 said, My dear Jibrīl, the kings of the Romans were indeed men of ambition, as you have described, but the ambition they showed in their gifts and presents was no different from the ambition they showed in their personal honours. This failing affects servant and served. If you consider the plot occupied by the palace of the king of Rome and the plot owned by Galen, then consider the palace of the Commander of the Faithful and your own residence, the ratio of Galen’s residence to that of the king of Rome will resemble the ratio between your own and the residence of the Commander of the Faithful! [5.1.16.4] Jibrīl was sometimes impressed by my often penetrating claims and praised me in front of Ibrāhīm ibn al-Mahdī, but at other times he was annoyed and flew into a temper. Thus he said, ‘What has your mention of “ratio” got to do with me?’ I replied ‘By mentioning “ratio” I deliberately used a technical term from the discourse of the Roman sages. You are their leading student and I intended to make things relevant to you by speaking the language of your masters. The point of my remark that the ratio of Galen’s estate to the king of Rome’s estate resembles the ratio of your estate to the Commander of the Faithful’s estate is this: if Galen’s estate is a half or a third or a fourth or a fifth or some such proportion, does its proportion relative to the king of Rome’s estate resemble that of your estate in relation to the Commander of the Faithful’s estate, or is it less? Suppose that the estate of the Commander of the Faithful were one parasang by one parasang and the proportion of yours was a tenth of a parasang by a tenth of a parasang, and that the estate of the king of Rome was a tenth of a parasang by a tenth of a parasang and Galen’s estate was a tenth of a tenth of a parasang by a tenth of a tenth of a parasang. In that case the proportion of Galen’s estate in relation to the king of Rome’s estate would resemble the relationship between the scale of your house and that of the Commander of the Faithful exactly.’ ‘But 115 Galen’s estate is not like that!’ he said. ‘It’s hugely smaller in scale than my estate is in relation to the estate of the Commander of the Faithful!’ – ‘Would you please tell something I want to know?’ – ‘I am not refusing!’ – ‘Are you telling me your master was inferior to you in rank?’ He was furious: ‘You nawmājadh !’ I took this expression as an insult and became angry. When he saw this he said, ‘I didn’t say anything derogatory to you. I wish I myself were a nawmājadh ! It’s a word that is based on two Persian terms, “newness” and “arriving”. For nawmājadh is nawa āmad , meaning “his newness arrives”! 116 It’s what they say about young men and I wish I too were a youngster like you! I must tell you that you are strutting about like cockerels do when they come of age. Often they cannot restrain themselves from picking fights with the old roosters, but that old rooster pecks the pubescent bird so hard it lays his brain open and that’s the end of his life. You yourself frequently oppose me in the salons, then without thinking get things terribly wrong.’ [5.1.16.5] ‘Jibrīl 117 and his father Bukhtīshūʿ and his grandfather Jūrjis led lives that were not like the caliphs’ and yet their lives were like those led by caliphs and crown-princes and brothers and uncles and family of caliphs and their notable clients and commanders, and in terms of liberality every single one of them benefited from the generosity of the caliphs’ hearts. But every one of the companions of the king of Rome lived in a state of poverty and enjoyed little influence. So how could Jibrīl possibly be like Galen who enjoyed no privileges because his father was a husbandman and a keeper of parks and gardens? How could it be that someone with that standard of living might be like me ? Two generations of my own family served the caliphs, who showered them with gifts, and other inferior men besides. The caliphs have bestowed gifts upon me and raised me up from the rank of physician to their own company and companionship. And if I said that the Commander of the Faithful has no brother or relative or commander or governor who does not treat me right without being disposed to do so out of love for me – and whether he is so disposed or grateful to me for some treatment I gave him or a brilliant occasion where I was in attendance or a flattering story I told at court to his advantage, well, all of these people lavish their benefactions and gifts upon me. But if the size of my house is ten per cent of the house of the Commander of the Faithful and the Galen’s is one per cent of the house of the king of Rome – he was still much more distinguished than me!’ Then Ibrāhīm ibn al-Mahdī joined in: ‘Am I to understand that your irritation with Yūsuf lies in the fact that he ranked you ahead of Galen?’ – ‘Yes indeed, by God! And may God curse the man who is not grateful for his blessings and does not pay him back for them to the best of his ability! By God I was angry at the thought of being Galen’s equal in any situation. I am thankful for his precedence over me in each and every circumstance!’ Ibn al-Mahdī was pleased and expressed his approval by saying, ‘Upon my life this is a fine thing in men of freedom and culture!’ At this Jibrīl fell down to kiss his feet but he stopped him and embraced him instead. [5.1.17] Ibn Juljul 118 states that, ‘Galen lived in the reign of Nero Caesar, who was the sixth of the Caesars to rule Rome. 119 He travelled and wandered around the world, visited the city of Rome twice, and settled down there. He joined the king on campaign to administer to the wounded. 120 He held public meetings in the city of Rome where he gave lectures and displayed his exceptional knowledge of anatomy. His expertise came to be very well known.’ [5.1.18.1] In his Examination of the Best Physician Galen includes the following narrative. 121 I learned the demonstrative method from the time of my youth, and more importantly I rejected pleasures at the start of my study of medicine, despising and repudiating the worldly trappings people fight over, so that I excused myself the trouble of getting up early to attend at men’s doors in order to accompany them as they rode out from their residences and waiting around by the doors of kings so that we might escort them to their palaces and stay by their side. Nor did I waste my time or upset myself wandering around after men, which people call ‘greeting’. 122 Instead I devoted my time entirely to practising medicine and to reflecting and thinking about it. I generally stayed up at nights to explore the treasures left us by the ancients. If anyone can say he acted as I did and possesses the natural intelligence and quick understanding that allow familiarity with this great science, he ought to be trusted even before people encounter his diagnoses and conduct with patients, and he should be judged superior to those who lack the talents we have specified and the practices we have listed. Such was the approach taken by one of the high priests in my own case upon my return to the city 123 from the lands I had left it for when he put me in charge of caring for all those wounded in duels during combat 124 despite the fact I was not yet thirty years of age. Before this two or three senior figures had been entrusted with the task of dealing with them. When he was asked about the method he used to examine me in order to establish if he could trust me and put me in charge, he said, ‘I happened to observe that he spent more days teaching this science than other, older physicians had spent learning it. More to the point, I saw them wasting their lives to no purpose; but I did not see him waste a single day or night of his life on useless pursuits nor was there a day or an occasion when he took time off from training himself in things of benefit. We also observed him at work recently, and this is a better guide to his proficiency in the art than the many years of those senior physicians.’ [5.1.18.2] I once attended one of the public meetings where people assemble to find out more about a physician’s knowledge. I demonstrated many examples of dissection to the audience including one where I took an animal and split open its belly to pull out the intestines. I called on the physicians who were present to replace them and suture the belly in the correct manner. Not one of them ventured to do this. We took care of it ourselves and thereby revealed our skill, experience, and dexterity. We also intentionally opened some of the major veins so the blood flowed and called upon the senior physicians to deal with them – but they had nothing to offer. Again I dealt with them myself and it became clear to anyone of intelligence in the audience that a man who was to be in charge of the wounded must possess the skills I did. When the high priest made me responsible for their affairs – and he was the first to give me this job – he was absolutely delighted because none of the many men in my care died, barring two individuals, whereas sixteen had died in the care of the physician before me. Later a second high priest put me in charge and he was even luckier as a result of the appointment because not one of those under me died although they had many very serious injuries. I mention all this to show how somebody wanting to conduct an examination may do so to distinguish between the expert physician and his opposite before his theories and knowledge are tested out on patients. The examination must not be conducted as people do nowadays: they prefer physicians who ride with them and focus on serving them to such a degree that they have no time left for practising medicine. Rather, preferring and choosing medicine requires someone very different. His time must be completely focussed on the practice of medicine and on nothing else. I happen to know an intelligent and perceptive man who showed me favour on account of seeing a single performance of mine. It involved me dissecting an animal to demonstrate which organs were responsible for the voice and which for locomotion. Two months earlier this man had fallen from a height. He broke many of his limbs and his voice largely failed so that his speech was reduced to a whisper. His limbs were treated, recovered, and restored to health after many days but his voice would not return. However, after observing my demonstration, he gained confidence in me and appointed me to deal with his problem. I cured him in a few days because I identified the affected area and gave it my attention. [5.1.18.3] I know another man who was crushed when he fell off his horse. He was treated and recovered from all his problems except that two of his fingers – the little finger and the ring finger – remained numb for a long period. He had hardly any feeling in them and lacked normal control over their movement. There was also something wrong with the middle finger. The physicians applied various dressings without success and every time they applied one they had to change it for another. When he consulted me I asked him which part of his body he had landed on. He told me that he had landed on a spot right between his shoulder blades. I was aware from my study of anatomy that the root of the nerve which ends in those two fingers is located in the first of the vertebrae between the shoulder blades, and I realized that the cause of the trouble lay at the spot where this nerve emerges from the spinal cord. So I applied at this spot some of the dressings that had been placed on the fingers after requesting the removal of those applications, which were useless. It was not long before he was cured, and everyone who saw this was astounded by the fact that the area between the shoulder blades can cure and restore the fingers! Someone else who consulted me was suffering from the loss of both his voice and his appetite for food. I cured him with medicines which I applied to his neck. His symptoms were as follows. He had a very bad case of scrofula on both sides of the neck. One of his carers had treated it by excising the scrofulous tissue. But as a result of inattentiveness he had exposed to the cold the two nerves adjacent to the two arteries that are prominent in the neck. These two nerves ramify out to many parts of the body and a major branch reaches the ‘mouth’ 125 of the stomach. From it the whole stomach acquires sensation but the most sensitive part is at its mouth owing to the ramification of this nerve within it. A minor branch from each one of these two nerves moves one of the organs of the voice, and for this reason the man’s voice went along with his appetite. When I realized this I applied a dressing to warm his neck and he was cured in three days. There was not one who saw this action of mine and had the patience to listen to the theory that led me to his cure who failed to be amazed and to learn that for physicians anatomy is an absolute necessity. [5.1.19] In Diseases That Are Difficult to Cure 126 Galen writes that as he was passing through Rome he came across a man surrounded by a crowd of fools, who was shouting out, I am from Aleppo! 127 I met Galen, and he taught me every bit of knowledge he had acquired! This drug is effective on worms in the teeth! The charlatan had prepared a globule of pitch and tar and had placed them over some embers. With it he fumigated the mouth of the man who had wormy teeth, as he claimed, and the man could not help closing his eyes. While they were closed he inserted worms into the man’s mouth that he had been keeping ready in boxes, and then he extracted them. At this the fools showered him with their change. Finally he outdid himself and cut open blood vessels that were not near joints. When I saw this, I went right up to the people and said, ‘ I am Galen! And this is a fool!’ I warned them off him, got the authorities onto him, and laid blows upon him. On account of this incident Galen wrote On the Methodist Sect . 128 [5.1.20] 129 . In his Composition of Drugs by Types 130 Galen says 131 that he operated in the temple in the city of Rome, and that in the city there was a senior predecessor who had been treating wounded men in the temple, which was in effect a hospital, and that he himself cured every one of the wounded he operated on ahead of others. This made his superiority apparent and showed off his knowledge. He was not content 132 about knowing things by rote learning rather than as a result of direct practice. [5.1.21.1] The Emir al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik 133 writes that, Galen travelled to Athens, Rome, Alexandria and other places in his quest for knowledge. He was taught by the physician Armīnus 134 after having initially learned geometry, philology, grammar, and other subjects from his father and a group of geometers and grammarians. He also studied medicine with a woman called Cleopatra. 135 He acquired many drugs from her, especially those relevant to treatments for women. He travelled to Cyprus to see calcite being mined. 136 He also visited the island of Chios 137 to view the manufacture of terra sigillata . 138 He handled these products for himself and verified them by inspection. 139 He also journeyed to Egypt and stayed there for a while examining Egyptian medicaments, particularly opium in the territory of Asyūṭ, which is one of the provinces of Upper Egypt. He left and made for Syria en route to his home town but fell ill on the way and died at al-Faramā. 140 This is a city by the Green Sea in the last of the provinces of Egypt. 141 In his book of routes and realms al-Masʿūdī notes that ‘al-Faramā lies close on the shores’ of the Lake of Tinnīs, 142 is a fortified town, and ‘contains the tomb of Galen the Greek’. 143 [5.1.21.2] Another source 144 records that, when the Christian religion had become established in the days of Galen, he was told that there was a man who had achieved notoriety in a far-flung part of the empire of Octavian Caesar at Jerusalem as a result of curing blind men and lepers and because he raised the dead. ‘He almost has some divine power to do this,’ Galen said, and he enquired if any of his companions was left and received an emphatic ‘Yes!’ So he left Rome intent on Jerusalem and crossed to Sicily, which in those days was called Sikāniyah. 145 There he died and his tomb is in Sicily. [5.1.22] The cause of Galen’s death was allegedly diarrhoea. The story 146 goes that when the illness became protracted he treated it by every means but without effect, and his pupils remarked that ‘the Sage does not know how to treat his own illness’ and so were negligent in attending to him, as he noticed. It was summer time. He had a jar fetched containing water. He produced something and tossed it in the jar, left it for an hour, then broke the jar open, and lo and behold the liquid had frozen. From it he made a drug which he drank and used as an enema but to no effect. ‘Do you know why I did this?’, he asked his pupils. ‘No!’ ‘So that you don’t think I am incapable of curing myself! For this is an illness they call “chronic”, which means a disease for which no medicine exists, in other words, death’. 147 I regard this tale about Galen as a fiction. In his Prolegomena Ibn Bakhtawayh 148 includes a description of how to freeze water outside the proper season for it. He asserts that ‘You take a raṭl 149 of good quality Yemeni alum, 150 crush it finely, and place it in a brand-new crock, introduce six raṭl s of clean water and leave the whole thing in an oven, lined with clay, until one third and only one third remains. Once it has thickened, lift it out into a container with the top well sealed. When you want to use it, take a new ice-tray with pure water, stir in ten mithqāl s 151 of the alum solution, let it stand for one hour and it will become ice.’ Someone from the Maghrib makes a similar claim in a description of how to freeze water during the summer: ‘Get hold of some cotton seed and macerate it in good quality, extra strong wine vinegar. When it has swollen up, place it in a jar or a skin filled with water. Whatever water is there will freeze even if it is June or July.’ [5.1.23] Abū l-Wafāʾ al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik writes that, 152 Galen’s father took considerable care over him and spent a great deal of money doing so. He paid tutors handsome salaries to bring them from faraway towns. 153 From boyhood onward Galen showed a passion for knowledge based on logic, pursuing it with real eagerness, effort, and aptitude. As a result of his eagerness for knowledge, when he left his teacher’s side and was on the way home he would go over what he had taught him so he could reach the same level. The boys who were with him in class kept cursing him: ‘You there, you’ve got to learn to take some time to laugh with us and come out to play!’ Often he did not answer them because he was so engrossed in his studies but sometimes he asked, ‘What motivates you to laugh and play?’ – ‘We like it!’ – ‘Well, there is a reason why I am motivated to renounce such things and prefer learning and that is my loathing of your behaviour and my love of my own!’ People used to marvel at him, saying, ‘In addition to your father’s enormous wealth and magnificent reputation he has been blessed with a son who thirsts for knowledge!’ His father was a geometer who retained an interest in agriculture. His grandfather was the leading carpenter, while his father’s grandfather was a surveyor. [5.1.24.1] In Good and Bad Juices 154 Galen tells us his father died when he was twenty years of age. In this same passage he describes his own health: My dear sir, if you would like to assume I am speaking the truth, feel free to do so, for there is absolutely nothing that compels me to lie. On occasions I have been made extremely angry by discovering that many men of the greatest sense and reputation have frequently lied in their writings on scientific topics. As for me, I have only spoken – and never lied – on matters of personal observation and individual experience over a very long period. May God be my witness that I am not lying when I inform you of my father’s wisdom and excellence. He amassed so much knowledge that nothing was beyond his limits – I refer to surveying, geometry, logic, arithmetic, and the science of the stars, which is called asṭurūsiyyā . 155 His contemporaries acknowledged his truthfulness, reliability, goodness, and sobriety. He possessed these very qualities to a degree unmatched by contemporary philosophers or scholars. He was my guardian and managed my life when I was a small child and in his hands God kept me safe from pain and sickness. When I had reached adolescence and was grown up, my father went away to an estate, for he loved agricultural science, and left me behind. I was busy with my lessons and education. I was altogether superior to my school friends, outstripping them and outdoing them in knowledge. I laboured night and day at my schooling. One day I ate some fruit with my friends and filled my belly with it. It was during the onset of autumn and I became acutely ill and needed a phlebotomy. My father returned to me at that point, entered the city, and came and scolded me, recalling for me the regimen, the guidance, and the foods he had nourished me with when I was young. Then he ordered and exhorted me, saying, ‘Be careful from now on! Look after yourself and steer clear of your young friends’ excessive appetites and their demanding and irresponsible behaviour!’ [5.1.24.2] The next year my father wanted to have a plan for me to eat carefully and he made me stick to it. He put me on a diet and kept me to an appropriate regimen with the result that I ate hardly any fruit. It was my nineteenth year and I got through it free of disease and trouble. The following year death claimed him. I again consorted with my friends and companions among those youths and ate fruit and overdid it. I filled my belly up and became ill with the same illness as before, and again needed a phlebotomy. In the next years I was affected by outbreaks of disease, sometimes with remission for a year, until I reached 28. Then I suffered from a grave complaint, for an ulcer arose in the place where the liver joins with the diaphragm (this is the membrane that separates the respiratory and digestive systems). I determined after this not to touch fresh fruit except for a few figs and grapes, and these only when ripe. I avoided excess beyond measure and capacity and ate only a limited quantity of them and did not exceed it. I had an older colleague who agreed with me and supported my decision to keep right away from fruits. What we needed to do was to stay slim and be careful not to suffer indigestion or give into our appetite for food. And together we have remained to this day without pain or sickness over many years. When I noticed this, I focused my attention on my closest friends and intimate companions and obliged them to stay slim and eat a moderate and balanced diet. They have stayed healthy and have had nothing too troublesome to this day. Some of them have enjoyed constant health for 25 years, some for 15 years, some have stayed well for a shorter or longer period depending on whether they listened and stuck to the quantities I set for them and kept away from fresh fruits and other examples of foodstuffs with bad juices. [5.1.25] 156 . In his Anatomical Procedures 157 Galen says that he came to Rome for the first time at the start of the reign of Antoninus, who was king after Hadrian. 158 He composed a book on anatomy for Boethus the Victorious, who had charge of Rome, 159 on the occasion when he was intending to leave Rome for his own city of Ptolemais and had asked Galen to supply him with a book on anatomy. He also composed treatises on anatomy when he was based in the city of Smyrna studying with his teacher Pelops, 160 who was his second teacher after Satyrus the pupil of Quintus. 161 He then travelled to Corinth on account of another famous pupil of Quintus named Aephicianus. 162 He went to Alexandria when he heard there were famous pupils of Quintus and Numisianus, and afterwards returned to his homeland of Pergamum, a city in Asia. He then journeyed to Rome where he practised anatomy before Boethus. A constant presence was that of Eudemus, a philosopher of the Peripatetic sect, and Alexander the Aphrodisian of Damascus, 163 who at that time was held qualified to deliver teaching at Athens by giving public lectures on the Peripatetic theory of philosophy. Present with them too was the man in charge in Rome, Sergius Paullus, 164 who in matters of philosophy was in every respect a leader in word and deed. [5.1.26] In one of his books 165 Galen says that he came to Alexandria for the first time and returned to Pergamum, which was his homeland and the homeland of his fathers, when he was 28. In The Pinax of his Books he says he returned from Rome to his own country when thirty seven years of his life had elapsed. 166 In Avoiding Distress 167 he says that a significant quantity of his books and effects was destroyed by fire in the great imperial storehouses of the city of Rome. Some of the manuscripts that were destroyed had been written by Aristotle, others by Anaxagoras or Andromachus. Galen had corrected their readings following the method of the authorities who had taught him and the scholars who had transmitted them from Plato downwards. 168 He travelled to distant cities in order to correct most of them. 169 He records that among the losses he incurred in the fire were numerous books of his which existed only in a single copy. In the work he mentions many other things he lost as a result of the fire. To list them would be a long task. Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik writes that, ‘Among Galen’s losses in the fire was Rufus’ book on Theriac, Poisons and the Treatment of Those who Have Been Poisoned 170 and a work on the Composition of Drugs by Illness and Time , 171 and among Galen’s most precious possessions were books of his on white brocade bound with black wool-silk, 172 on which he had spent a fortune.’ [5.1.27] In general there is a vast amount of information about Galen. There are stories useful to people who examine them, and snippets and anecdotes scattered all over his books and throughout the reports passed down to us about him. There are many stories detailing his treatment of the sick and testifying to his ability and skill in the art of medicine. It is not feasible for me now to record all this material here. My intention is to write a monograph setting out all noteworthy material of this sort which I have found throughout his books and in others – if God the Exalted wills it. 173 [5.1.28] In the Pinax Galen notes that he composed a book in two sections ( maqālatayn ) in which he described his way of life. 174 Galen’s career includes amazing cures and extraordinary cases of prognosis he performed single-handedly when he predicted the occurrence of diseases and matters turned out as he described. We have found he gave a summary of such things in the monograph he wrote for Epigenes, which he entitled Remarkable Stories of Prognosis . 175 In the book he says that, ‘people initially called me a “miracle teller” because of the excellence of what they heard from me concerning medicine, and when they were presented with clear evidence of my miraculous cures of patients, they called me a “miracle worker”.’ [5.1.29.1] Galen includes the following stories in his Examination of the Best Physician . 176 I do not recognize anyone in this audience who is unfamiliar with our treatment of the man who was put at risk by every single ointment that was applied to his eye – until he got a cure. He had a large, painful ulcer in the eye and this had resulted in a protrusion of the iris. 177 I gave this time to reduce and allowed the ulcer to heal over without employing any eye-salves. 178 I limited myself to a daily preparation of three eye-washes. 179 One was a decoction of fenugreek, another of roses, and the third unpounded saffron. All the physicians in attendance observed how I employed these washes but none was in a position follow my example here because they did not know the method or the daily dosage for each wash to be administered to suit the condition. The dosage of these washes was indicated by various factors: the intensity and dominance of the pain, the bulge of the protrusion, the quantity of impure matter in the ulcer or increase in its pus. By employing nothing but these washes I attained my aim of reducing the protrusion of the iris where there was swelling, of stilling the pain, of cleansing the ulcer at when it contained much impure material, of encouraging the tissue to grow when the ulcer was still deep, and of causing it to heal over when it was full. There has never been a day when I have failed to demonstrate this or a similarly comprehensive level of proficiency. The majority of physicians who were witnesses had no idea of where this might be written down let alone of anything to match it. On seeing it some labelled me a ‘miracle worker’ while others called me a ‘miracle teller’. [5.1.29.2] Let me give you an example relating to a group of leading Roman physicians. During my first visit there I joined them when they were attending a young man who was suffering from a fever. They were considering whether to bleed him and this led to an argument. When the discussion became protracted, I said to them, ‘Arguing is beside the point, for nature will soon burst a vessel and cause the excess blood in this young man’s body to be purged through the nostrils.’ They did not have to wait long before they saw this with their own eyes. They were stunned instantly and dumbfounded and the event caused them to hate me with all their hearts and to label me a ‘miracle teller’. On 180 another occasion I attended a patient who presented very clear signs indicating an eventual nosebleed. I was not content with merely forewarning of this but stated that it would come from the right-hand side. The physicians who were there rebuked me and said, ‘We don’t believe we need you to show us!’ I replied, ‘Let me point out to you in addition that in a moment you will be thrown into a great state of confusion and serious alarm when the nosebleed happens because it will be difficult to stop. I just don’t see his nature being strong enough to manage the sheer quantity of the evacuation needed and to bring the process to an end.’ Things turned out as I had described. Those physicians were unable to stop the blood because they did not know the movement of blood had started. I on the other hand checked the flow very easily, with the result that they named me a ‘miracle worker’. [5.1.29.3] The same book contains other accounts of this sort which attest to Galen’s skill and his mastery of the art of medicine. For example, 181 I once joined a number of physicians attending a patient who was suffering from a combination of catarrh and difficulty in breathing. 182 To begin with I let these physicians have him drink medicines they believed would be good for him. At first they gave him several of benefit for coughs 183 and catarrhs. These were taken while the patient was trying to get to sleep because they induced a deep feeling of drowsiness. The effect was useful against insomnia and sleeplessness and he slept heavily all night long. The cough was relieved and the catarrh dispersed. But he began to complain of a heaviness in his respiratory organs and was afflicted with a severe constriction in his chest and in his breathing. At this point the physicians saw no alternative but to get him to drink something that would help him cough up what was in his lungs. After he took it, he brought up a great quantity of viscous fluid. During the following night his cough returned keeping him awake and he began to feel a soft substance slipping down from his head into his throat and windpipe. During the following night they had no choice but to get him to take the sleeping potion, and the catarrh, cough, and sleeplessness consequently disappeared. However, his breathing became much more constricted and his condition deteriorated during the night after this. They had no choice but to make him drink medicine to thin and disperse the fluid in his lungs. He drank it and his lungs were cleared. But he was affected by coughing and severe asthma 184 and consequently by a lack of sleep. This was too much for the patient to bear. When I realized the physicians had no idea what they were doing and no plan, that evening I had him take a medicine that did not aggravate his cough or catarrh. This induced a sound sleep and made it easy for him to bring up the fluid in his lungs. By proceeding in this manner I cured the patient of two illnesses at the same time in just a few days despite the fact that they appear to be contradictory to one another. It goes to show for anyone interested that physicians who maintain the impossibility of using a drug to cure two diseases are quite mistaken. I pioneered the application of such medicines and also the application of medicines for treating ulcers that occur in the lungs as a result of catarrh descending from the head, not to mention many other drugs. I shall set out the method of applying them in a book on the composition of drugs. 185 [5.1.30] In his book The Best People Can Derive Benefit From their Enemies Galen includes the following remarks as an illustration of his attitudes. 186 I do not demand a fee from any of my pupils nor from any of the patients I treat. In fact I give patients everything they need – not just medicines or potions or ointments 187 and the like; rather, I even organize servants for them if they have none and arrange for them to have something to eat. He also says, I have introduced many physicians to friends of mine who were heading off to armies, and placed a large number of others in the employment of powerful people. I have never taken a bribe or a present from any of them for doing this. In fact I used to provide some of them with several of the instruments and medicines they needed. In the case of others I did not stop there but would even offer them the costs of their travel. [5.1.31] Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik records that, 188 Galen was light-brown in complexion, with fine features, broad shoulders, large hands, long fingers, and beautiful hair. He loved songs and music and reading books. He walked with an average gait, led a cheerful life, talked a lot, was hardly ever silent, and loved disparaging fellow-professionals. He was well travelled, had a pleasant odour, and wore clean clothes. He was fond of riding and walking. Galen enjoyed access to kings and leaders 189 but was never enrolled in the service of any of the kings, though they continued to honour him. When they needed Galen to treat a difficult disease, they bestowed upon him numerous gifts of gold and other things when they recovered. He records this in many of his books. If a king asked him to stay in his service, he left his town for another so he would not lose his way by serving him. [5.1.32] They say that the original form of Jālīnūs was Ghālīnūs and its meaning was ‘calm’ or ‘tranquil’. 190 It is said that a translation of the name Jālīnūs gives the meaning ‘excellent’ in Arabic. Abū Bakr Muhammad ibn Zakariyyā al-Rāzī in his Comprehensive Book says that the way it is pronounced in the Greek language is that the letter jīm represents the sounds ghayn or kāf . So in the case of Jālīnūs people said Ghālīnūs or Kālīnūs , either being permissible. 191 The alif and the lām produce a doubled lām , which is more correct for Greek. The following is useful detail relevant to this information. The Qāḍī Najm al-Dīn ʿUmar ibn Muḥammad ibn al-Kuraydī told me that, 192 ‘Abba Agathon the Metropolitan at Shoubak, 193 and the greatest expert of his generation on the ancient Roman language, i.e. Greek, which was the language of the Greeks, told me that in Greek all nouns designative of people or things end in sīn . For example, Jālīnūs, Diyusqūrīdus, Anaksāghūrus, Arisṭūṭālīs, Diyūjānis , and Urībāsiyyūs , etc. 194 Again we find words like qāṭīghūriyyās and bārīmīniyyās or asṭūkhūdus and anāghālus . 195 Terminating each of these words with a sīn has a function in Greek that corresponds to the case ending with nūn in Arabic, as we see it at the end of words such as Zaydun, ʿAmrun, Khālidun, Bakrun, kitābun , and shajarun . 196 The nūn which appears in this case ending 197 corresponds to the Greeks’ sīn .’ It occurs to me that there are only a few words in Greek which do not have sīn as the final letter, for example Suqrāṭ, Aflāṭun, Aghāthādhīmūn, Aghlūqun, Tāmūr , and Yāghāt . 198 We see this also with nouns that are not personal names such as Anālūṭīqiyā, Nīqūmākhiyyā , and al-Rīṭūriyah , 199 or jundbīdastar 200 and tiryāq . 201 These words are in the language of the Greeks. They do not apply a case ending to them 202 and so they lack the letter sīn . This is similar to the situation in Arabic, where some words that are not fully declined cannot take a nūn . Examples are Ismāʿīlu, Ibrāhīmu, Aḥmadu , and masājidu, danānīru . 203 These are comparable to the Greek terms. But God knows best! [5.1.33] Abū l-ʿAlāʾ ibn Sulaymān al-Maʿarrī 204 in his Asking for Pardon offers praise for Galen’s writings and for those who write about medicine: Blessings on that man, Galen, and the companions of Hippocrates who, later, dwindled or increased! For nothing for which they laid the basis has been destroyed: diseased people and their visitors have found help in it. Small books, light to carry for them, but lofty mountains for curing disease! 205 [5.1.34] In his Stories of the Philosophers and the Sages and Examples of the Manners and Culture of the Teachers of Old Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq includes sayings of Galen, examples of his culture and manners, and stories that illustrate his wisdom. 206 For example, 207 Worry ( al-hamm ) is exhaustion of the heart, while sorrow ( al-ghamm ) 208 is a disease of the heart. Clarifying this, Galen said: Sorrow is about something that happened, worry about something that may happen. Elsewhere he noted that, Sorrow is about what has gone, worry is about something to come. Watch out for it! For sorrow brings life to an end. Don’t you see that a living being in sorrow will inevitably go to ruin? Writing about the form of the heart Galen observed, There are two cavities in the heart, right and left. More blood is found in the right hand cavity than in the left hand one. They contain two vessels which lead to the brain. If something occurs in the heart that disagrees with its temperament, it will contract. As a result of the heart’s contraction, the two blood vessels contract and consequently the face is convulsed and the body suffers pain. When something that agrees with its temperament occurs, the vessels expand on account of the heart’s own expansion. He goes on: In the heart is a small vessel like a tube that spreads out over its sac-like surface and reaches to its deepest core ( shaghāf al-qalb wa-suwaydāʾihi ). When sorrow affects the heart this small blood vessel contracts and blood trickles out of it into the core of the heart as well as its surface. Simultaneously blood squirts from the two vessels and envelops the heart so that the heart is put under pressure to such an extent that pressure is felt in heart, mind, soul and body, in much the same way as alcoholic vapours envelop the brain and lead to intoxication. There is another story: Galen wanted to put this to the test so he took an animal that possessed sensation and caused it pain for several days. When he had killed it, he found the heart was shrivelled and pinched and that most of it had withered away. He concluded from this that when times of sorrow come upon the heart and worries oppress it, it shrivels and becomes emaciated. Thenceforward he warned people of the effects of sorrow and worry. He told his pupils, If you serve me sincerely, I shall reward you sincerely. And he told them that, Knowledge is useless if you don’t understand it – and understanding is also useless unless you do something with it. 209 In Character Traits of the Soul he writes, 210 Just as disease and ugliness ( qubḥ ) affect the body – disease includes epilepsy ( ṣarʿ ) and pleurisy ( shawṣah ), and deformities such as hunchback ( ḥadab ), drooping head or baldness ( qaraʿ ) 211 – in the same way, for disease and deformity affect the soul, its disease is anger while its ugliness is ignorance. Another saying is, Illnesses befall people for four reasons: a specific cause ( min ʿillat al-ʿilal ), poor diet, sins, or the enmity of Satan. Again, Death comes from four causes: natural, that is, from old age, disease, desire, for example suicide or yielding to death, and sudden death, which is a total surprise. 212 He said, when pens were mentioned in his presence: The pen is the physician of logic. 213 On the topic of love Galen said, Passionate love is finding someone attractive – as well as wanting them. 214 He stated that, 215 Passionate love is an action of the soul, and the soul lies concealed within the brain, the heart, and the liver. In the brain there are three faculties: imagination at the front of the head, reasoning in the middle, and memory at the back. No-one fully deserves the name of lover unless his imagination, reasoning, memory, heart and liver are besotted with his beloved whenever they are apart so that he refuses food and drink because his liver is preoccupied and cannot sleep because his brain is busy with imagining, remembering and thinking about him, and thus each abode of his soul is distracted. But if he is not absorbed at the times they are apart, he is no lover. Indeed, when he meets him, these abodes are unoccupied. Ḥunayn records that, On the stone of Galen’s signet was inscribed, ‘If a man hides his illness, it will be completely impossible to find a cure for it’. 216 [5.1.35] In The Choicest Sayings and Best Maxims Abū l-Wafāʾ al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik records the following: 217 He who disdains trivial things will strive for grand ones! Be gentle and you will succeed, be kind and you will be noble; but if you are conceited, you will be despised. There is more hope for a sick man with an appetite than for a healthy man without one. 218 Don’t be prevented from doing good because your soul is inclined to do bad. I have seen many kings pay a higher price for slaves who were trained in various disciplines and crafts as well as for mounts that were first-class among their kind, but who neglected to educate themselves. Indeed, if a slave like him were presented for sale to one of these kings, the king would refuse to buy him or accept him. The most regrettable thing I can think of is that a man who is owned is worth a vast sum while no-one can be found to take his owner for free! 219 Physicians used to accord themselves the status of rulers and the status of subjects to their patients, who would not oppose what was decided for them. In those times medicine was much more effective. But now that things have changed in our time, so that the sick take the place of ruler and the physician that of subject, and physicians serve the pleasure of the sick and abandon the service of their bodies, physicians are of little benefit. 220 In the past men used to meet and drink and argue with one another about the effects of drinks upon temperaments and of music upon the faculty of passion and about the types of things that countered each of them. But when they meet today they compete about who has the largest cup to drink from. 221 If someone is accustomed from boyhood to a balanced and regular way of life, his appetites will be moderate. But if he has been accustomed neither to restrain his desires nor to refrain from anything you suggest to him, he will continue to be greedy. For all things become powerful and strong through frequent practice of the actions that are associated with them, while everything functions less well as a result of disuse. 222 If a youth is greedy and utterly shameless, there can be absolutely no expectation of him reforming. If he is greedy but not shameless, one should not despair of reforming him; but even if he receives an education, it cannot 223 be presumed that he will become a decent person. Modesty is the fear of those who are ashamed of a shortcoming that may occur in the presence of someone who is more virtuous. It is possible for a person to improve his character if he knows himself, for self-knowledge is the ultimate wisdom. But because people naturally show an excessive regard for themselves, they believe they are better than they are. Thus some people suppose they are brave and generous when they are not. Similarly, with regard to intelligence, almost all men believe they are superior; but people closest to this view are the least in intelligence. The just man is capable of doing wrong yet does not. The intelligent man has true knowledge of everything that comes under human nature. Conceit is the belief of someone that he is what he would love himself to be, whereas he is not. A man in bad physical shape as a result of illness, even if he is into his fifties, does not give up and let his body go to waste and ruin but asks for his health to be restored, even if he cannot be helped to regain it in full. In the same way we ourselves must not stop improving ourselves with regard to both health and virtue, even if we cannot match the virtue of a true philosopher. A man might be prepared to stop thinking he is smartest person in the world if he could trust somebody to scrutinize every little thing he does every single day and then inform him of the correct and incorrect things he had done. This would lead him to do what is fair and avoid what is foul. He saw a man who was lionized by the high and mighty for his great bodily strength, and he asked what was the greatest thing he had done. They said, ‘He lifted a bull that had been sacrificed and carried it outside from the midst of the temple!’ He replied that, ‘the soul of the bull used to lift it – and there was no special virtue in the fact he carried it’. 224 [5.1.36] I have copied several Galenic sayings that occur elsewhere: 1. A sick man gets relief from the breeze in his land just as a barren land is refreshed by the moisture of dripping rain. 2. On being asked about lust, he said, ‘A trial that can be expected not to last’. 3. Someone said, ‘Why do you go to parties and places of entertainment?’ ‘So I know (human) faculties and natures in every situation of sight and sound’. 4. When someone asked when a man must die, he replied, ‘When he cannot tell what harms him from what helps him’. Among his sayings are questions he was asked about the humours: 5. What do you say about blood? ‘The servant of a slave, and occasionally the servant kills his master’. 6. What do you say about yellow bile? ‘A voracious dog in a garden’. 7. What do you say about phlegm? ‘It’s the supreme king, and if you close one door on him, he opens another for himself’. 8. What do you say about black bile? ‘Ha! It is the earth: when it moves, it moves everything upon it’. 9. In the same manner he said: Let me present you with an allegory of the four humours. Yellow bile, which is in fact red bile, is like a woman who has a sharp tongue but is good and pious. She causes harm by her tirades and quick temper but soon calms down without disaster. Blood is like a rabid dog. When he enters your house, catch him and put him out or kill him. Phlegm, when it moves in the body, is like a king entering your house. Though you fear his villainy and tyrannical behaviour, you cannot cross him or harm him but have to remain friendly when you usher him out. Black bile in the body is like a spiteful man whose motives are unsuspected but then pounces with a sudden attack. Then there is nothing odious he will leave undone, and he will not calm down without a great deal of trouble. He also made a number of witty comparisons: 10. Nature is like a plaintiff and illness is the litigant, the symptoms are like the witnesses, the vial and the pulse are evidence, the critical day is like the day of the judgment and the verdict, and the patient is the attorney while the physician is the judge. 11. In his Commentary on the Book of the Oaths and Covenant by Hippocrates 225 he says that, ‘A statue cannot be made from any stone and it is not every dog that is good for fighting lions: in the same way we will find that not everybody is receptive to the art of medicine but we need someone whose body and soul are well suited to the purpose’. [5.1.37] Galen composed a very large number of books. 226 In the following I list titles translated into Arabic by Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq al-ʿIbādī, 227 and others known to me to be in general circulation. I also refer to Galen’s aims in writing them. 228 1. The Pinax ( K. Bīnaks ), which means the Catalogue. 229 His purpose in this work is to give details of the books he wrote, the aim of each of them, the motive for writing it, the identity of the addressee, and his own age. It is in two sections. 230 The first records his books on medicine, the second books on logic, philosophy, rhetoric, and grammar. 231 2. The Order for Reading his Books ( K. fīmarātib qirāʾat kutubihi ). 232 It consists of a single section and the aim is to provide information about the order in which one should read his books in a series from first to last. 3. The Sects ( K. al-firaq ). 233 It consists of a single section. Galen says this book should be read first by anyone wishing to study the art of medicine. 234 Its aim is to set out what each of the sects of Empiricists, Dogmatists, and Methodists say to establish their claims, the arguments they make for them, the critiques of their opponents as well as their approach to evaluating fact and fiction. He composed it as a young man of thirty or slightly older during his first visit to Rome. 4. The Small Art ( K. al-ṣināʿah al-ṣaghīrah ). 235 It consists of a single section. In the preface Galen says that he is recording the main points he has clarified and interpreted in detail in his other books and that its contents represent the conclusions reached in them. 5. The Small Book of the Pulse ( K. al-nabḍ al-ṣaghir ). 236 This also consists of a single section. Galen entitled it “to Teuthras and other Beginners” ( ilā Ṭūthrus wa-sāʾir al-mutaʿallimīn ). His aim is to set out what beginners need to understand about the pulse. He starts by enumerating types of pulse. He does not list every one of these but only those that improve beginners’ comprehension of this subject. He then describes the reasons for changes in the pulse, whether these are natural, non-natural, 237 or unnatural. Galen composed the treatise at the time he wrote On Sects . 6. To Glaucon, On Effecting a Cure for Diseases ( K. ilā Aghlawqun fī l-taʾattī li-shifāʾ al-amrāḍ ). 238 The meaning of “Glaucon” in Greek is “grey”. He was a philosopher who observed Galen’s impressive achievements in medicine and requested he write this book. 239 Since no-one is in a position to treat diseases without having identified them, before he turns to treatment Galen introduces the signs by which they are recognized. In section one he describes signs of fevers and how to treat them. He does not mention all of them but restricts himself to those that occur commonly. This section contains two divisions. In the first he describes fevers which lack unusual symptoms. In the second he takes fevers that do present these. In section two he sets out the signs of tumours and their treatments. Galen composed the treatise at the time he wrote On Sects . 7. On Bones ( K. fī l-ʿiẓām ). 240 This consists of a single section. He entitled it On Bones for Beginners ( li-l-mutaʿallimīn ). Ḥunayn says: 241 ‘Galen entitled this book “for beginners” and not “to beginners” ( ilā l-mutaʿallimīn ) because there is a difference in his mind between the phrases “to beginners” and “for beginners”. If a book’s title is “to beginners”, he indicates by this phrase that he is adapting his teaching to suit the abilities of beginners, and presupposes the existence of a course for advanced students on the topic beyond this course. If he entitles a book “for beginners”, he indicates that it contains a complete course on this subject but that the course is in fact “for beginners”.’ His intention is that a beginner in medicine should prioritize the study of anatomy 242 over other areas of medicine because he is of the view that without a knowledge of anatomy it is impossible to understand any aspect of rational medicine. Galen’s aim in this book is to describe the function of each bone in itself and in relation to others. He composed the treatise at the time he composed his other books to beginners. 8. On Muscles ( K. fi l-ʿaḍal ). 243 This consists of a single section. Galen did not entitle it “to beginners” but the Alexandrians included it in the series of books “to beginners” by combining this and the previous treatise with three others Galen wrote “to beginners”, On the Anatomy of Nerves, On the Anatomy of Veins , and On the Anatomy of Arteries , and formed a single book in five sections to which they gave the title On Anatomy, To Beginners ( Fī tashrīḥ ilā l-mutaʿallimīn ). 244 Galen’s aim in the present book – i.e. On Muscles – was to describe in detail the complete system of the muscles as it is to be found in each member, their number, which ones are involved, their point of origin, and their function. 9. On Nerves ( K. fī l-ʿaṣab ). 245 This also consists of a single section. He wrote it “to beginners” and his aim was to describe the number of paired nerves that derive from the brain and the spinal cord, which nerves are involved, and how and from where they each divide off, and what their function is. 10. On Blood Vessels ( K. fī l-ʿurūq ). 246 This book consists of a single section as far as Galen is concerned, and in it he describes the topic of blood vessels with and without a pulse. He wrote it “for beginners” and entitled it “To Antisthenes” ( ilā Anṭisthānis ). The Alexandrians divided it into two sections, one on the veins and one on the arteries. Galen’s aim was to describe the number of veins that derive from the liver, which veins are involved, how they are organized, and from where they each divide off, the number of arteries that derive from the heart, which arteries are involved, how they are organized, and from where they each divide off. 11. The Elements According to the Views of Hippocrates ( K. al-usṭuqussāt ʿalā raʾy Abuqrāṭ ). 247 It consists of a single section. Galen’s aim is to show that all solids subject to generation and corruption – i.e. the bodies of animals and plants as well as the solids that are generated in the earth – are constructed from the four elements of fire, air, water, earth. These are the primary elements and are peripheral to the human body. But the secondary, immediate elements that are the basis of the human body and all other creatures that have blood are the four humours, blood, phlegm, and the two types of bile. 12. Mixtures ( K. al-mizāj ). 248 It is in three sections. In the first two he describes the types of mixture in the bodies of living things and sets out the number and types it presents us with. He describes the signs which indicate each of these. In section three he discusses the types of mixture one finds in drugs 249 and shows how to examine them and how they may be classified. 13. Natural Faculties ( K. al-quwā l-ṭabīʿiyyah ). 250 It is in three sections. His aim is to show that the body is regulated by three natural faculties: generation, growth, and nutrition. 251 The generative faculty combines two: that responsible for changing and altering the semen to make the homoeomerous body parts, 252 and that responsible for arranging the homoeomerous body parts into the form, position, size, and number needed for each of the composite body parts. The nutritive faculty comprises four subsidiary faculties: attraction, retention, transformation, and expulsion. 253 14. Causes and Symptoms ( K. al-ʿilal wa-l-aʿrāḍ ). 254 It consists of six sections. As before, Galen produced it as separate treatises but the Alexandrians combined these into a single book. 255 He entitled the first of the six Types of Disease ( Fīaṣnāf al-amrāḍ ) and in it he discusses how many varieties ( ajnās ) of disease there are. He divides each of these varieties into kinds ( anwāʿ ), taking the division by kinds to its furthest point. He entitled section two Causes of Disease ( Fī asbāb al-amrāḍ ). His aim corresponds to his title: to describe the number and characteristics of the causes of each disease. The third of the six sections bears the title Types of Symptom ( Fī aṣnāf al-aʿrāḍ ) and here he enumerates the number of varieties and kinds of symptoms and which symptoms are involved. The final three sections he entitled Causes of Symptoms ( Fī asbāb al-aʿrāḍ ). Here he describes the number of causes which bring about each symptom and which causes are involved. 15. Classification of the Diseases of the Internal Parts ( K. taʿarruf ʿilal al-aʿḍāʾ al-bāṭinah ), also known as Affected Locations ( al-Mawāḍiʿ al-ālimah ). 256 It is in six sections. His aim is to describe the signs that allow one to deduce the state of the internal parts when they are diseased and on this basis to specify which disease is present. In the first section and in part of the second he outlines the general system for classifying diseases and their locations. In section three he exposes the erroneous methods used by Archigenes in his attempt to attain this objective. 257 In the remainder of section two and in the four sections that follow he takes up the discussion of the internal parts and their diseases one by one, beginning with the brain and proceeding in order. He describes the signs that allow one to decide how to establish a detailed classification of a disease in each case where a body part is ill. 16. The Great Book of the Pulse ( K. al-nabḍ al-kabīr ). 258 Galen composed this book in sixteen sections, which he arranged in four parts, making four sections to each group. He called part one Types of Pulse ( Fī Aṣnāf al-nabḍ ). 259 Here his aim was to enumerate the varieties of the primary pulse and which these varieties these, and the process of producing detailed subdivisions into kinds. In the first section of this group he intends a comprehensive summary of the essentials required to describe the varieties and kinds of the pulse, including a very thorough summary. He devotes the remaining three sections of this group to discussions and enquiry about the varieties and kinds of pulse and their demarcation. He entitled part two Classification of Pulses ( Fī taʿarruf al-nabḍ ). Here he aims to describe how to identify each type of the pulse by touching a vein. He entitled part three Causes of the Pulse ( Fī asbāb al-nabḍ ), and the aim is to describe the cause of each type of pulse. He called the fourth part Prognosis from the Pulse ( Fī taqdimat al-maʿrifah min al-nabḍ ). The aim is to show how prediction can be based on every type of pulse. 17. Types of Fevers ( K. aṣnāf al-ḥummayāt ). 260 It is in two sections. The aim is to set out the varieties and kinds of fevers along with their signs. In the first section he describes two of these varieties, the first occurring in the pneuma , the second in the elementary parts of the body. 261 In section two he goes through the third variety, which occurs when the humours become corrupt. 18. Crises ( K. al-buḥrān ). 262 It is in three sections. His aim is to describe how someone comes to make a prognosis of a crisis or the lack of it, if it will occur, when, how, and what the result will be. 19. Critical Days ( K. ayyām al-buḥrān ). 263 It is in three sections. The aim in the first two sections is to set out the different properties of the days in respect to their influence, those days when crisis occurs, those days when it is unlikely, and on which of the former the occurrence of a crisis is favourable and on which unfavourable, and anything else in this connection. In section three he outlines the reasons why days differ in their influence in the way they do. 20. Method of Healing ( K. ḥīlat al-burʾ ). 264 It consists of fourteen sections. His aim is to prescribe treatments for every single disease by an analogical procedure. He limits himself to the common symptoms one must pay attention to for this purpose and on the basis of which one must determine the treatment required for each disease. To this end he cites particular cases as ready examples. He composed six of the sections for a man called Hieron, 265 explaining in the first and second the correct principles which provide the foundation for work in this area. He also exposes the erroneous principles developed by Erasistratus 266 and his associates. In the remaining four sections he tells us how to treat “dissolution of continuity” in each of the parts of the body. 267 After Hieron died, Galen held off from completing the book until he was asked to finish it by Eugenianus, 268 for whom he wrote the remainder in eight sections. In the first six of these he describes treating diseases in the homoeomerous parts, and in the remaining two treatment for diseases of the composite parts. In the first of the initial six 269 he describes the treatment for every type of bad mixture occurring in a single part of the body and pursues his subject by giving examples of what happens in the stomach. In the following section – i.e. section eight of the whole book – he tells us how to treat types of fever which occur in the pneuma , i.e. ephemeral fever. In the next section, the ninth, he deals with non-intermittent fever. Then in the tenth he discusses fever that occurs in the elementary parts of the body, i.e. hectic fever, 270 and he deals with everything one needs to know about administering hot baths. Next in the eleventh and twelfth sections he covers the treatment of fevers arising from the putrefaction of the humours. In the eleventh this concerns fevers that are not accompanied by unusual symptoms, in the twelfth fevers which are so accompanied. 271 21. Anatomical Procedures ( K. ʿilāj al-tashrīḥ ). This is also known as “The Great Book of Anatomy” ( al-Tashrīḥ al-kabīr ). 272 It is in fifteen sections and he notes that in it he covers everything one needs on the topic of anatomy. In the first section he describes the muscles and ligaments of the arms, in the second the muscles and ligaments of the legs, and in the third covers the nerves and vessels of the arms and legs. In four he deals with the muscles which control movements of the cheeks and lips and those which move the lower jaw up to the head and down to the neck and shoulder blades. In five he treats muscles of the chest, abdomen, loins, and spine. In section six he considers the organs of nourishment, i.e. stomach, guts, liver, spleen, kidneys, bladder, and so on. In section seven and eight he describes the anatomy of the respiratory organs – in seven he shows us what is revealed by dissecting the heart, lungs, and arteries either after the death of a living thing or during its lifetime, while in eight he discusses the anatomy of the whole chest. He devotes the entirety of section nine to the anatomy of the brain and spinal cord. In ten he covers the anatomy of the eyes, tongue, oesophagus and the parts of the body connected to them. In eleven he discusses the larynx and the bone that resembles the Greek equivalent of lām and the nerves connected to it that traverse these areas. 273 In the twelfth section he gives an account of the reproductive organs. 274 In the thirteenth he outlines the anatomy of the veins and arteries. In the fourteenth he deals with the anatomy of the nerves which originate in the brain, and in the fifteenth with the anatomy of the nerves which originate in the spinal cord. Galen says, 275 ‘This book is required reading on the science of anatomy. I have in fact written other books which, though not required, are nonetheless useful.’ 22. Abridgment of Marinus’ Anatomy ( Ikhtiṣār kitāb Mārīnus fī l-tashrīḥ ). 276 Marinus composed this book in twenty sections but Galen summarized it in four. 23. Abridgment of Lycus’ Anatomy ( Ikhtiṣār kitāb Lūqus fī l-tashrīḥ ). 277 The author of the book composed it, again, in seventeen sections. Galen tells us that he had summarized it in two. 24. Disagreements Among the Ancients Concerning Anatomy ( K. fīmā waqaʿa min al-ikhtilāf bayna l-qudamāʾ fī l-tashrīḥ ). 278 It is in two sections. His aim here is to show the nature of the disagreements that can be found in books on anatomy by earlier authors on the topic either in relation to matters of terminology alone or to matters of theory, and to suggest reasons for these. 25. Dissection of Dead Animals ( K. tashrīḥ al-amwāt ). 279 It consists of a single section. In this he describes the kind of things we can learn from dissecting a dead animal. 26. Dissection of Living Animals ( K. tashrīḥ al-aḥyāʾ ). 280 It is in two sections. His aim here is to show what kind of things we can learn by dissecting a living animal. 27. Hippocrates’ Knowledge of Anatomy ( K. fī ʿilm Abuqrāṭ bi-l-tashrīh ). 281 Galen arranged the book in five sections. He wrote it at as a young man for Boethus 282 and his aim in it was to show that Hippocrates was faithful to the science of anatomy. He cites testimonia from across his corpus. 28. Erasistratus’ Views on Anatomy ( K. fī ārāʾ Arāsisṭrāṭus bi-l-tashrīḥ ). 283 Galen composed the book in three sections. He wrote it as a young man, also for Boethus, and his aim was to explain Erasistratus’ discussion of anatomy in the course of his works and to show where he was right and where he went wrong. 29. Gaps in Lycus’ Knowledge of Anatomy ( K. fīmā lam yaʿlamhu Lūqus min amr al-tashrīḥ ). 284 It is in four sections. 30. Disagreements with Lycus about Anatomy ( K. fīmā khālafa fīhi li-Lūqus fi l-tashrīḥ ). 285 It is in two sections. 31. Anatomy of the Womb ( K. fī tashrīḥ al-raḥim ). 286 This book consists of a single short section. He wrote it as a young man for a midwife. It contains all one needs to know about the anatomy of the womb and what is generated in it during pregnancy. 32. The First Vertebral Articulation of the Spinal Column ( K. fī mafṣil alfiqrah al-ūlā min fiqār al-raqabah ). 287 It consists of a single section. 33. Differences in the Homoeomerous Parts ( K. fī khtilāf al-aʿḍāʾ al-mutashābihat al-ajzāʾ ). 288 It consists of a single section. 34. Anatomy of the Organs of the Voice ( K. fī tashrīḥ ālāt al-ṣawt ). 289 It consists of a single section. Ḥunayn notes that ‘this book is forged after the style of Galen but is not by him or any of the ancients. Rather, it is the work of a modern author who compiled it from Galen’s books and was,’ more to the point, ‘rather poor.’ 35. Anatomy of the Eye ( K. fī tashrīḥ al-ʿayn ). 290 It is also in one section. Ḥunayn notes that ‘the title is again fictional since it is attributed to Galen’ and is not by Galen. ‘It is likely it is by Rufus or someone inferior to him.’ 36. Movement of the Chest and Lungs ( K. fī ḥarakat al-ṣadr wa-l-riʾah ). 291 He composed this book in three sections. He wrote it as a young man after he returned from Rome for the first time and was then resident in Smyrna under Pelops. 292 Indeed it was a fellow pupil who asked him for it. In the first two sections and the beginning of the third he sets out what he learnt from his teacher Pelops on this topic. In the remainder of the third section he outlines his own discoveries. 37. Causes of Breathing ( K. fī ʿilal al-tanaffus ). 293 He composed this book in two sections for Boethus on his first trip to Rome. His aim in both is to explain which organs give rise to breathing that is automatic and which breathing that is forced. 294 38. The Voice ( K. fīl-ṣawt ). 295 This book in four sections was composed after the book I have just mentioned. The aim is to show the origins of the voice, its character, its material, the organs that produce it, which parts of the body assist in its production, and how voices differ. 39. The Movement of the Muscles ( K. fī ḥarakat al-ʿaḍal ). 296 It is in two sections. His aim is to show the nature of the movement of the muscles, its workings, and the origin of these different movements in muscle even though their movement is unitary. He also investigates whether breath is voluntary or the result of natural movements and engages in a wide-ranging and sophisticated enquiry on the topic. 40. Criticism of the Error Held Regarding the Distinction Between Urine and Blood ( M. fī munāqaḍat al-khaṭaʾ alladhī ʿtuqid fī tamyīz al-bawl min al-dam ). 297 41. The Necessity of the Pulse ( M. fī l-ḥājah ilā l-nabḍ ). 298 42. The Necessity of Breathing ( M. fī l-ḥājah ilā l-tanaffus ). 299 43. Is There or Is There Not a Natural Flow of Blood in the Arteries ( M. fī l-ʿurūq al-ḍawārib hal yajrī fīhā l-dam bi-l-ṭabʿ am lā )? 300 44. Properties of Laxative Drugs ( K. fī quwā l-adwiyah al-mus′hilah ). 301 It consists of a single section. He shows that the laxative effects of drugs and what they purge does not come about because any of these drugs change matter they encounter in the body into its own nature, thereby causing it to be expelled and pass out. Rather each of them attracts to itself a humour that is compatible and consistent with itself. 45. Habits ( K. fī l-ʿādāt ). 302 It consists of a single section. His aim is to show that habit is one of the factors that should be taken into account. A supplement and appendix to the book is formed by a commentary on Galen’s citations on the topic from the text of Plato according to the interpretation of Proclus 303 and a commentary on citations from the text of Hippocrates according to the interpretation of Galen. 46. The Opinions of Hippocrates and Plato ( K. fī ārāʾ Abuqrāṭ wa-Falā-ṭun ). 304 It is in ten sections. His aim is to show that Plato is consistent with Hippocrates in the majority of his views since he borrows most of them from him, and that where Aristotle diverges from them, he is wrong. He explains everything one needs to know about the soul as the governing faculty responsible for thought, imagination, and memory, and of the three roots that are the sources of the faculties responsible for governing the body. 305 He discusses various other topics as well. 47. Problematical Movement ( K. fī l-ḥarakah al-muʿtāṣah ). 306 It consists of a single section. His aim is to examine movements which neither he nor his predecessors had been aware of but which he later managed to understand. 48. The Organ of Smell ( K. fī ālat al-shamm ). 307 It consists of a single section. 49. The Uses of the Parts ( K. manāfiʿ al-aʿḍāʾ ). 308 It is in seventeen sections. In sections one and two he shows us the wisdom of the Creator (He is Blessed and Exalted!) in perfecting the creation of the hand and arm. 309 In the third section he shows his wisdom in perfecting the foot and leg, 310 in sections four and five his wisdom regarding the organs used for nutrition. He takes sections six and seven on the subject of the organs used in breathing, and in eight and nine he focusses on the inside of the head. In ten he treats the eyes and in eleven the other features of the face. In section twelve he discusses the parts of the body that are associated with the head and neck. In thirteen he turns to the areas near to the spine and shoulder blades. In the two following sections he describes the Creator’s wisdom at work in the parts of the body responsible for reproduction. Then in section sixteen he considers organs common to the whole body such as arteries, veins and nerves. In seventeen he describes the disposition and proportions of all parts of the body and demonstrates the usefulness of the entire book. 50. The Best Constitution for the Body ( M. fī afḍal hayʾāt al-badan ). 311 This treatise is a sequel to the first two sections of Mixtures . 312 The aim is clear from the title. 51. Bodily Vigour ( M. fīkhiṣb al-badan ). 313 A minor treatise. The aim is clear from the title. 52. Uneven Bad Mixture ( M. fī sūʾ al-mizāj al-mukhtalif ). 314 The aim is clear from the title. In it he discusses which type of bad mixture occurs evenly throughout the body, and how it affects one’s condition, and which type is uneven through the parts of the body. 53. Simple Drugs ( K. al-adwiyah al-mufradah ). 315 He arranged this book in eleven sections. In the first two of these he exposes the mistakes people have made by using poor methods to evaluate the properties of drugs. After this, in section three he provides a solid basis for the whole discipline of evaluating the primary properties of drugs. Section four clarifies secondary properties such as tastes or smells and informs us how to deduce from these the primary properties of drugs. In section five he describes the tertiary properties of drugs, i.e. the effects of warming, cooling, drying, or moistening that are produced by them in the body. In the three sections that follow he describes the property of each of the drugs that are pieces of plants. Next in section nine he examines the properties of drugs that are parts of the earth, i.e. types of soil, clay, stone, or minerals. In section ten he looks at drugs that come from materials produced in the bodies of living creatures, and in eleven describes the properties of drugs that come from materials generated in the sea or salt water. 54. Signs of Ailments in the Eyes ( M. fī dalāʾil ʿilal al-ʿayn ). 316 He wrote it in his youth for a young man who was an oculist. 317 He gives a brief account of the ailments that afflict each of the tunics of the eye and describes their signs. 55. Times in Diseases ( M. fī awqāt al-amrāḍ ). 318 The subject of his enquiry is the four phases of a disease, i.e. its outbreak, advance, peak, and decline. 56. Fullness ( K. al-imtilāʾ ), also known as Plethora ( K. al-kathrah ). 319 It consists of a single section in which he outlines the topic of an abundance in the humours. He describes these and the signs of each type. 57. Swellings ( M. fī l-awrām ). 320 Galen defined them as types of unnatural hard masses. In this treatise he describes all types of swellings and their signs. 58. Apparent Causes ( M. fī l-asbāb al-bādiyah ), 321 i.e. swellings ( al-awrām ), which occur 322 on the exterior of the body. In this treatise he demonstrates the effect of apparent causes on the body and the deficient arguments of those who dismiss their effect. 59. Cohesive Causes in Diseases ( M. fī l-asbāb al-muttaṣilah bi-l-amrāḍ ). 323 In this he discusses the cohesive cause of disease, i.e. its efficient cause. 324 60. Tremor, Spasm, Convulsion and Shivering ( M. fī l-riʿshah wa-l-nāfiḍ wal-ikhtilāj wa-l-tashannuj ). 325 61. Parts of Medicine ( M. fī ajzāʾ al-ṭibb ). 326 He divides medicine by various modes of division and subdivision. 62. Sperm ( K. fī l-manī ). 327 It consists of two sections. His aim is to show that it is not blood that is responsible for generating all parts of the body, as Aristotle had thought. Rather, all the elementary parts of the body, 328 that is, the pale parts, are generated from sperm, whereas it is the dark flesh alone that is generated from the blood of the menses. 63. Generation of the Fetus Born at Seven Months ( M. fī tawallud al-janīn almawlūd li-sabʿat ashhur ). 329 64. Black Bile ( M. fī l-mirrah al-sawdāʾ ). 330 In this he describes types and signs of black bile. 65. Periods and Compositions of Fevers ( K. adwār al-ḥummayāt wa-tarākībihā ). 331 It consists of one section. In it he criticizes people who assert that there is no value in the topic of periods and compositions of fevers. Galen’s title for the book was “Criticism of Those who Discuss Types” ( Munāqaḍat man takallama fī l-rusūm ). Ḥunayn says, ‘Another treatise on the topic is extant but it is not by Galen.’ 66. Epitome of the so-called Great Book of the Pulse ( Ikhtiṣār kitābihi l-maʿrūf bi-l-nabḍ al-kabīr ). 332 It consists of one section. Galen states that he gave a comprehensive summary of the pulse in this book. Ḥunayn says that, ‘I have seen in Greek a treatise 333 along these lines. However, I cannot accept that Galen is the author of the treatise since it does not include all the essential facts about the pulse and moreover its composition is unattractive. It is possible that Galen had promised to write this treatise 334 but was unable to do so, and when a forger noticed the promise was unfulfilled he fabricated the authorship of the work and inserted a mention of it in his Catalogue 335 so it would be accepted. It is also possible that Galen did write a treatise on this topic (but not this one), that it went missing like many of his books, and so this treatise was concocted as a substitute in its place.’ 67. On the Pulse in Criticism of Archigenes ( K. fī l-nabḍ yunāqiḍu fīhi Arkhījānis ). 336 Galen says he wrote it in eight sections. 68. Difficulty in Breathing ( K. fī radāʾat al-tanaffus ). 337 He wrote the book in three sections. His aim is to describe the types and causes of difficult breathing and what they signify. In the first section he describes types and causes of breathing, in the second types of difficult breathing and what each means, and in the third section he cites passages of Hippocrates that confirm the validity of his argument. 69. Remarkable Stories of Prognosis ( K. nawādir taqdimat al-maʿrifah ). 338 It consists of one section. In this he makes the case for prognosis, informs us about the ingenious methods that lie behind it and describes and illustrates spectacular examples of it from his patients. Once these became known, he was much admired. 70. Abridgment of his Method of Healing ( Ikhtiṣār K. fī ḥīlat al-burʾ ). 339 It consists of two sections. 71. Phlebotomy ( K. al-fasḍ ). 340 It consists of three sections. Section one is intended as an attack on Erasistratus for his opposition to phlebotomy. In the second section he attacks his followers at Rome for the same notion. In the third he gives his own views about treatment by means of phlebotomy. 72. On the Wasting Disease ( K. al-dhubūl ). 341 It consists of one section. The aim is to show the nature and types of this disease and the regimen appropriate for people at risk. 73. Prescriptions for an Epileptic Boy ( M. fī ṣifāt li-ṣabīy yuṣraʿ ). 342 74. Properties of Foods ( K. quwā l-aghdhiyah ). 343 It consists of three sections. He lists all foods and drinks that are sources of nourishment and describes the properties each contains. 75. The Thinning Diet ( K. al-tadbīr al-mulaṭṭif ). 344 It consists of one section. The aim accords with the title. 75a. An abridgment of this book on the thinning diet. It consists of one section. 345 76. Good and Bad Juices ( K. al-Kaymūs al-jayyid wa-l-radīʾ ). 346 It consists of one section. He lists foods and reviews which of them produce excellent or bad juices. 77. Erasistratus’ Theory of Treating Disease ( K. fī afkār Arāsisṭrāṭus fī mudāwāt al-amrāḍ ). 347 It consists of eight 348 sections. He considers Erasistratus’ therapeutic methods and distinguishes correct approaches from erroneous ones. 78. Regimen in Acute Diseases according to the Views of Hippocrates ( K. tadbīr al-amrāḍ al-ḥāddah ʿalā raʾy Abuqrāṭ ). 349 79. Composition of Drugs ( K. tarkīb al-adwiyah ). He wrote it in seventeen sections. In seven of these he gives a comprehensive account of the varieties ( ajnās ) of compound drugs and lists them by one by one. For example, he includes the variety of drugs that is specifically for building up flesh in the case of ulcers, the variety that is solely for dissolving, and the variety that produces scarring, and so on and so forth for all the other varieties of drugs. The aim is to describe the method of compounding drugs in groups ( jumal ). For this reason he gave these seven sections the title Composition of Drugs by Groups and Varieties . 350 To the other ten sections he gave the title Composition of Drugs by Places . 351 What he meant is this. When he calls these ten sections Composition of Drugs , he is not suggesting that each type of drug will produce its effect on a disease under any circumstances but that it does so in relation to the place – i.e. the part of the body – where the disease is present. He starts with the head and then proceeds in order through all parts of the body till the last. I 352 say that a complete version of this book, which Galen designated Composition of Drugs , is not to be found today. Rather it has been divided into two books and each of them is independent. There is not much doubt that the Alexandrians did this relying on their clear understanding of Galen’s works, but it could have been others. Thus the first portion is known as the Qāṭājānis , 353 and includes the first seven sections mentioned above. The second is known as the Mayāmir . 354 It comprises the remaining ten sections. Mayāmir is the plural of mīmar , which means “way”. The book was probably given this name because it shows the way to employ compound drugs in the correct manner. 80. Readily Available Drugs ( K. al-adwiyah allatī yas′hulu wujūduhā ). 355 These are the drugs that are termed “locally available”. The book consists of two sections. Ḥunayn says that, ‘An additional section on this subject was added to it and attributed to Galen but in fact it is by Phil-agrius’. 356 He also says that ‘a great deal of nonsense’ has been inserted ‘into the book including novel and surprising prescriptions and drugs that Galen had never seen or heard of.’ 81. Drugs that Counter Diseases ( K. al-adwiyah al-muqābilah li-l-adwāʾ ). 357 He wrote it in two sections. In section one his subject is theriac, in section two he covers all other medicinal pastes. 358 82. Theriac to Pamphilianus ( K. al-tiryāq ilā Bamfūliyānūs ). 359 It consists of one short section. 83. Theriac to Piso ( K. al-tiryāq ilā Fīsun ). 360 This is also consists of one section. 84. Method for Preserving Health ( K. fī l-ḥīlah li-ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥah ). 361 It consists of six sections. His aim is to show how healthy people can preserve their health, including those who are in the peak of health and those who are not, and those who live a free live and those who live a slave’s. 85. To Thrasybulus ( K. ilā Barāthīlūs ). 362 It consists of one section. The aim is to investigate whether healthy people preserve their health because of the art of medicine or as a result of the art of the professional trainers. This is the work he refers to at the start of his book Regimen for Healthy People ( K. tadbīr al-aṣiḥḥāʾ ) 363 where he says that ‘there is a single art that is responsible for bodies, as I have shown elsewhere’. 86. Exercise with a Small Ball ( K. al-riyāḍah bi-l-kurah al-ṣaghīrah ). 364 It consists of one section. In it he commends exercise with a small ball and play using a mallet 365 and advocates it above every other time of exercise. 87. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Covenant ( Tafsīr K. ʿahd Abuqrāṭ ). 366 It consists of one section. 88. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms ( Tafsīr K. al-fuṣūl li-Abuqrāṭ ). 367 He composed it in seven sections. 89. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Fractures ( Tafsīr K. al-kasr li-Abuqrāṭ ). 368 He wrote it in three sections. 90. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Reducing Dislocation ( Tafsīr K. radd alkhalʿ li-Abuqrāṭ ). 369 He wrote it in four sections. 91. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Prognosis ( Tafsīr K. taqdimat al-maʿrifah li-Abuqrāṭ ). 370 He wrote it in three sections. 92. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Regimen in Acute Diseases ( Tafsīr K. tadbīr al-amrāḍ al-ḥāddah li-Abuqrāṭ ). 371 We have found three sections to the commentary, though in the Pinax Galen says he commented on it in five sections. These first three sections are a commentary on the genuine portion of the book; the remaining two are a commentary on the spurious portion. 372 93. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Ulcers ( Tafsīr K. al-qurūḥ li-Abuqrāṭ ). 373 He wrote it in one section. 94. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Wounds to the Head ( Tafsīr K. jirāḥāt al-raʾs li-Abuqrāṭ ). 374 It consists of one section. 95. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Epidemics ( Tafsīr K. Abīdīmiyā li-Abuqrāṭ ). 375 He commented on the first book in three sections, the second in six, the third in three, 376 and the sixth in eight sections. This is the extent of his commentary. The remaining three books – i.e. four, five, and seven – were not given a commentary because, as he states, they are forgeries using Hippocrates’ language. 96. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Humours ( Tafsīr K. al-akhlāṭ li-Abuqrāṭ ). 377 He wrote it in three sections. 97. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Predictions ( Tafsīr K. taqdimat al-indhār li-Abuqrāṭ ). 378 To this day I have not found a copy. 98. Commentary on Hippocrates’ In the Surgery ( Tafsīr K. qāṭyaṭriyyūn li-Abuqrāṭ ). 379 He wrote it in three sections. 99. Commentary on Air, Water, and Dwelling-Places ( Tafsīr K. al-hawāʾ wa-lmāʾ wa-l-masākin li-Abuqrāṭ ). 380 He wrote this in three sections too. 381 100. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Nutrition ( Tafsīr K. al-ghidhāʾ li-Abuqrāṭ ). 382 He wrote it in four sections. 101. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Nature of the Embryo ( Tafsīr K. ṭabīʿat al-janīn li-Abuqrāṭ ). 383 Ḥunayn says that, ‘For this book we have found no commentary in Galen’s own words nor have we found any statement in his Catalogue that he produced one. However, in the work he composed on Hippocrates’ knowledge of anatomy 384 we came across a reference to a threefold division of the book. Galen notes that the first and third portions of it are spurious and not by Hippocrates but that the second portion is genuine. It was on this that Gessius of Alexandria wrote a commentary. 385 We have in fact found two commentaries on all three books together. One of these is in Syriac and bears the inscription that it is by Galen and in the translation of Sergius. 386 Upon examination we learnt that it was by Pelops. 387 The other is in Greek and upon investigation we discovered it is by Soranus, who belonged to the Methodist sect. Ḥunayn translated most of the text into Arabic during the caliphate of Muʿtazz bi-llāh’. 102. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Nature of Man ( Tafsīr K. ṭabīʿat al-insān ). 388 He composed it in two 389 sections. 102a. The Identity of Hippocrates’ Views in his Nature of Man and in his Other Works ( K. fī anna raʾy Abuqrāṭ fī K. ṭabīʿat al-insān wa-fī sāʾir kutubihi wāḥid ). 390 He composed it in three sections. Galen says he authored it after the commentary on Nature of Man on being informed that certain people objected to that book by alleging that it was not by Hippocrates. 103. The Best Physician Must also Be a Philosopher ( K. fī anna l-ṭabīb al-fāḍil yajibu an yakūna faylasūfan ). 391 It consists of a single section. 104. Authentic and Inauthentic Works of Hippocrates ( K. fī kutub Abuqrāṭ al-ṣaḥīḥah wa-ghayr al-ṣaḥīḥah ). It consists of a single section. 392 105. An Enquiry into the Correctness of Quintus’ Critique of the Hippocratics for Advocating the Four Qualities ( K. fī l-baḥth ʿan ṣawāb mā thalaba bihi Quwīnṭus aṣḥāb Abuqrāṭ alladhīna qālū bi-l-kayfiyyāt al-arbaʿ ). 393 Ḥunayn says that ‘I do not know the truth or otherwise of Galen’s authorship. I do not think it has been translated.’ 106. Prolonged Sleep according to the Views of Hippocrates ( K. fī l-subāt ʿalā raʾy Abuqrāṭ ). 394 Ḥunayn again remarks that, ‘The story of this book is like the story of the book’ he discussed before. 107. Hippocrates’ Terminology ( K. fī alfāẓ Abuqrāṭ ). 395 Ḥunayn says that, ‘This book also consists of one section. The aim is to explain unusual Hippocratic terminology throughout the corpus. It is useful for those who read Greek; but those reading in other languages have no need of it, and it would be completely impossible to translate’. 108. The Substance of the Soul according to the Views of Asclepiades ( K. fī jawhar al-nafs mā hiya ʿalā raʾy Asqalībiyādhas ). 396 It consists of a single section. 109. Medical Experience ( K. fī l-tajribah al-ṭibbiyyah ). 397 It consists of a single section. In it he relates the arguments of the Empiricists and Dogmatists against one another. 110. An Exhortation to Study Medicine ( K. fī l-ḥathth ʿalā taʿallum al-ṭibb ). 398 It consists of a single section. Ḥunayn says that in this work Galen ‘copies Menodotus’ book; 399 it is an excellent, useful, and attractive work.’ 111. The Tenets of Empiricism ( K. fī jumal al-tajribah ). 400 It consists of a single section. 112. Examination of the Best of Physicians ( K. fī miḥnat afḍal al-atibbāʾ ). 401 It consists of a single section. 113. His Own Views ( K. fīmā yaʿtaqiduhu raʾyan ). 402 It consists of a single section. He recounts what he knew and what he did not. 114. Medical Terms ( K. fī l-asmāʾ al-ṭibbiyyah ). 403 His aim is to clarify the senses in which physicians use the terms they employ. He wrote it in five sections. We have found translated into Arabic only the first section in a version by Ḥubaysh al-Aʿsam. 115. On Proof ( K. al-burhān ). 404 He composed this book in fifteen sections. His aim is to show that the method used to demonstrate a proposition proceeds by necessary steps. For this is Aristotle’s aim in the fourth book of his Logic . 405 Ḥunayn says that, ‘To the present day none of my contemporaries has managed to locate a complete copy of On Proof in Greek despite the fact that Jibrīl 406 had made a great effort to look for it and I too put all my energy into the search, combing the lands of al-Jazīrah, al-Shām, 407 and the whole of Palestine and Egypt till I reached Alexandria. I found no trace except for about half of it at Damascus but the sections were not consecutive or complete. Jibrīl also found sections from it and not all of them were the same as the ones found by me. Ayyūb 408 translated them for him. As for me, I had no desire to translate any of it without the prospect of being able to read the entire thing both because of its damaged and defective condition and because my soul longed to discover a complete version. But later I translated what I had into Syriac. This comprised a small portion of the second section, most of the third, and approximately half of the fourth from the beginning together with the ninth except for part of the beginning, which had fallen out. I came across all the other sections bar the fifteenth, which was defective at the end. ʿĪsā ibn Yaḥyā 409 translated what he found from section eight 410 to section eleven and Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn made an Arabic version of twelve to fifteen.’ 116. Hypothetical premises ( K. fī l-qiyāsāt al-waḍʿiyyah ). 411 It consists of one section. 117. The Structure of the Arts ( K. fī qiwām al-ṣināʿāt ). 412 Ḥunayn says that he had found only ‘fragments’ of this book in Greek. 118. A Man’s Ability to Know the Errors of his Soul ( K. fī taʿarruf al-insān ʿuyūb nafsihi ). 413 It consists of two sections. Ḥunayn says that he had found in Greek ‘only a defective copy of one section.’ 119. Character Traits ( K. al-akhlāq ). 414 It consists of four sections. His aim is to describe types, causes, and signs of characters and the way to deal with them. 120. Avoiding Distress ( M. fī ṣarf al-ightimām ). 415 He wrote this for a man who asked him how it could be that he had never seen him distressed by the loss of all the possessions he had deposited in the great storehouses when these burnt down in Rome, and so he set out for him the reason for this and showed when distress is justified and when it is not. 121. The Best People Can Derive Benefit from their Enemies ( M. fī anna akhyār al-nās qad yantafiʿūna bi-aʿdāʾihim ). 416 122. Plato’s Discussion of Medical Science in his Book Known as Timaeus ( K. fīmā dhakara Aflāṭun fī kitābihi l-maʿrūf bi-Ṭīmāwus min ʿilm al-ṭibb ). 417 It consists of four sections. 123. The Properties of the Soul Follow the Mixture of the Body ( K. fī anna quwā l-nafs tābiʿah li-mizāj al-badan ). 418 It consists of a single section. His aim is clear from the title. 124. Summaries of Plato’s Books ( K. jawāmiʿ kutub Aflāṭūn ). 419 Ḥunayn says that, ‘Among writings of this sort 420 I came across another volume, which consists of four sections out of eight written by Galen. It contains summaries of Plato’s books. In section one there are summaries of five Platonic works: Cratylus on names, Sophist on division, Politicus 421 on the statesman, Parmenides on forms, and Euthedemus . In section two there are summaries on four sections of Plato’s Republic , 422 and in section three a summary of the six remaining sections together with one on the book called Timaeus , which concerns the study of nature. In section four he summarizes the principal ideas of the twelve sections of Plato’s Laws .’ 125. That the Prime Mover Does Not Move ( K. fī anna l-muḥarrik al-awwal lā yataḥarrak ). 423 It consists of a single section. 126. Introduction to Logic ( K. al-mudkhal ilā l-manṭiq ). 424 It consists of one section. He sets out the topics essential for beginners that they will benefit from by learning (the art of) proof. 127. The Number of Syllogisms ( M. fī ʿadad al-maqāyīs ). 425 128. Commentary on the Second Book of Aristotle , which is called Peri Hermēneias ( tafsīr al-kitāb al-thānī min kutub Arisṭūṭālīs wa-huwa lladhī yusammā bārīmīniyās ). 426 It consists of three sections. Ḥunayn says that he had discovered ‘a defective copy’. 129. Requirements for Someone who Makes Errors in Speech ( K. fīmā yalzamu lladhī yalḥanu fī kalāmihi ). 427 It consists of seven sections. Ḥunayn says that he had found only one and that he had not translated it. [5.1.38] Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq says, 428 ‘We have also come across a number of books with Galen’s name in the title but not by him. Rather, some of them are snippets of Galenic phrases arranged by other people to make books. In other cases they are by authors prior to Galen and later on someone put Galen’s name in the title. He did this either out of a desire to multiply the number of Galenic books in his possession no-one else owned or because of a lack of sense that it is a constant attribute of fools such that when they come across a book with a number of sections to it and find the first of these begins with a certain person’s name, they assume all the other sections are by the same person. This is why we find many sections in books by Rufus that have Galen’s name in the title – for example, his treatise On Jaundice ( M. fī l-yaraqān )’. 429 Ḥunayn continues, ‘Those sections of books where we find Galen in the title have a quality of language that is quite alien to Galen’s hallmark style and the force of the thought in them is quite different from Galen’s own beliefs.’ These titles are: 130. On the Leaders of the Sects ( M. fī aʾimmat al-firaq ). 430 131. On Types Established by Hippocrates ( M. fī l-rusūm allatī rasamahā Buqrāṭ ). 431 132. Treatise Entitled “The Physician, by Galen” ( M. mawsūmah al-ṭabīb li-Jālīnūs ). Galen in fact mentions it at the start of his Catalogue, 432 where he informs us that it was falsely attributed and inauthentic. 433 133. On the Art ( M. fī l-ṣināʿah ). I refer not to the famous treatise designated by this title, the authenticity of which is well known, 434 but to a different one that is falsely attributed. This author’s language is slapdash and careless. 134. On Bones ( K. fī l-ʿiẓām ). I refer not to the authentic treatise on this subject but to another one. 435 The author’s ability is far weaker than the level of that class (of books). 135. On Definitions ( K. fī l-ḥudūd ). 436 136. Treatise in a question and answer format ( M. ʿalā ṭarīq al-masʾalah wal-jawāb ). 437 137. On the Causes of Breathing ( M. fī ʿilal al-tanaffus ). 438 It is short and fragmentary. 138. On Natural Language ( M. fī l-kalām al-ṭabīʿī ). 139. On Medicine according to the Views of Homer ( K. fī l-ṭibb ʿalā raʾy Ūmīrus ). 439 It consists of two sections. The phraseology and language of both of them are very similar to Galen’s. However, the point of the argument is weak in both sections and moreover at the end of section two the views are improbable and quite unlike the Galenic system. 140. Treatise arguing that the qualities are not bodies ( M. fī anna l-kayfiyyāt laysat ajsāman ). 141. On the Humours according to the Views of Hippocrates ( M. fī l-akhlāṭ ʿalā raʾy Abuqrāṭ ). 440 142. Investigation into whether the Parts of the Foetus Generated in the Womb are Created Simultaneously or Not ( M. yubḥathu fīhā hal aʿḍaʾ al-janīn al-mutawallid fī l-raḥim tatakhallaqu kulluhā maʿan am lā ). 441 143. Investigation into whether the Foetus is Alive or Not in the Womb ( M. yubḥathu fīhā hal al-janīn fī l-raḥim ḥayawān am lā ). 442 144. Treatise arguing that the soul does not die ( M. fī anna l-nafs lā tamūt ). 443 145. On Milk ( M. fī l-laban ). 444 146. On Drying Out the Flesh ( M. fī tajfīf al-laḥm ). 445 147. On Types ( M. fī l-rusūm ). This is different from the genuine treatise above and inferior to it in authority. 446 148. On Urine ( M. fī l-bawl ). 447 149. Treatise refuting the followers of the third sect on the passage where he sets out the causes of diseases during their establishment ( M. fī l-radd ʿalā aṣḥāb al-firqah al-thālithah fī l-mawḍiʿ alladhī yadhkuru fīhi asbāb al-amrāḍ ʿinda tarkībihā ). 448 150. Treatise arguing that Hippocrates surpassed everybody in his knowledge of the phases of disease ( M. fī anna Abuqrāṭ sabaqa l-nās jamīʿan fī maʿrifat al-awqāt ). 449 151. On the Causes of Illnesses ( M. fī asbāb al-ʿilal ). 450 152. On Jaundice ( M. fī l-yaraqān ). 451 Ḥunayn says, 452 ‘Titles we find mentioned by Galen in his books but not recorded in his Catalogue and of which no copy is available’: 153. On Humours according to the Views of Praxagoras ( M. fī l-akhlāṭ ʿalā raʾy Braksāghūrus ). 453 154. On People who Require Phlebotomy in the Spring ( M. fī man yaḥtāju fī l-rabīʿ ilā l-faṣd ). 454 [5.1.39] This is the sum total of Galen’s books, authentic or attributed, that I have been able to list following the entries in Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq’s book on his discoveries or translations into Arabic. He made this when he was 48 years old. Since he lived till 70, he must have come across many additional works of Galen’s that were translated into Arabic, just as we have found many of Galen’s books and others ascribed to him in translations by Ḥunayn or other people and of which there is absolutely no record in his above cited work. 455 Examples of these are: 155. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Pains in Women ( Tafsīr K. awjāʿ al-nisāʾ li-Abuqrāṭ ). 456 It consists of a single section. 156. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Sevens ( Tafsīr K. al-asābīʿ li-Abuqrāṭ ). 457 157. Commentary on Hippocrates’ Regimen for Healthy People ( Tafsīr K. tadbīr al-asiḥḥāʾ li-Abuqrāṭ ). It consists of a single section. 458 158. Treatments for Sicknesses ( K. mudāwāt al-asqām ); it is also known as Medicine for the Poor ( Ṭibb al-masākīn ), 459 and consists of two sections. 159. Bone Setting ( K. fī l-jabr ). 460 It consists of three sections. 160. Sudden Death ( K. fī l-mawt al-sarīʿ ). 461 It consists of one section. 161. Treatise on Enemas and Colic ( M. fī l-ḥuqan wa-l-qawlanj ). 462 162. Treatise on Sleep, Insomnia, and Emaciation ( M. fī l-nawm wa-l-yaqaẓah wa-l-ḍumūr ). 463 163. Treatise on Prohibiting Burial Within Twenty-Four Hours ( M. fī taḥrīm al-dafn qabl arbaʿ wa-ʿishrīn sāʿah ). 464 164. Treatise on the Providence of the Creator – Mighty and Glorious! – for Mankind ( M. fī ʿināyat al-khāliq ʿazza wa-jalla bi-l-insān ). 465 165. To Queen Fīlāfūs on the Secrets of Women ( R. ilā Fīlāfūs al-malikah fī asrār al-nisāʾ ). 466 166. To Qusṭānis the Chamberlain on the Secrets of Men ( R. ilā Qusṭānis al-Qahramān fī asrār al-rijāl ). 467 167. Secret Remedies ( K. fī l-adwiyah al-maktūmah ). He gives us hints and suggestions of these remedies in his works. It is in a single section. 468 Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq says, 469 ‘In this book Galen intended to describe all the secret and special remedies he had assembled over his lifetime and had successfully tried out on many occasions but had concealed and kept back from most people. He gave instruction in them to only a select number of practitioners of the art who possessed the right qualities and the soundest judgment. Someone other than myself made a version of it but made a mess by adding material that was not present and omitting things he did not understand how to translate. I applied myself to it so far as opportunity and ability allowed, compared it with my own considerable experience, and made an Arabic version for Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad ibn Mūsā’. 470 168. On Extracting Liquids from Plants ( M. fī stikhrāj miyāh al-ḥashāʾish ). 169. On Substitute Drugs ( M. fī abdāl al-adwiya ). 471 170. A collection of sayings in which he outlines the influence of the sun, moon, and stars. 171. On Colours ( M. fī l-alwān ). 472 172. Summary of his work On Proof ( Fī l-burhān ). 473 173. Refutation of those who wrote about analogies ( K. fī al-radd ʿalā lladhīna katabū fī l-mumāthalāt ). 174. Nature of the Embryo ( K. ṭabīʿat al-janīn ). 474 175. Refutation of Archigenes on the Pulse ( K. al-radd ʿalā Arkhījānis fī l-nabḍ ). 475 176. Prolonged Sleep ( K. fī l-subāt ). 476 177. Abridgment of his Properties of Foods ( Ikhtiṣāruhu li-kitābihi fī quwā l-aghdhiyah ). 477 178. Erasistratus’ Slurs ( K. fī l-afkār al-musfiyah li-Arāsisṭrāṭus ). 478 179. On the Uses of Theriac ( K. manāfiʿ al-tiryāq ). 180. On Juices ( M. fī l-kaymūsāt ). 181. Discussion of flavours ( Kalām fī l-ṭuʿūm ). 479 182. On the Bite of a Rabid Dog ( R. fī ʿaḍḍat al-kalb al-kalib ). 480 183. Cohesive Causes ( K. fī l-asbāb al-māsikah ). 481 184. Commentary on Polybus’ Regimen for Healthy People ( Tafsīr K. Fūlūbus fī tadbīr al-aṣiḥḥāʾ ). 482 185. Commentary on the Medical Parts of Plato’s Book Entitled Timaeus ( Tafsīr mā fī K. Falāṭun al-musammā Tīmāwus min ʿilm al-ṭibb ). 483 186. Cleansing Drugs ( K. fī l-adwiyah al-munaqqiyah ). 484 187. Intestines ( K. fī al-amʿāʾ ). 485 188. Improving and Protecting Voices from Damage ( K. fī taḥsīn al-aṣwāt wanafy l-āfāt ʿanhā ). 486 [5.1.40] In conclusion I would note that Galen certainly wrote many other books that translators did not find or that were lost in the course of time, in particular those mentioned in the second section of Galen’s catalogue of his works called the Pinax . 487 Should anyone wish to refer to their titles or to Galen’s aim in each of them, he may consult this book. Footnotes 1 For Galen’s legacy in Arabic-Islamic culture, see Ullmann, Medizin 35–68, Sezgin, gas iii , 68–140. For Galen in the Greco-Roman classical world, see Boudon-Millot, Galien pp. vii–ccxxix (including an account of the transmission histories of his corpus in East and West) and Galien de Pergame , and for a study of his place in Greco-Roman medicine, see Nutton, Ancient Medicine , chs 15–16. 2 In 5.1.2 and the start of 5.1.3 iau draws on the scheme elaborated in the History of Physicians by the celebrated philosopher and translator Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn (d. 298/910; biography at Ch. 9.3 ), drawing on John the Grammarian (see below). See p. 68/78 ed. Rosenthal, ‘Isḥāq b. Ḥunayn’. 3 khātam al-aṭibbāʾ , recalling Qur’an 33:40 ‘Seal of Prophets’. Cf. Bürgel, Ärztliches Leben , 414 on Maimonides’ attack on Galen for claiming the mantle of a prophet. 4 Arabic al-aṭibbāʾ al-sūfisṭāʾiyyīn , perhaps corresponding to the negative Greek term ἰατροσφι-στής, which was used in late antiquity for physicians who were alleged to have paraded their command of rhetoric and argumentation such as ‘Gessius the Iatrosophist’ (Sophronius, Nar-ratio miraculorum , no. 30, with the spelling Gesius), who is mentioned below in 5.2.1 . iau (drawing on Isḥāq) is, however, referring to Galen’s battles with the Methodist physicians of his own day in the 2nd cent. On this group, see Nutton index s.v. and below, 5.1.19 , further Ch. 4.1.10.4 on Galen’s incineration of the Methodists’ writings. One of the leading Methodists was the famous gynaecologist, Soranus of Ephesus, whom Galen in fact held in high regard. Cf. 5.1.37 no. 101 . 5 Isḥāq p. 66/76 ed. Rosenthal, ‘Isḥāq b. Ḥunayn’. 6 Yaḥyā al-Naḥwī. John the Grammarian is a shadowy author of a medical chronology probably dating to late antiquity. He is given a biography of sorts in Ch. 6 and used heavily by iau also in Chs 2 , 3 , 4 . What we (and iau ) know of his presentation of medicine comes mainly from Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn’s History , which developed hints in John to make Galen a contemporary of Christ. See Rosenthal, ‘Isḥāq b. Ḥunayn’ 56, Zimmerman, ‘Chronology’, Swain, ‘Beyond the Limits’, 399–403; and Vol. 1 of the present study, pp. 150–154. 7 Cf. John/Isḥāq p. 66/76 ed. Rosenthal, ‘Isḥāq b. Ḥunayn’. 8 Known in English as On the Order of My Own Books . The passage is 4.4 of the Greek ed. Boudon-Millot, Galien . The work is no. 2 in the list of Galen’s works in Ch. 5.1.37 . See Boudon-Millot 51–52 on the Arabic translation of the work, which is lost from Ch. 1.7 of our fully preserved Greek text. She suggests (p. 61) on a comparison of the Greek that iau reworked Ḥunayn’s translation ‘assez librement’. However iau stays close to the original and we may assume that he followed Ḥunayn carefully here in this lost section of the Arabic version just as he does in citing Ḥunayn’s other translations. 9 Cf. the reading ἐπιστήμων in Chartier’s edition (Boudon-Millot p. 80); in the received Greek text Galen refers to his rather than his father’s expertise (ἐπιστήμονας ἡμᾶς). 10 Isḥāq ed. Rosenthal p. 65/76. Cf. Ibn Riḍwān, Weg der Glückseligkeit 30/31–32/33 on discrepancies between John’s account in his History and in his Commentary on De Antidotis ( Tafsīr K. al-adwiyah al-muqābilah li-l-adwāʾ ; not mentioned in iau ’s list at Ch. 6.2 ) and Ibn Riḍwān’s calculations based on Ptolemy, with Dietrich’s notes ad loc. 11 Isḥāq ed. Rosenthal p. 65/75. Rosenthal alters the 5566 transmitted in the text of Isḥāq in order to match iau . 12 Isḥāq ed. Rosenthal p. 69/79 says there are 815 years from Galen’s death to ah 290 ( ad 902/3), hence iau says it was 525 (815–290) years before the Hijra ( ad 622), which would put his death in 97/98. (It is possible that Isḥāq, working in solar years, took 815 from 902/3, thus reckoning Galen’s death in 87/88.) Given Galen’s assumed lifespan of 87 years, he could thus make Galen a close coeval of Christ. The errors of Isḥāq are examined later with the help of ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Jibrīl, cf. Ch. 5.1.12. 13 Isḥāq ed. Rosenthal p. 71/80 ‘between Jesus and Galen, there are fifty-nine years’. ‘Birth’ appears to be iau ’s inference, for Isḥāq presumably indicates the time between the death of Christ and the death of Galen since he places Jesus’ death in 38 (874 years before ah 290 = 38; 38+59 = 97). 14 A Persian historian of the 12th cent. Dunlop, ei 2 s.v., gives the evidence for his Draughts of Experience , a lost history of Iran. In his Tatimmat Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah the information is ascribed to the Christian Aristotelian Ibn al-Ṭayyib, who claimed to be related to St Paul; al-Bayhaqī reports an exchange of letters between Galen and Jesus (ed. Shafīʿ i.28, 30–31, trans. Meyerhof, ‘Bayhaqī’ 147). See further 5.1.21 for the story (from Ibn Juljul) of Galen dying in Sicily on his way to visit Jesus in Jerusalem. Ibn Juljul’s contemporary Bar Bahlūl records in his lexicon (ed. Duval i.958, ll. 3–11) that ‘some say Luke was Galen’s pupil, others the son of his sister. When they heard the news of our Lord – that in Judaea there was a man who was performing extraordinary cures without any assistance from medicine – he and his master Galen doubted that the story was true … So they set off for Judaea to find out the truth. Galen died on the way, but Luke reached the Lord.’ On this, see Vol. 1 of the present study, p. 152. 15 Here and below Arabic ṣāḥib, aṣḥāb . The context could indicate a translation ‘master’/‘masters’ (cf. Ch. 5.1.12.2 mawālīhim ), but the term does not mean this. Rather we have an example of torture being used on free men because they are witnesses in a treason trial ( maiestas ); cf. Garnsey, Social Status , 214. 16 This is not preserved in the epitome of Ḥunayn’s Arabic translation of the work (ed. Kraus, ‘Akhlāq’, trans. Mattock ‘Traits’, Davies ‘Traits’), which is itself lost in Greek (see title no. 124 in the list of Galen’s books). On the era of Alexander, which for Galen means 332/1 bc , see below, n. 80 . The date is 183 and the passage quoted relates to events two years before those cited from Character Traits in Ch. 5.1.12.2 , which is a crucial text for ʿUbayd Allāh’s dating from Ch. 5.1.7 onward of iau ’s biography. Galen may be referring to any of several plots against the emperor Commodus recorded by the historians Herodian ( 1.8 ) and Cassius Dio (72.4–6), who do not specify dates. 17 ‘In the first section … point in time’ is taken directly from Ibn al-Nadīm, (Sayyid) 2/1:276, (Tajaddud) 348. There is a translation of the passage in Davies ‘Traits’ 180 (= 680–681 in Dodge’s translation of the Fihrist ; but note that Dodge’s version and notes are extremely inaccurate, as often on the Greek material). It is unclear whether iau knew Character Traits independently. 18 The mss give Ḥusayn. 19 Cf. Masʿūdī, K. al-Tanbīh 130, trans. Masʿūdī, L’avertissement , 183. But the note actually comes from Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī, Ṭabaqāt (Cheikho), 28. 20 11th cent. member of a prominent family of physicians: Ullmann, Medizin 110 no. 7. Biography at Ch. 8.6 . It is unclear if the extracts here come from his Merits of Physicians , since this work dealt with ‘memorable events’ and ‘noteworthy achievements’; nor is it the letter to Ibn Qaṭramīz (‘Son of Big Bottle’), as Meyerhof, ‘An Arabic Compendium’ 343 suggested, since this was about ritual purity ( iau ). See also Klein-Franke, Über die Heilung . 21 The citation, which includes long extracts from On My Own Books in Ch. 5.1.9 –10, apparently continues to 5.1.13 but with breaks and interventions by iau . Cf. the very much shorter version of ʿUbayd Allāh’s answer in Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 126–128. iau has clearly used ʿUbayd Allāh himself but perhaps expanded what he found by consulting his sources and surely by amplifying the citation of Galen in Ch. 5.1.9 –10. 22 An 11th-cent. author of various works including a famous, largely surviving chronography, referred to here as the K. al-azminah , which reached to the year 1018. It was written in Syriac with the author’s own Arabic translation of some parts in parallel. See Graf, Geschichte ii:188, §53.13. Elias drew on a long tradition of Christian chronicle writing (Witakowsky, ‘Chronicle’; van Bladel, The Arabic Hermes , 135–154). ʿUbayd Allāh knew Elias and translated into Arabic his treatise on inheritance law in a version that survives: Graf 186–187, §53.10. He must have also known his physician brother, Zāhid al-ʿUlamāʾ, whose biography can be found at Ch. 10.54 . 23 I.e. ʿUbayd Allāh. 24 Unknown author of a historical work, which is reported as surviving in an Aleppo manuscript by Graf ii.112, §34.3 (giving the name as Ibn ʿAzzūr), citing Sbath. Ibn al-Qifṭī loc. cit . has Ibn ʿArūn, which perhaps should be read. Aaron the Monk is not known independently or as a correspondent of Eusebius of Caesarea (see below) but is presumably the ‘Ahrōn’ used by Elias, p. 115 trans. Delaporte, Chronographie , under the year 273 ah (= 886–887). The shortness of his work may have appealed but also led to mistakes. 25 Darius iii , the last Achaemenid king of Persia (r. 336–30 bc ), who was defeated by Alexander the Great. Here he is called Dārā ibn Sām, a mistake for Dārā ibn Dārā, probably because Shem was part of the genealogy of the Persian monarchs (e.g. Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī, Ṭabaqāt (Cheikho), 15). 26 Ptolemy ii Philadelphus, the ostentatious ruler of Ptolemaic Egypt 283–246 bc and son of Alexander’s general, Ptolemy son of Lagus. The well-known romance of the translation of the Torah under his patronage is first told in the late-Hellenistic ‘Letter of Aristeas’ and repeated in major Jewish (Philo, Josephus) and Christian authors (first in Justin Martyr, Apology 1. 31 using a somewhat different version). See e.g. Rajak, Translation and Survival , Ch. 1 . Eusebius himself cites the story of the translation from ‘Aristeas’ at Preparation for the Gospel 8.1–5. 27 The prolific author and historian of Christianity from its origins to the reign of Constantine the Great and the beginnings of the Christian Roman empire. 28 Arabic marākib . Kopf has ‘cells’, recalling the traditional story of the translation, but there is no lexical evidence for this sense of the word in the medieval or modern dictionaries. 29 iau is paraphrasing ʿUbayd Allāh, not the account as we find it in Eusebius’ Preparation for the Gospel (cf. n. 26 above), which was not translated into Arabic. 30 I.e. the death of Alexander in 323. Darius iii himself was killed in 330 bc ; cf. above. The ‘era of the Greeks’ probably refers to what we call the ‘Seleucid Era’, a dating system instituted by the Seleucid empire some years later (in the eastern part of their dominion from 312/11 and in the western parts, later falling under Roman control, from the following year), which continued dating by the regnal years of Alexander’s general, Seleucus. The system was the most widely and continuously used of the ‘dynastic’ eras and we find it attested well into the Middle Ages: Leschhorn, Ären , 22–35. See also n. 80 . Alexander’s death itself was used to date events in certain authors such as Claudius Ptolemaeus (Ptolemy), who was well known in Arabic translation; on this so-called ‘era of Philip (Arrhidaeus)’, which was used by the astronomers, see e.g. Samuel, Chronology , 52. Galen in Character Traits uses a date of 332/1, below Ch. 5.1.12.2 . 31 I.e. as opposed to the kings of early Rome, who were called ‘kings’. 32 To Christian readers this might have been taken as a euphemism for the ‘crucified’, which is read in BGaGc from ʿUbayd Allāh; to Muslims ‘raised up’ was a correction (cf. Qur’an 4:157–158 « Rather, God raised him up to Himself ») of the term used in iau ’s source. mss from the 1st (B) and 2nd version (Gc) and the 3rd Version Ga (which often agrees with Gc in the first half of the Classes of Physicians ) add, ‘and resurrected to life on Sunday the twenty-sixth of March, and after forty days he ascended to heaven according to the witness of the Apostles’. 33 Andronicus is a well cited continuator of Eusebius, probably living in the reign of Justinian (r. 527–565), who was translated into Syriac. The Greek original is lost and the exact compass is unclear. See Burgess, Studies , 114 n. 7; Baumstark, Geschichte , §22d for his influence in Syriac; Delaporte, Chronologie p. viii; van Bladel, The Arabic Hermes , 140–142. ʿUbayd Allāh appears to have consulted him directly. 34 A marginal note in R says these materials were used to build Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, i.e. the famous surviving ‘Great Church’ built by Justinian. According to the contemporary historian Procopius ‘the treasures of the Jews’ had resided in Rome (cf. the Arch of Titus in the Roman Forum), were later recovered by Justinian from the Vandals, who had taken them, through his reconquest of Vandalic Carthage, and were then sent by him to ‘the temples of the Christians in Jerusalem’ rather than to Constantinople on account of his fear of God’s wrath ( Wars 4.9.5–9). 35 A reference to the classic Christian proof-text of Genesis 49:10–11 (Jacob’s prophecy). 36 In place of ‘May Peace Be Upon Him!’ mss BGaGc read ‘and there was no return for them’. 37 The origin of this notice about ‘Ṭamīdiyūs’ cannot be identified in the compendious accounts of Roman history known in Arabic such as e.g. Yaʿqūbī’s History , Masʿūdī’s Livre d’avertissement , the Arabic of Orosius’ History Against the Pagans , Bar Hebraeus’ History of the Dynasties , or bishop Agapius’ Historia Universalis . A source preserved in Syriac is most likely drawing on the extensive Christian chronicle tradition of lost writers like Annianus of Alexandria. 38 A doublet of Titus. 39 Apollonius of Tyana, Ṣāḥib al-ṭilasmāt , was a late 1st cent. Neopythagorean philosopher who in late antiquity and the medieval period was held to have numerous magical powers, including the protection of cities. See Brill’s New Pauly art. ‘Apollonius [14]’ (M. Frede); ei Three art. ‘Apollonius of Tyana’ (G. Strohmaier). Ullmann, Natur- und Geheimwissenschaft index s.v. ‘Talismans’ refers to the objects Apollonius is said to have created to safeguard the towns. 40 With Müller’s emendation. iau ’s mss make Vespasian a separate ruler rather than Domitian’s father. 41 ʿAyn Zarbā is Greek Ἀνάζαρβος in Cilicia Pedias (central south Turkey), annexed by Rome in 17. The reference to it being razed cannot be traced to the time of Domitian and perhaps recalls destruction by earthquakes in late antiquity and its rebuilding by Justin I or its various fates in the medieval era as a border town lying between the Byzantine and Arab empires, see ei 2 art. ‘ʿAyn Zarba’ (M. Canard). With the exception of A marg and R, the mss of iau have: ‘it was in his days that the city of Raʾs al-ʿAyn was plundered’. There is confusion in the statements about Mani and Raʾs al-ʿAyn/ʿAyn Zarbā (whichever was in ʿUbayd Allāh; interest in Anazarbus was heightened because it was the birthplace of Dioscorides). Raʾs al-ʿAyn (Syriac Rēsh ʿAynā), a city straddling the modern Syrian/Turkish border and source of the Khabur, did not properly enter Roman consciousness before the reign of Theodosius the Great, who granted it city status around 383 under the name Theodosio(u)polis (Malalas, Chonographia ed. Thurn 13.38 Ῥοφαεινᾶν πόλιν). It suffered during the late antique wars between the Eastern Roman and Persian empires and fell to the Arabs in the mid-7th cent.; see ei 2 art. ‘Raʾs al-ʿAyn’ (E. Honigmann). It was the home of the translator, Sergius ( Ch. 9.24 ). The famous prophet Mani, the author of Manichaeanism, flourished in the 3rd cent. 42 A reminiscence of the famous correspondence between Trajan and his special governor in Bithynia, Pliny the Younger, on what to do with the new religion of Christianity. See Pliny, Letters 10.96–97. 43 i.e. Aelia Capitolina, the military colonia founded on the site of Jerusalem after the suppression of the Bar Kochba revolt in 135. 44 In reality an old foundation renamed Heliopolis in Hellenistic times and subsequently of great significance in the Roman world owing to its cult of Jupiter. Its name reverted to Baalbek (Baʿlabakk) after its mid-7th cent. conquest by the Arabs. 45 Cf. On Anatomical Procedures 1.1 . The work is title no. 21 in the list of Galen’s books, below at 5.1.37 . The quotation here is a paraphrase. The earlier book of the same title does not survive. By Antoninus Galen in fact refers to the emperor we call Marcus Aurelius (cf. his own explanation quoted below, 5.1.9 ), who began his reign in 161 and took the additional name Antoninus in honour of his adoptive father and predecessor, Antoninus Pius (who is omitted). Galen’s first visit to Rome was 162–166. 46 The extent of the quotation in 5.1.9 –10 is surely due to iau himself. ʿUbayd Allāh, as we learn from 5.1.11 , used On My Own Books (the Pinax ) to support his arguments. There are two mistakes in the quotations – Galen’s age as thirty and his return to Rome in Ch. 5.1.10.1 – 2 (cf. next note); these show he had an eye on ʿUbayd Allāh (cf. 5.1.11 ‘on the basis of this dating’). But it seems unlikely that ʿUbayd Allāh quoted at such length; one may surmise that iau ’s delight in citing his hero led to amplification of what he found in his source. The Greek title used by Ḥunayn, Pinax (title no. 1 in 5.1.37 ), meaning a ‘list’ or ‘catalogue’ in Greek, is not attested for the work in Greek sources but had presumably passed into Arabic from its use as a shorthand in late Alexandrian teaching circles. 47 I.e. On My Own Books 3.1–8 in Boudon-Millot’s Greek text. Most of Ḥunayn’s Arabic translation is preserved in a unique, unedited manuscript in Mashhad, ms Reẓā ţibb 5223 (?13th cent.; see Boudon-Millot 54–58). The quotation is accurate (though note the slip ‘to Rome’ at the end of 5.1.10.2 , perhaps due to ʿUbayd Allāh) but leaves out a few lines and the odd word. The text in iau is occasionally superior to that preserved in the Mashhad copy of the translation. 48 Lucius died at the very end of 168 or the start of 169. 49 Quoted with slight differences at Ch. 2.1.2 . 50 This and the previous sentence depart somewhat from the Greek, probably because of the religious reference in the Greek to Galen as a devotee of Asclepius. 51 This erroneous information is introduced below. 52 What follows is On My Own Books 1.6–9, 11–16, 2.1 in Boudon-Millot’s Greek. The context is Galen’s first visit to Rome beginning in 162. iau (following ʿUbayd Allāh) accurately reproduces Ḥunayn’s Arabic. As before, he leaves out a few lines and the odd word, but occasionally his text is an improvement on the Mashhad manuscript. 53 Flavius Boethus: see Boudon-Millot ad loc.; further Nutton, Galeni De praecognitione index s.v. Φλάβιος Βοηθός, Halfmann, Die Senatoren no. 95. The four treatises ( maqālāt ) are the sections of a single work, title no. 38 in the list in 5.1.37 . 54 By treatises Galen/ iau again refers to the parts of single works: 5.1.37 no. 27 Hippocrates’ Knowledge of Anatomy , no. 28 Erasistratus’ Views on Anatomy . 55 See Boudon-Millot ad loc.; further Nutton ad loc. on the problem of the name transmit ted in the Greek tradition (Μαρτιανός or Μαρτιάλιος; ms R of iau may suggest that the former was known to the Arabic tradition but other instances of the name incl. those in the Mashhad manuscript confirm the latter form). 56 ‘the style … opponents’: Ḥunayn’s elaborate rendering of φιλοτιμότερον γεγραμμένα, ‘written in a spirit of competition’. 57 Ḥunayn’s Arabic translation includes a reference to ‘Erasistrateans’, which is to be added to the Greek, as Boudon-Millot, Galien 138. 58 iau omits a number of lines of text here. 59 Stylus: the text of iau is not entirely clear at this point (the Mashhad copy is more problematical), and we rely here on the Greek, γραφείου καταπαγέντος εἰς αὐτό (‘a stylus was inserted into it’, i.e. into the papyrus roll to select a passage). On Galen’s views of Erasistratus and his theory of venesection, see Brain, Bloodletting (p. 105 on the clash with Martialius). 60 Spring 169. 61 This is the work called De venae sectione adversus Erasistratum , title no. 71 in 5.1.37 . The man in the story is Galen’s old friend Teuthras, for whom he wrote De pulsibus ad tirones and Linguarum seu dictionum exoletarum Hippocratis explicatio (title nos. 5, 107) and who died in the plague ( Avoiding Distress 35). 62 The Greek and the Mashhad text of Ḥunayn correctly give ‘in my thirty-fourth year’ (for the apparent contradiction in Avoiding Distress §34, see Boudon-Millot, Jouanna, Pietrobelli, Ne pas se chagriner , ad loc.). Cf. Ibn al-Qifṭī’s calculations about the birthdate of Galen, History of the Sages , 127 (‘he states that he wrote the Anatomical Procedures during his first visit to Rome … and that he was thirty years old according to what we have cited’). But since the tally forms the basis of ʿUbayd Allāh’s conclusions in 5.1.11 , it was clearly read by him. 63 Probably 169. 64 Referring to his first stay 162/3 to 166. 65 iau omits some text here. 66 The Greek has ‘from Rome’, as does Ḥunayn’s version. The slip is found in all three editions of iau and confirms he is still using ʿUbayd Allāh. Cf. 5.1.26 , where iau following al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik cites this passage correctly. 67 I.e. ‘a young man of thirty’ ( 5.1.10.2 ); see above for the error here. 68 ʿUbayd Allāh ignored Galen’s explanation of the two emperors of this name and took him to refer to Antoninus Pius, who succeeded Hadrian, rather than Marcus Aurelius (Antoninus), who followed Antoninus Pius. The mistake was easy to make: cf. al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik quoted 5.1.25 . 69 On our reckoning, 107–108 (Trajan reigned Jan. 98 to Aug. 117); but ʿUbayd Allāh later concludes 118: below, n. 77. 70 ʿUbayd Allāh counts inclusively. 71 Cf. Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 127. 72 ‘The birth of Galen … worked on his History ’: the manuscripts include at this point an abridged, incomplete alternative, e.g. in R: ‘the birth of Galen occurred in the tenth year of the reign of Trajan. The interval between Christ’s ascension to Heaven and the time when Galen was born was seventy-three years. Galen’s lifespan was eighty-seven years. The interval from Christ’s ascension to the death of Galen was one hundred and sixty years [---] from the Hijra to his work on his History ’. 73 ah 290 = ad 903, putting Galen’s death in 97/98 or 87/88 (see n. 12 ). 74 ah 422 = ad 1031. 75 Cf. Delaporte, Chronographie 223. 76 I.e. 422 added to 525 years from Galen’s death to the Hijra. 77 Putting it in 118 (= 429 by the Seleucid era, which ʿUbayd Allāh is using). 78 Not in the surviving epitome (above, n. 16). Cf. Davies, ‘Traits’ 180. 79 Tigidius Perennis, the powerful praetorian prefect of Commodus, was executed in 185 ( Augustan History, Comm . 6.2; the date of the execution is only sure from the Galen quotation here). 80 Triarius Maternus Lasciuius and Ti. Claudius Bradua Regillus Atticus, the ‘ordinary consuls’ of 185. Galen is thus starting the era of Alexander in 332/1 (indicating the final major defeat of Darius’ armies at the Battle of Gaugamela); whereas ʿUbayd Allāh would have assumed that he was dating by the ‘Seleucid’ era, which began 20 years later (above, n. 30, cf. Delaporte, Chronographie 917) and is called the era of Alexander by ʿUbayd Allāh above (‘1342 of Alexander’ = 1031). 81 Cf. al-Bīrūnī, Risālah 25. 82 I.e. 98 on Galen’s era of Alexander, but 118 on ʿUbayd Allāh’s familiar Seleucid era dating (cf. above). Galen was actually born in 129. 83 I.e. On his Own Books 15. 1. 84 Galen’s summary of the Republic , apparently in 6 books, was known in Arabic (see title no. 124 in the list of Galen’s books in 5.1.37 ): Gutas, ‘Tradition Arabe’, 856–858. This passage, first alluded to by Ibn Zurʿah (see Walzer, Jews and Christians 91), was cited in slightly different version by Ibn al-Qifṭī ( Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 128) and then from his original by Abū l-Fidāʾ ( Historia anteislamica , p. 108 ed. Fleischer, 1831). His version is used to emend (‘fearlessness of death’) the transmitted text of iau , which does not make sense. There is a partial version which does not specify Christians at Dunlop, Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , §16. 85 For the context, see Abū l-Fidāʾ: ‘He says, “Most people are incapable of understanding sustained demonstrative arguments and have to resort to myths ( rumūz ) for assistance” – by which he means stories of rewards and punishments in the Afterworld – “As an instance of this we observe …”.’ 86 I.e. Mosaic Law combined with the intellectual ethical superiority of Christianity. iau did not sense the origin of such arguments in anti-Islamic apologetic: Pines, ‘La loi naturelle’. 87 I.e. Abū Naṣr Asʿad ibn Ilyās ibn al-Muṭrān, court physician of Saladin and teacher of iau ’s teacher, al-Dakhwār. He converted to Islam under Saladin. His biography is at Ch. 15.23. This passage is not present in ms B. 88 Title no. 27 ( Hippocrates’ Knowledge of Anatomy ). 89 This no. 49. The reference is Bk 11.14 (ii.158 ed. Helmreich, ii.532–534 trans. May). 90 Title no. 16, specifically De differentia pulsuum ( Aṣnāf al-nabḍ ) viii.656.16–657.3 ed. Kühn. 91 From an unknown comic poet (classified as Kock, Comicorum Atticorum fragmenta iii, fr. 182), based on a proverb indicating a futile task. For ʿaliqat = μοσχεύεται (‘a sucker is taken’), cf. Lane, Lexicon s.v. 92 This lost work is no. 125 in the list of Galen’s books. 93 Further references occur in De differentia pulsuum and in the commentary on the Republic (cited above). On all of them, see Walzer, Jews and Christians and Gero, ‘Galen on the Christians’. 94 Ibn Juljul, Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 41. iau ’s biography of him is at Ch. 13.36. iau quotes more or less verbatim from ‘an island in the Sea of Constantinople … with whom they were angry’. 95 The Arabic has gharīqiyyūn , reflecting Ibn Juljul’s contact with Latin materials. 96 Ibn Juljul has ‘race’/‘people’ for the ‘army’ transmitted by the manuscripts of iau , an easy change in Arabic script. 97 Ibn Juljul’s correct ‘metropolitan (bishop)’ has been erroneously replaced by iau (or his copy of Ibn Juljul) with a reference to the Harranians. Isidore of Seville is the 6th/7th cent. archbishop and polymath, author of the famous encyclopedia known as the Etymologies , which had some influence on Arabic writers; see Ducène, ‘Isidore’. 98 The claim is apocryphal. 99 Ibn al-Dāyah, client of Ibrāhīm ibn al-Mahdī (see below), wrote a lost Accounts of Physicians . See ei 2 art. ‘Ibn al-Dāya’ (Rosenthal); Bürgel, Ärztliches Leben , index s.v. 100 This long anecdote is set during the caliph’s invasion of western Asia Minor in the course of the many wars against the Byzantines. Cf. Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 135–140, who lacks most of the paragraph based on the alleged Persian term nawmājadh . 101 Half-brother of the caliph Hārūn al-Rashīd. 102 Ullmann, Medizin 109 no. 3; personal physician of Hārūn and subsequently his sons al-Amīn and al-Maʾmūn, who died 212/827 and was the great great grandfather of ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Jibrīl (cf. above). His biography is at Ch. 8.3 . 103 Al-Anbār: a town on the east bank of the Euphrates in central Mesopotamia important in late antiquity (Pērūz Shāpūr, Βηρσαβῶρα) and the middle ages, which was never under Roman control. Nighyā (cf. Yāqūt, Muʿjam al-buldān s.v.): Ibn al-Qifṭī has Niqīsā or Nifīsā or Nifiyyā, and the reference should perhaps be to Nicephorium (at the confluence of the Euphrates and the Balikh; modern al-Raqqah), which was fought over by late Roman and Sassanian armies; but for most of antiquity, including the late Roman world, Roman territory ended further south at the Khabur river in north-east Syria and the town of Circesium/Qarqīsiyā (modern al-Buṣayrah), which is located at its confluence with the Euphrates. 104 Dārā: a fortress town, Greek Δαραί, on the border between the late Roman and Sassanian empires in northern Mesopotamia between Nisibis (Nusaybin) and Mardē (Mardin), which was not in fact founded till the beginning of the 6th cent. Both it and Raʾs al-ʿAyn (above, n. 41) in particular look towards the Euphrates rather than the Tigris. 105 The manuscripts of iau give ‘Persians’. Ibn al-Qifṭī read the source better ( Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 136) and ‘Romans’ makes better sense. 106 This cannot be identified. It is possible that Yūsuf is referring to the late Greek form, Ἀρμε-νιανός, ‘Armenian’. 107 Namaṭ : a decorative covering or carpet placed over a carpet for sitting upon. Hārūn’s treasury was well stocked with them at the time of his death according to the official inventory preserved in Anon., Book of Gifts and Rarities , §302. 108 Galen was born in Pergamum; no other source mentions his domicile as Smyrna. But Galen’s education in the city under Pelops ( Anatomical Procedures 1.1, paraphrased below, 5.1.25 ) makes it likely enough that he owned property there. 109 Arabic farsakh , from the Persian unit of measure farsāng or parsing . It usually equalled three Arabic miles ( mīl ) or around 6km. See Mercier ‘Geodesy’, Hinz, Islamische Masse , 62 (English trans. 91). 110 This Qurrah cannot be the one mentioned by Ṭabarī during the Caliph’s campaign against the Byzantines in 803, which would fit in terms of the chronology and context of the story but is located in Cappadocia (classical Koron) and very far from Smyrna, if this is the famous city of Ionia as it must be to fit Galen; see al-Ṭabari, Taʾrīkh (Bosworth), 238–239. The mss of Ibn al-Qifṭī alternatively offer Qurbah . 111 Hārūn’s chief of police, executed in the year 803; see al-Ṭabari, Taʾrīkh (Bosworth), 179 n. 660, 245–246. Cf. Ch. 8.3.22 . 112 I.e. by the caliph. 113 baytan furātiyyan : literally ‘a range looking to the Euphrates’; unclear. 114 I.e. Yūsuf ibn al-Dāyah. 115 On this paragraph, see n. 100 above. 116 Perhaps Persian naw-āmad (from nawa , spelled nwh , ‘new’, and the stem of āmadan , ‘to arrive’), meaning ‘new arrival’ and by extension ‘youngster’. If so, the mss of iau need to be corrected from the transmitted ḥiddah and ḥiddatuhu to jiddah and jiddatuhu . The jīm in nawmājadh cannot be explained satisfactorily. Alternatively, Jibrīl’s explanation is entirely bogus and an attempt to hide a real, unknown insult. 117 Speaking about himself. 118 Ibn Juljul, Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 41–42. 119 ‘Nero’ is heavily corrupted in the mss of Ibn Juljul; it appears to be based on Latin Nero and is quite different from the form of the name transmitted in 5.1.8 above. The identification is certain from ‘sixth’, but iau clearly did not make the connection with Nero in 5.1.8 (where the Arabic name is based on Greek Νέρων and is reasonably well preserved) and therefore, in a different register, did not see any challenge to the chronology of ʿUbayd Allāh. 120 An allusion to Galen’s early role as a physician to gladiators (see below) or perhaps his attendance on Marcus and Lucius at Aquileia ( 5.1.9 ). 121 De optimo medico cognoscendo , title no. 112 (in a slightly different form). This long extract corresponds to 100–108 in Iskandar, Examinations . The context at the point where the extract begins is Galen’s oft-repeated insistence that a physician should know how to prove the logical underpinnings of his theories and his assertion that he has practised logic throughout his life. 122 Arabic taslīm , the Roman custom of salutatio . Cf. Galen, Method of Healing x.76 Kühn ‘which they themselves call “greetings” (ἀσπασμοί)’ (again in the context of a demand to show skill in logic). 123 Pergamum. Galen refers to the high priest of the imperial cult, who was responsible among other things for putting on gladiatorial displays in honour of the imperial family. See Price, Rituals and Power . 124 I.e. in fighting as gladiators. iau would have had no concept of what this involved. 125 I.e. the cardiac orifice. 126 Kitāb fī l-amrāḍ al-ʿasirat al-burʾ , Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum (henceforth Fichtner) no. 439. The work, which is not in iau ’s catalogue of Galenic titles, appears to be known only from the quotation in Ibn Juljul ( Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 43) which is iau ’s source for 5.1.19 ; cf. Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 124. It presumably dealt with the old conundrum, going back to the Hippocratics ( On the Art 8 Littré), of whether every disease could or should be cured; cf. 5.1.22 below ‘a disease for which no medicine exists’. On the particular topic here, see Meyerhof, ‘Tooth-Worm’. 127 Ḥalab in Syria, an ancient city renamed Beroea in the Hellenistic and Roman eras from the Macedonian city of that name. 128 Kitāb fī aṣḥāb al-ḥiyal . This attack on Methodism, the medical sect which claimed to teach medicine quickly, was in 6 books; it has not been preserved (cf. On My Own Books 13 περὶ μεθοδικῆς αἱρέσεως; Fichtner no. 271; but πρὸς Ἱουλιάνον should be deleted – see Boudon-Millot, Galien , 163) and is not included in the list of Galen’s works; cf. the Mashhad ms , Sitt maqālāt fī firqataṣḥāb al-ḥiyal . In John the Grammarian’s History Methodism is the enemy that dominates medicine after Hippocrates till Galen confronts it (Rosenthal, ‘Isḥāq b. Ḥunayn’, 69/79; cf. n. 4 above). This unfavourable image, which is drawn from the present ation in Galen himself (e.g. De methodo medendi x.7ff. on Thessalus) and is clear in the teaching of Galen (cf. the Alexandrian summary of his surviving De sectis ed. Walbridge, Epitomes 6–41), is perhaps responsible for the translation of methodikoi as aṣḥāb al-ḥiyal , literally ‘people who use stratagems’ (cf. Sur les faussaires , Boudon-Millot, Galien 227; this may be too negative but cf. ‘Thessalus al-mughāliṭ ’, ‘the Misleader’, at Ch. 1.1 ). 129 This anecdote from Ibn Juljul, Ṭabaqātal-aṭibbāʾ , 43 (apparently; but cf. Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 124) is included in Version 3 (AR) only. 130 For this major pharmacological treatise, see title no. 79. The reference is to xiii.599 Kühn, but the passage is heavily paraphrased and its obscurity is worsened by errors in iau ’s transcription from (or the copy he had of) his source. Cf. 5.1.26 for iau ’s failure to recognize a related passage. 131 Ibn Juljul (cf. Ibn al-Qifṭī): ‘that he was operating ⟨in⟩ the temple at Rome in the place of a senior predecessor in the temple, which was in effect a hospital where the wounded were treated, and that every one of the wounded he operated on was victorious [Ibn al-Qifṭī: he cured every one of the wounded he operated on].’ 132 Ibn al-Qifṭī ‘was rich/enjoyed repute’. 133 Author of the well-known biographical collection called The Choicest Maxims and Best Sayings written 1048/9 and well used by iau ; biography at Ch. 14.23. See Rosenthal, ‘Prolegomena to an Abortive Edition’. The passage is p. 289 in the Arabic edition by Badawī. 134 So the mss of iau and al-Mubashshir; cf. Rosenthal, ‘Isḥāq b. Ḥunayn’, 69. The form appears to rest on confusion between the Peripatetic philosopher Herminus, teacher of Alexander of Aphrodisias, and Albinus, a distinguished Platonist who taught Galen in Smyrna ( On My Own Books 2.1; but note the Mashhad ms has the name as Athyālus ). Albinus is the author of one and probably two surviving textbooks of ‘Middle Platonist’ philosophy; see Brill’s New Pauly art. ‘Albinus [3]’ (M. Baltes). 135 Cleopatra the last queen of Egypt had a legendary career in medicine prompted in part by Galen’s extensive quotation (via Statilius Crito) of her pseudonymous treatise on cosmetics in his Composition of Drugs by Places . John the Grammarian (Rosenthal, ‘Isḥāq b. Ḥunayn’ 69/79 with Dunlop, Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , ll. 364–365 where she is a ṭabībah ) supplied a connection between Galen and the queen, which assisted the attempt to synchronize Galen and Jesus. For the medical and alchemical teaching attributed to her in the medieval era, see Ullmann, Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften indexes s.v., and cf. Ch. 4.1.11.2 . 136 Arabic qulquṭār , Greek χαλκῖτις, a mineral substance consisting of calcium carbonate. 137 Arabic Kiyyūs , which should represent the port-town of Cius on the Propontis (Sea of Marmara) rather than the large Aegean island of Chios. Ibn Juljul (see below) has ‘Kiyyūsh’. No voyage of Galen is attested to Cius or Chios and Müller changed the text to read Lemnos, where Galen tells us he collected medicinal clays (Boudon-Millot, Galien , p. liv). 138 Arabic al-ṭīn al-makhtūm , stamped tablets of so-called ‘Lemnian earth’ mixed with wine or juniper. Cf. De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis et facultatibus (title no. 53 in 5.1.37 ), xii.174–175 Kühn. 139 He travelled … inspection: cf. Ibn Juljul, Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 43. 140 Ancient Pelusium on the Nile delta. 141 ‘Green Sea’ should refer to the Arabian Gulf or more often to the Atlantic rather than the Mediterranean as here. 142 Now Lake Manzala. Al-Faramā (Faramāʾ) on the Pelusiac arm of the Nile lies, rather, to the east of the Tanitic mouth, according to the ancient and medieval classifications of the Delta (Strabo, Geography , 17.1.18 and 20). 143 A number of well-known geographical works of differing aims go under the name ‘routes and realms’, but the ascription here is ‘as a result of confusion’ ( ei 2 art. ‘al-Masʿūdī’ (Pellat); cf. ei 2 art. ‘al-Masālik wa ʾl-Mamālik’ (Pellat) and ei 2 art. ‘Djughrāfiyā’ (Ahmad) section iv c i). The quotation is in fact from al-Iṣṭakhrī, al-Masālik wa-l-mamālik , 53. The misquotation of ‘fortified’ (for al-Iṣṭakhrī’s ‘fertile’) shows faulty memory or reading; iau may have been thinking subconsciously of al-Masʿūdī’s Tanbīh (for Faramā, but without mention of Galen; see al-Masʿūdī, L’avertissement , 33). 144 Ibn Juljul, Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 42. iau appears to be using Ibn Juljul directly; the form of the reference is stylistic but also absolves iau of responsibility for a tale which assists the question of where Galen died but undermines the careful chronology established earlier. For the legend of Galen and Jesus, cf al-Bayhaqī, above 5.1.5 . 145 Cf. Ibn Juljul’s Ṣikāniyah (< Latin Sicania, based on Greek, showing once again the influence of Latin sources on him); iau ’s mss have Ṣiṭāniyah or Siṭāniyah : Arabic kāf may be misread as ṭāʾ by copyists. 146 From an unknown source. 147 Cf. 5.1.19 on Diseases That Are Difficult to Cure with n. 126. 148 This physician of the 11th cent. from Wāsiṭ in Iraq has a brief entry at Ch. 10.52 . Cf. Sezgin gas iii , 335. 149 A measure of capacity. The Baghdad raṭl (‘considered canonic’: Hinz, Islamische Masse , 31 = English trans. 45) was around 400+g or (since liquids were measured by weight) 400ml. 150 In this case perhaps potassium nitrate (saltpetre), which can take sufficient heat out of water to cause freezing. 151 The ‘canonic mithqāl ’ was 4.46g.; Hinz, Islamische Masse , 5 = English trans. 7. 152 Badawī, Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 289–290. 153 iau omits a number of lines here. 154 De bonis malisque sucis , title no. 76 in the list of Galenic works below. This citation (corresponding to 392–393 of Helmreich’s Greek edition) is one of the major fragments of what is a pleonastic and rather free Arabic translation. By ‘bad juice’ (κακοχυμία, al-kaymūs al-radīʾ ) Galen is referring to harmful acidic juices in foods and not using χυμός/ al-kaymūs is the sense of humour or chyme. 155 Or isṭurūsiyyā . The Greek has ἀστρονομία and the form is presumably a corruption of it. But there may be a reference to the common title of Euclid’s Elements in Arabic, al-Isṭurūshiyyā (representing Greek στοιχεῖα, ‘elements’, perhaps influenced by the sense stoicheia may bear of ‘planets’, ‘signs of the Zodiac’). 156 Here and in 5.1.26 iau follows al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik (Badawī, Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 290–292) very closely, but adds the names of the books al-Mubashshir draws upon and inserts some additional information. He does not name al-Mubashshir till the end of 5.1.26 . 157 Title 21 in the list of Galen’s works. Al-Mubashshir summarizes and partially quotes Ch. 1.1 (see Garofalo, Anat. admin. , 1–5). Direct quotations: ‘Boethus … Ptolemais’, ‘to Corinth … Quintus named’, ‘pupils of Quintus and Numisianus’. 158 For the confusion between Antoninus (= Antoninus Pius) and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (= Marcus Aurelius), see above n. 45 . 159 For Boethus, see n. 53 . The phrase ‘the Victorious … Rome’ is Ḥunayn’s rendering of the Greek ἀνὴρ ὕπατος (= Latin consul or, as here, consularis , a former consul) Ῥωμαίων. Galen refers to Boethus’ departure around 166 to take up the governorship of Syria Palaestina. 160 See On the Order of My Own Books 3.6, 9, On My Own Books 2 with Boudon-Millot’s notes (Boudon-Millot, Galien ). Pelops was a Dogmatist physician who had caught Galen’s attention in a public lecture at Pergamum. Galen went to hear him in Smyrna in 149. 161 See On the Order of My Own Books 3.7, 9 (Boudon-Millot, Galien ). Satyrus taught Galen at Pergamum and was the tutor who had most influence on him. Quintus, Galen’s immediate predecessor at Rome, is mentioned by him several times with a degree of criticism. 162 For Aephicianus see e.g. On the Order of My Own Books 3.10 (Boudon-Millot, Galien ). The name is transmitted in the Greek tradition in slightly variant forms. The forms given in the mss of iau here do not help resolve this. The words ‘to Corinth … Quintus named’ come from Anatomical Procedures (and are not included by al-Mubashshir as transmitted) but the name given after them is Numisianus (see below), and Aephicianus is not mentioned. Nor is Aephicianus associated with Corinth in any passage of Galen; when he is mentioned, it is always in conjunction with Satyrus. 163 Eudemus: for the little known about this man, see Nutton, Galeni De praecognitione , 157–158. Alexander: see Nutton, Galeni De praecognitione 5.9, p. 96, with the note on p. 189. The Greek speaks of Alexander of Damascus. But Arabic biographical sources gave the double origin to the famous Peripatetic philosopher Alexander of Aphrodisias (Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’; ei 2 , art. ‘Al-Iskandar al-Afrūdīsī’, (Strohmaier)) and modern scholars sometimes wish to amalgamate the two Alexanders on the ground that the Aphrodisian held the chair of Peripatetic philosophy at Athens, as the Damascene had, around the year 200. The chronology does not fit Alexander of Damascus, since Anatomical Procedures was written at least 20 years earlier; but a reference to his chair could, it is suggested, have been inserted later in confusion. One may wonder if Arab writers actually knew of Aphrodisias, which had changed its name in late antiquity, and found for Alexander a civic identity they could recognize. On the two Alexanders see Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 126–127. 164 L. Sergius Paullus came from a distinguished eastern senatorial family and was a direct descendant of the Sergius Paullus who helped St Paul in Acts and probably gave him his Roman name (i.e. from the earlier Saul). This acquaintance of Galen held the major office of Prefect of the City around 168. He is no. 77 in the stemma at Halfmann, Die Senatoren 106. 165 Composition of Drugs by Types xiii.599 Kühn. iau either did not know or did not recognize the passage. When he cites the work above at more or less the same point in it (see 5.1.20 ), he is drawing on Ibn Juljul’s confused summary. In the Greek ‘first’ means Galen’s first return from Alexandria. 166 On My Own Books 2.1. Here iau has the correct ‘from’ rather than ‘to’ Rome; contrast the end of 5.1.10.2 above. 167 This work (title no. 120 in the list of Galenic titles, using its alternative title) was recently rediscovered in a unique Greek manuscript (see Nutton, ‘Avoiding Distress’; Boudon-Millot, Jouanna, Pietrobelli, Ne pas se chagriner ). The Arabic, translated by Ḥunayn’s nephew Ḥubaysh, is lost apart from quotations. The theme of the work develops from the description of Galen’s composure following the loss of his books and possessions in the great fire that devastated central Rome in early 192, an event he refers to often (e.g. On My Own Books 3.7 Boudon-Millot, De compositione medicamentorum per genera 13.362 Kühn, De antidotis 14.66 Kühn). On the Arabic tradition, note Boudon-Millot, Jouanna, Pietrobelli, Ne pas se chagriner , lxx–lxxiv (but without awareness that iau borrows wholesale from al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik, whose work is described as ‘perdu’). 168 In §§13–17 of the Greek of Avoiding Distress as we have it Galen specifies the loss of autograph copies as well as his own corrected texts of famous books. But it is not clear what αὐτόγραφα means: see Boudon-Millot, Jouanna, Pietrobelli, Ne pas se chagriner , §13, who emend to ἀντίγραφα. iau suggests the reading αὐτόγραφα is correct, with the sense perhaps of an authentic copy rather than one actually written by the author. nb Anaxagoras and Andromachus are not mentioned in our Greek but it is unlikely that al-Mubashshir would have introduced these names himself and we should assume they were present in the redaction translated into Arabic. 169 This is not in the surviving Greek. 170 Rufus of Ephesus, the second most important Greek physician of the High Roman Empire, flourished in the late 1st and early 2nd cent.; Nutton, Ancient Medicine , index s.v., Ilberg, Rufus . He is not mentioned in the surviving Greek text of Avoiding Distress , though Galen does mention theriac (§6). See Ullmann, Medizin 75 no. 25, 345, Sezgin, gas iii , 66 no. 14 for the several citations in the Arabic tradition of Rufus’ work on toxins. It is included in the titles listed by iau when he discusses Rufus in the appendix to his biography of Hippocrates at Ch. 4.1.10.2 , title no. 28 Lethal Drugs . 171 Cf. Sezgin, gas iii , 67 for the attribution of this title to Rufus (in Sezgin this is Marātib al-adwiya ). The work is not mentioned by iau in Ch. 4 . 172 Respectively dībāj (cf. Dozy, Dictionnaire détaillé , 113 n.) and qazz . See Gacek, Manuscripts (2009) 187 on the possible use of silk products in paper making, and 265–266 on brocaded covers, which were well known later under the Ottomans and Safavids. 173 Presumably never written. 174 This is probably the work referred to in On My Own Books 15.5 as περὶ τῆς διαβολῆς, ἐν ᾧ καὶ περὶ τοῦ ἰδίου βίου, ‘ On Slander , also containing a discussion of my own way of life’, with the implication that the work was in one book; Ḥunayn’s translation (Mashhad manuscript) explains iau : ‘a book in two sections on slander, and in these two sections I described my own way of life’ ( wa-maqālatayn fī l-waqīʿah wa-fī hātayn al-maqālatayn waṣaftu sīrat nafsī ). On Slander is lost and is not included in iau ’s list of Galenic books. Cf. Fichtner no. 183. 175 Nutton, Galeni De praecognitione , 1, p. 69. Epigenes has not been clearly identified: see Nutton’s note on pp. 147–148. The passage referred to is p. 110 Nutton but the quotation is quite different from the Greek; the Arabic translation – no. 69 in the list of Galenic works in 5.1.37 – is apparently lost. 176 3.14–4.1 Iskandar, Examinations , 58–61; title no. 112 in the list of Galen’s works below. iau has already quoted extensively from this book in 5.1.18. 177 In Arabic, al-ghishāʾ al-ʿinabī (meaning the iris, not the uvea, as Iskandar has it). Galen is referring to a prolapse of the iris [ prolapsus iridis ], which is part of the uveal layer, as a result of the ulcer. 178 Arabic shiyāfāt . 179 Arabic miyāh . 180 Iskandar, Examinations , 4.2, p. 63. 181 Iskandar, Examinations , 11.3–6, pp. 120–123. 182 Arabic nazlah and ḍīq nafas . 183 Arabic suʿāl . 184 Arabic kathrat al-rabw . 185 This appears to refer to a lost treatise in two volumes mentioned in On the Composition of Drugs by Types xiii.363 Kühn, where Galen reports that it was destroyed in the great fire of 193. Examination of the Best Physician was perhaps written in 175. 186 Title no. 121 in the list of Galenic works. 187 Respectively adwiyah, ashribah, ad′hān . 188 Badawī, Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 292–293. See following note. 189 The text of al-Mubashshir in Badawī’s edition ends at this point and Badawī footnotes that, ‘Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah adds …: “leaders but was never enrolled in the service of any of the kings …”’; he leaves open the length of the addition and the question of its attribution to al-Mubashshir. 190 Greek γαληνός, with the meaning indicated. 191 Rāzī is saying that in standard Arabic a Greek γ may best be represented by Arabic ghayn or kāf . See al-Rāzī, al-Ḥāwī (Hyderabad), xxii:64. 192 He is also mentioned and quoted in Chs 10.66 and 10.83 . His identity is unclear. 193 al-Shawbak, a small town built by the Crusaders; see ei 2 art. ‘Al-S̲h̲awbak’ (M.A. Bakhit). 194 Greek Galēnos, Dioskouridēs, Anaxagoras, Aristotelēs, Diogenēs, Oribasios . 195 Except for the last these represent oblique forms in Greek: katēgorias (Aristotle’s Categories ), perihermēneias (Aristotle’s On Interpretation , forming the second part of the Organon after the Categories ; both are listed together e.g. at Ch. 4.6.13.1 title nos. 29 – 30 , and Ch. 4.8.2 title nos. 1 – 2 ), stoichados (probably Lavandula stoechas , here representing the genitive case; cf. Dioscorides De materia medica , 3.26 ed. Wellmann, trans. Beck), anagallis (probably Anagallis arvensis ; Dioscorides 2.178). 196 The examples are names or nouns (respectively ‘book’ and ‘tree’) in the indefinite nominative form for fully declined nouns. 197 Lit. ‘at the end of the tanwīn ’. 198 The first four are Socrates, Plato, Agathodaemon (cf. 2.1 ), Glaucon, the last Agathias (cf. Ch. 4.1.11.3 Yāghāt); for Tāmūr, cf. Ch. 4.1.11.2 . 199 I.e. Aristotle’s Analytics (Ἀναλυτικά), Rhetoric (Ῥητορική), and Nicomachean Ethics (Ἠθικὰ Νικομαχεῖα). 200 Persian, meaning ‘castor of the beaver’, ‘castoreum’. 201 Theriac. 202 Lit. ‘it is not permitted for them to use the tanwīn with them’. Here tanwīn is used casually for any case ending. 203 Such nouns in Arabic are diptotic and take final - u rather than - un to mark the indefinite nominative. 204 The 11th cent. poet; see ei 2 art. ‘al-Maʿarrī’ (P. Smoor). Kitāb al-Istighfār is to be identified, not as the famous Risālat al-Ghufrān ( The Epistle of Forgiveness ), but as Kitāb Istaghfir wastaghfirī ( Ask Forgiveness, Man and Woman! ), which has not been preserved. It contained some 10,000 lines of verse; see Yāqūt, Muʿjam al-udabāʾ , iii:161, al-Ṣafadī, Wāfī , vii:103. The lines are not found elsewhere. 205 ms A adds the following note at this point: ‘End of the first volume [ juzʾ ] according to the division in the exemplar ( al-aṣl al-manqūl minhu ) of The Best Account on the Classes of Physicians . It was copied from an autograph of the author ( nuskhah bi-khaṭṭ al-muṣannif ) – may God have mercy on him! This is followed by the second volume according to this division, which includes Galen’s sayings, his manners and culture, and stories that illustrate his wisdom. Praise be to God for ever and always and may His prayers fall upon the goodness of His creation and on His people. In the name of God the Merciful the Compassionate, whose aid we implore. Second volume of the exemplar.’ Cf. Vol. 1, p. 49. 206 Ḥunayn’s book survives in an epitomized form by al-Anṣārī, ed. Badawī: see Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Ādāb , 122–123 for the passages in 5.1.34 . Anṣārī’s text is very similar to that read by iau , with some slight difference in no. 10. The material in nos. 1–6 recalls experiments on the brain in Galen’s Anatomical Procedures Bk 9 as well as various remarks here and there (e.g. Opinions of Hippocrates and Plato 3.5.45 ed. De Lacy) about lupē (‘distress’) and phobos (‘fear’) and the condition of the heart, though one should note that Galen clearly states that ‘no one has ever perceived the heart itself suffering pain either in distress ( en lupais ) or any other disorder ( pathos ) of soul or body’ ( Opinions of Hippocrates and Plato 2.8.6 trans. De Lacy); and the fact that Ḥunayn ascribes an experiment similar to that mentioned below to Alexander the Great ( Ādāb al-falāsifah , 87 Badawī) shows the essentially popular nature of such a story. 207 This and the next saying (with ‘sorrow’ and ‘worry’ reversed) are used also by al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik (see Badawī, Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 293 no. 5). 208 The term al-ghamm is sometimes and traditionally translated ‘grief’ with reference to something that has happened as opposed to al-hamm , translated ‘worry’, in reference to the future; cf. nos. 2 and 3. The Arabic lexicographers disagree on the distinction (cf. previous note); and the restriction of the sense of ‘grief’ in modern English usage to ‘deep or violent sorrow, caused by loss or trouble’ ( oed ) makes a more general term like ‘sorrow’ or ‘distress’ preferable for al-ghamm . Here we use ‘sorrow’ or ‘pain’. 209 Cf. al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik no. 4 and no. 1. 210 This extract of Character Traits (title no. 119 in the list of Galen’s works), which is quoted through Ḥunayn, is not preserved in the abridged text that survives. Cf. Kraus, ‘ Akhlāq ’, 42–43; and Mattock, ‘Traits’, 251, Davies, ‘Traits’, 181 for translations. 211 Qaraʿ is baldness resulting from illness and not from natural thinning of hair; cf. Richardson, Difference and Disability , 118. 212 Cf. Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah (ed. Dunlop) §232 ll. 2364–2365 with differences. Other parallels with the Cabinet of Wisdom ’s fictional Galen are lacking. 213 Or : speech ( al-manṭiq ); many readers would have taken the saying this way, cf. the variation, also attributed to Galen, ‘the pen ( al-qalam ) is the physician of speech’ ( al-kalām ) in Ghazālī, al-Tibr , 89. 214 Cf. Badawī, Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , no. 8. 215 Cf. Badawī, Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 294 no. 9. 216 Badawī, Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 46. 217 For 1–14 below, cf. Badawī, Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 293–294; 1=2M, 2=3M, 3=6M, 4=7M, 5=10M, 6 to 16 = 11M to 21M. Note that al-Mubashshir nos. 1, 4, 5, 8, 9 are taken by iau from the text of Ḥunayn and used above. 218 Cf. the legend on Hippocrates’ ring, Ch. 4.1.7 . 219 A reworking of Adhortatio ad artes addiscendas 6.2–3 ed. Boudon, Galien, Exhortation . This work is title no. 110 below. 220 Cf. the first preface of De methodo medendi (x.4 Kühn) on Methodist physicians who flatter their patients unlike the ‘Asclepiads of old who ruled the sick as generals rule soldiers and kings rule subjects rather than being ruled and mastered by them.’ 221 Perhaps based on De methodo medendi x.3 Kühn. 222 Cf. Bryson, Management of the Estate in Swain, Economy, Family and Society , 107–108, for the sentiment. 223 One ms of al-Mubashshir knows this reading but the text of Badawī’s edition presents a positive outcome: ‘it may be presumed …’ 224 Based on Galen’s complaint about the story of Milo of Croton at Adhortatio ad artes addiscendas 13.5 ed. Boudon-Millot. 225 See Chs. 1 and 2 , esp. 2.1.6.1 . 226 The following notes give the Latin title of the Galenic work, where there is a generally agreed one, and the work’s number in the online Catalogue of Fichtner ( Corpus Galenicum , available with updates at the website of the Corpus Medicorum Graecorum), which provides bibliographical information for editions of Greek, Latin, and Arabic versions and includes references to modern secondary literature including Sezgin, gas iii , and Ullmann, Medizin , both of whom should be consulted. The Latin titles do not necessarily mean a Latin translation was made. For further information, see http://galenolatino ​.com ; and Diels’ Catalogues of mss online at http://cmg ​.bbaw.de/online-publikationen ​/online-publikationen/Dielskatalog . The English titles of works translate the Arabic and do not necessarily accord with the title most familiar in English or Latin, which is usually based on the Greek. Greek proper names have been standardized in the Arabic text (and hence in the English translation) since it is often difficult to be sure what iau himself read, with variants in the mss footnoted. For a list of revised English titles of published/edited works surviving in Greek, Latin, or Arabic and arranged by order of the standard Latin titles, see Singer, Galen (the first volume of the projected Cambridge Galen Translations series, ed. Philip van der Eijk), 429–442. Works extant in Greek are indicated by an asterisk after the Fichtner number or flagged explicitly. Online editions of the Arabic translations where available in the Corpus Medicorum Graecorum ‘Suppl. Or.’ series (available at cmg ) and on other sites ( http://www ​.graeco-arabic-studies ​.org/home.html ; http://alpheios ​.net/content/grecoarabic ) are also noted along with some other editions available only in print. 227 See the start of Ḥunayn’s biography ( Ch. 8.29 ) for discussion of how to vocalize the name. 228 For titles 1–129 iau depends closely on Ḥunayn’s own account of his and others’ translations of Galen in his famous Risālah (‘Letter’), but with just a few exceptions does not make it clear that he is very often borrowing verbatim for entire entries. The differences between iau ’s quotations and Bergsträsser’s 1925 edition of the Letter are minor but occasionally significant. From a comparison of the Risālah ’s two extant recensions ‘A’ and ‘B’ (see below), it is clear that iau follows the later ‘A’ version but his text quite often matches ‘B’ against ‘A’ (see esp. title 110 where ‘Ḥunayn says’ marks the use of the earlier recension). He may have kept both versions to hand or more likely possessed a copy of ‘A’ that had been ‘contaminated’ with ‘B’ perhaps to improve what was a fundamental work of reference, a common enough event in the making of manuscripts (cf. Rosenthal, Techniqueand Approach ). iau naturally incorporates his own small alterations and adds or omits material and may name titles differently from Ḥunayn’s (which in any case vary between the ‘A’ and ‘B’ recensions of the Risālah ), reflecting how he himself happened to be acquainted with a particular work. In the Arabic text here differences with Ḥunayn (‘A’ unless specified) are noted for the parts of each entry where dependency is clear and for the most part exclude book titles. No attempt has been made to undertake a detailed comparison. For the Risālah , see Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Risālah (ed. Bergsträsser 1925; cited in the Arabic text here as ‘Berg’; Bergsträsser’s text alone is available online at the ‘Graeco-Arabic-Studies’ and ‘Alpheios’ sites); the ‘A’ recension represents Ḥunayn’s final published version; for differences from the earlier ‘B’ recension, see Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Neue Materialien (ed. Bergsträsser 1932) and Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Galen Translations (ed. Lamoreaux 2016 with an English translation; cited in the Arabic text as ‘Lam’; this edition is useful but its text should be checked with Bergsträsser). For works not known to Ḥunayn and not included in iau ’s own catalogue, see 5.1.19 , 28 above on Diseases That are Difficult to Cure, On the Methodist Sect , and ‘a book in two sections in which he described his way of life’ (probably = On Slander ). For titles 130–152 iau drew on a separate work by Ḥunayn – see note there. 229 De libris propriis . Fichtner 114*. Cf. 5.1.9 Binaks , 5.1.28 , 40 Fīnaks . 230 Arabic maqālah . The word may refer to (i) a self-standing book/treatise/volume or (ii) a substantial part/section/chapter of a larger work or book ( kitāb ). In the translation here for sense (ii) we use for the most part ‘section’; for sense (i) we have preferred ‘treatise’. Greek authors like Galen typically use biblion in both senses; in De libris propriis Galen often states the number (i.e. of biblia ) only. 231 The division into two is unknown in the transmission of the text in Greek: Boudon-Millot (2007) 53–54. 232 De ordine librorum suorum . Fichtner 115*. 233 De sectis ad eos qui introducuntur . Fichtner 4*. 234 Referring to On My Own Books 1.2 (Boudon-Millot, Galien ), where the De sectis ‘must be read first of all by the student who is wanting knowledge of the art of medicine’ ( man arāda taʿlīm ṣināʿat al-ṭibb , Mashhad ms ). But note also De ordine librorum suorum 1.11 (ed. Boudon-Millot) where he refers to his On the Best Sect (lost; the surviving title is inauthentic, Fichtner 5*), stating that ‘anyone wishing to read this first of all will be doing the right thing’. 235 Ars medica . Fichtner 7*. Arabic at ‘Graeco-Arabic-Studies’ (ed. Sālim). Cf. no. 133. 236 De pulsibus ad tirones . Fichtner 61*. Arabic at ‘Graeco-Arabic-Studies’ (ed. Sālim). 237 I.e. due to human activity such as exercising. 238 Ad Glauconem de methodo medendi . Fichtner 70*. For the Arabic, see Sālim, K. Jālīnūs ilā Ghulūqun . 239 Cf. De locis affectis vii.361-66 Kühn. 240 De ossibus ad tirones . Fichtner 12*. Cf. no. 134. 241 ‘Ḥunayn says … that the course is in fact “for beginners”’: this acknowledged quotation from Ḥunayn is found in A in the margin thus indicating that iau considered adding it to what was already a direct but unacknowledged quotation from the Risālah . A marks the addition for inclusion in the correct section of the text, i.e. this paragraph concerning On Bones . The addition is also found in Gc and R but in the wrong places: in Gc it is included under To Glaucon (no. 6) and in R under On Muscles (no. 8). 242 Arabic tashrīḥ , the translation for Greek ἀνατομία ( vel sim .), is literally ‘cutting open in slices’. It may mean ‘dissection’ or (esp. with ʿilm , ‘science’) ‘anatomy’. In what follows we have mainly used ‘anatomy’. 243 De musculorum dissectione . Fichtner 112*. 244 I.e. nos. 9 and 10 below. On Anatomy, To Beginners was also known as The Small Book of Anatomy . See below n. 272 . 245 De nervorum dissectione . Fichtner 14*. 246 De venarum arteriarumque dissectione . Fichtner 13*. 247 De elementis secundum Hippocratem . Fichtner 8*. Arabic at ‘Graeco-Arabic-Studies’ (ed. Sālim). 248 De temperamentis . Fichtner 9*. 249 Cf. Mixtures 3.2 (p. 92 ed. Helmreich 1904) ‘substances that are completely assimilated (by the body) are called foods, all others drugs’, with a fourfold classification of pharmaka . 250 De facultatibus naturalibus . Fichtner 10*. For ‘faculty’, see n. 301 . 251 In Greek gennētikē, auxētikē, threptikē . 252 For ‘homoeomerous’, cf. n. 261. 253 In Greek helktikē, kathektikē, alloiōtikē, apokritikē . 254 De morborum causis et symptomatibus ( De accidenti et morbo ). Fichtner 165. The work is a composite, dating to late antiquity, of De differentiis morborum, De causis morborum, De symptomatum differentiis, De symptomatum causis i – iii (Fichtner 42–47, all extant in Greek; cf. Ullmann, Medizin , 42 no. 22, 89 no. 14). 255 According to Ḥunayn ( Risālah no. 14) it bore the title Causes whereas the Syriac version was Causes and Symptoms , to which he observes one should add ‘diseases’. 256 De locis affectis . Fichtner 60*. 257 Archigenes of Apamea was active under Trajan (98–117) and was influenced by the Pneumatist school. Galen frequently criticized him but also profited from his expertise in treatment; see Nutton s.v. in Brill’s New Pauly . For the Arabic tradition, see Ullmann, Medizin , 69–70 and Sezgin, gas iii , 61–63. 258 The four separate treatises that formed this collection under this title ( De differentia pulsuum, De dignoscendis pulsibus, De causis pulsuum, De praesagitione ex pulsibus ) were sometimes referred to as a single comprehensive work by Galen himself (cf. De libris propriis 8.3 ‘my large study’, and the Synopsis de pulsibus , Fichtner 66*). Fichtner 62–65, all extant in Greek; cf. Ullmann, Medizin , 43–44 no. 31, Sezgin, gas iii , 91–94 no. 16. See also title no. 66. 259 Cf. the quotation in 5.1.14 . 260 De differentiis febrium . Fichtner 48*. 261 iau leaves out Ḥunayn’s gloss on the term element: ‘known as “solid”’. See Natural Faculties 1.7 (ii.16 Kühn) ‘the solid parts … all the arteries, veins, nerves, bones, cartilages, tissues, ligaments, and membranes … a little earlier we called them both “elementary” and “homoeomerous” and “simple”.’ 262 De crisibus . Fichtner 67*. 263 De diebus decretoriis . Fichtner 68*. 264 De methodo medendi . Fichtner 69*. 265 A practitioner with expertise in anatomy, known only from Galen. 266 The correct name, Thessalus, is given in Ḥunayn, though Bergsträsser preferred iau ’s reading. Thessalus the founder of the Methodist school is attacked throughout Bk 1 of De methodo medendi . 267 Greek lusis sunecheias or lusis henōseōs for this important Galenic concept. 268 Known only from De methodo medendi . This second part was written in the 190s, at least 20 years later than the first. 269 It is in fact in Bk 7 that particularly focusses on bad mixture, though the term duskrasia is important throughout De methodo medendi . iau takes over the error of recension ‘A’, which was absent from the earlier recension ‘B’. 270 Consumptive fever associated with poor nutrition and marasmus. 271 No summary is included by Ḥunayn of sections 13–14, which were translated. At this point in his account of his translations Ḥunayn refers to De ordine librorum suorum (2.4) to explain why the De anatomicis administrationibus is next on his list. 272 De anatomicis administrationibus . Fichtner 11*. Arabic at ‘Graeco-Arabic-Studies’ (ed. Simon, Sieben Bücher , and Garofalo, Anat. admin. ). Cf. 5.1.25 . The name “Great Book” distinguished it from the “Small Book of Anatomy”, which was used for the compilation of five maqālāt mentioned above under title no. 8; cf. Ch. 6.3.1 (Ibn Riḍwān on the Small Book of Anatomy ). 273 I.e. a Greek lambda (Λ). This is more usually, and today, called the hyoid bone (from the shape of the Greek letter Υ), as it is in Galen’s summary at On My Own Books 4.6 (see Boudon-Millot ad loc.). 274 The Greek took this subject in section fifteen according to On My Own Books , but this may be corrupt. Sections 10–15 are lost in Greek today and Ḥunayn’s Arabic of On My Own Books has it as section twelve, as does the Arabic translation of Anatomical Procedures (see Simon, Sieben Bücher ). 275 iau adds this from On My Own Books 4.8 (quoting Ḥunayn’s Arabic virtually word for word, cf. Mashhad ms ‘this is required reading, etc.’). 276 Epitome librorum xx anatomicorum Marini . Fichtner 372. The work is lost in Greek and Arabic. Marinus of Alexandria lived around 120. None of his writings survive. 277 Fichtner 410 ‘Librorum anatomicorum Lyci omnium epitome’. The Latin title is based on On My Own Books 4.9 τῶν Λύκου πάντων ἐν δυοῖν (‘all of Lycus’ books in two’); Fichtner omits reference to Sezgin, gas iii , 133 no. 131, where the question is raised whether Galen actually summarized the whole of Lycus’ output on anatomy or only a single work, as Ḥunayn suggests in the Risālah by calling it Kitāb Lūqus fī l-tashrīḥ . The Arabic of On My Own Books has a different tradition from the Greek manuscripts and specifies that, ‘I summarized seventeen books [ maqālah ] which Lycus wrote’, words which Ḥunayn reasonably took to indicate a single work, perhaps aware too of 4.34 (‘Lycus’ pragmateia on anatomy’). Lycus of Macedonia was a pupil of Quintus along with Galen’s teacher Satyrus (cf. above, 5.1.25 ). 278 De anatomiae dissentione . Fichtner 172. 279 De anatomia mortuorum . Fichtner 169. Cf. Ḥunayn al-ḥayawān al-mayyit . 280 De anatomia vivorum . Fichtner 171. Cf. Ḥunayn al-ḥayawān al-hayy . 281 De Hippocratis anatomia . Fichtner 243. See 5.1.14 (with a different title). 282 For Boethus, see n. 53 . 283 De Erasistrati anatomia . Fichtner 229. 284 De ignoratis Lyco in dissectionibus . Fichtner 250, Sezgin, gas iii , 134 no. 134. 285 Adversus Lycum . Fichtner 103*. 286 De uteri dissectione . Fichtner 16*. 287 Not in Fichtner, Ullmann, Sezgin, or Ibn al-Qifṭī, Ibn al-Nadīm, or Ḥunayn recension ‘B’. 288 De partium homoeomerium differentia . Fichtner 247. cmg Suppl. Or. iii (ed. Strohmaier). 289 De dissectione vocalium instrumentorum . Fichtner 441. 290 De oculis . Fichtner 287. 291 De motu thoracis et pulmonis . Fichtner 280. 292 Galen studied with Pelops in Smyrna not long after 149. See n. 160 . The information here (from Ḥunayn) represents a confused reading of On My Own Books 2, where the context is Galen’s travel from Pergamum to Smyrna, and Galen speaks of books presented to him upon his arrival that he had written before he went to study with Pelops or, in the case of the Movement of Chest and Lungs , that he wrote during his study with him. 293 De causis respirationis . Fichtner 20*. Cf. no. 137. 294 In Recension ‘B’ this reads: ‘which organs give rise to breathing, both that which is automatic and that which is forced’. 295 De voce . Fichtner 358. Cf. 5.1.10.1 . 296 De motu musculorum . Fichtner 19*. 297 Not in Fichtner. 298 De usu pulsuum . Fichtner 32*. 299 De usu respirationis . Fichtner 21*. 300 An in arteriis sanguis natura contineatur ? Fichtner 24*. 301 De purgantium medicamentorum facultate . Fichtner 75* (cf. 185 on the Ps.-Galen De catharticis ; but the entry here is for the genuine work). The Arabic for ‘properties’ ( quwā ; sg. quwwah ) is often translated ‘power(s)’ according to the traditional rendering of Greek dunamis , ‘power’, ‘faculty’. In contexts such as the present one it refers to what is inherent in a drug or foodstuff that gives it the potential or capacity to bring about change or cause, assist and complete a therapy through its ‘power’ to cool or warm, cause scarring, cleansing, diuresis, promote a particular humour, and so on. It offers an important way to organize materia medica , as we see it for example in Dioscorides or Galen’s De alimentorum facultatibus (title 121) and De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis et facultatibus (title 53). For this sense we use ‘property’. But where quwwah refers to a general bodily process such as digestion or growth, it is translated as ‘faculty’. 302 De consuetudinibus . Fichtner 202*. The appendix is not preserved. Arabic at ‘Graeco-Arabic-Studies’ (ed. Klein-Franke; German translation also at cmg Supp. Or. iii trans. Pfaff). 303 Bergsträsser (recension ‘A’) and Müller read Herophilus, the great physician of the early 3rd c. bc , with the sense that citations from Plato in Galen’s work were interpreted through extracts from a commentary by Herophilus. No such work is attested in the Greek tradition (cf. von Staden, Herophilus ) and the name in the mss is better interpreted as Proclus (cf. Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Neue Materialen , 19 and Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Galen Translations , 58–59 for recension ‘B’). iau ’s text is perhaps closer to Herophilus than Proclus. However, though he probably mentions Herophilus briefly at Ch. 4.1.10.5 , he would have had little idea who he was, whereas the Neoplatonist Proclus was known. The section of the commentary by Proclus on Timaeus 89e–90c (cf. De consuetudinibus p. 26 ed. Schmutte, cmg Suppl. iii ) that is preserved in Arabic has been translated by Pfaff ( De consuetudinibus , cmg Suppl. iii , pp. 53–60). 304 De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis . Fichtner 33*. 305 These ‘roots’ (Arabic uṣūl , Greek ἀρχαί) refer to the archē (‘origin’ or ‘principle’) of (i) motion/sensation in the brain (working through the nerves), (ii) blood and nutrition and appetite in the liver (acting through the veins), and (iii) the vital ( zōtikē ) force in the heart (functioning through the arteries). See Hankinson, ‘Galen’s Anatomy of the Soul’ on his location of the Platonic tripartite soul in these organs. 306 De motibus dubiis . Fichtner 279. The Arabic is edited by Bos in Nutton & Bos, On Problematical Movements . 307 De instrumento odoratus . Fichtner 15*. 308 De usu partium . Fichtner 17* and 18*. 309 Arabic yad may signify both English terms and the translation here reflects the contents of the book. 310 Arabic rijl may signify both English terms and both are treated in De usu partium 3. 311 De optima corporis nostri constitutione . Fichtner 25*. 312 Cf. Ch. 6.3.2 . 313 De bono habitu . Fichtner 26*. ‘Vigour’ perhaps suits Greek euexia better than Arabic khiṣb which indicates fatness or plumpness; cf 14.27.4 no. 4. 314 De inaequali intemperie . Fichtner 58*. 315 De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis et facultatibus . Fichtner 78* and 79*. 316 De morbis oculorum et eorum curis . Fichtner 275. 317 Cf. On My Own Books 2.3. 318 De morborum temporibus . Fichtner 49*. 319 De plenitudine . Fichtner 53*. 320 De tumoribus praeter naturam . Fichtner 57*. 321 De causis procatarcticis . Fichtner 188. 322 It seems that Ḥunayn’s ‘initial’ ( bādiʾah ) has been misinterpreted as ‘apparent’ ( bādiyah ) in iau or his copy of the Risālah , an easy change in Arabic. The corruption was assisted by the change of Ḥunayn’s ‘primary’ ( al-uwal ) to iau ’s ‘swellings’ ( al-awrām , cf. title no. 57), thereby signalling something visible. 323 De causis contentivis . Fichtner 187. Arabic at cmg Suppl. Or. ii (ed. Lyons). 324 Using a Stoicizing vocabulary Galen split the Aristotelian idea of an efficient cause into three. The ‘cohesive cause’ (συνεκτικὸν αἴτιον νοσήματος) was the state in which a body part malfunctioned and produced e.g. excess. It worked with an ‘antecedent’ cause ( causaantecedens ), which was the patient’s predisposition to a particular weakness, and an ‘initial’ cause ( causa procatarctica ), which was an external trigger such as heat or injury, to bring about a disease. 325 De tremore, palpitatione, convulsione et rigore . Fichtner 54*. 326 De partibus artis medicativae . Fichtner 291. Arabic at cmg Suppl. Or. ii (ed. Lyons). 327 De semine . Fichtner 22*. 328 See n. 261 . 329 De septimestri partu . Fichtner 323. Arabic at ‘Graeco-Arabic-Studies’ (ed. Walzer). 330 De atra bile . Fichtner 31*. 331 Ad eos qui de typis scripserunt . Fichtner 52*. 332 See no. 16 and Synopsis de pulsibus , Fichtner 66*. Cf. Sezgin, gas iii , 93–94 suggesting on the evidence of Rhazes that the Arabic translation of no. 66, which Ḥunayn regarded as supposititious, was completed at a later date. 333 Ḥunayn gives the title as Summary ( jumlah ) of the Great Book of the Pulse . 334 Cf. the early work, Ars medica , i.410 Kühn. 335 Here fihrist , i.e. De libris propriis 8.5. 336 Archigenis tractationis de pulsibus expositio et censura . Fichtner 148; but see Boudon-Millot, Galien for the correct title (κρίσις not χρῆσις as Fichtner has it as if it were ‘expositio et usus’). Cf. n. 257. 337 De difficultate respirationis . Fichtner 59*. 338 De praenotione ad Epigenem . Fichtner 88*. Cf. 5.1.28 . 339 Synopsis methodi medendi . Fichtner 434. 340 This work is an amalgam of three separate treatises: De venae sectione adversus Erasistratum, De venae sectione adversus Erasistrateos Romae degentes , and De curandi ratione per venae sectionem (Fichtner *71, *72, *73). There is no reason to hold it = De venae sectione (Fichtner 125*), which is usually regarded as spurious (cf. Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Galen Translations 161–162). 341 De marasmo . Fichtner 56*. 342 Puero epileptico consilium . Fichtner 77*. 343 De alimentorum facultatibus . Fichtner 38*. 344 De victu attenuante . Fichtner 349*. 345 iau has misunderstood Ḥunayn’s Risālah at this point. To entry 75 someone has added, ‘This is among the items he [i.e. Ḥunayn] summarized …’ There is no evidence of a summary made by Galen or for ‘an anonymous Summary ’ (Sezgin, gas iii , 118). 346 De bonis malisque sucis . Fichtner 39*. See 5.1.24, with n. 154. 347 De Erasistrati curandi ratione . Fichtner 230. 348 An error for ‘five’: Boudon-Millot, Galien , 209. 349 De diaeta in morbis acutis secundum Hippocratem . Fichtner 118 (but beware of confusion in this entry); Arabic at cmg Suppl. Or. ii (ed. Lyons, whose introduction pp. 12–21 should be consulted). Not to be confounded (as Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Galen Translations 162) with the Ps.-Galenic De diaeta Hippocratis in morbis acutis ( De victus ratione in morbis acutis ex Hippocratis sententia ), which survives in Greek (ed. Westenberger; also Fichtner 118*), or the genuine In Hippocratis de victu acutorum commentarii (ed. Helmreich; Fichtner 93*; see no. 92 below). 350 De compositione medicamentorum per genera . Fichtner 82*. 351 De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos . Fichtner 80* and 81*. 352 iau . 353 I.e. from the Greek title kata genos . 354 The Arabic term is based on the Syriac mēmar , ‘treatise’ (not al-ṭarīq , ‘way’, as iau has it). 355 De remediis parabilibus . Fichtner 86* (Ps.-Galen). 356 Perhaps cf. title no. 1 in the list of works by Philagrius, below 5.2.2 . We retain the form of the name in ABR (with bāʾ ), which could point to a different recension from readings using a fāʾ . 357 De antidotis . Fichtner 83*. 358 I.e. here antidotes; cf. Ullmann, wgaü s.v. ἀντίδοτος. 359 De theriaca ad Pamphilianum . Fichtner 85*. Ps-Galenic. 360 De theriaca ad Pisonem . Fichtner 84*. 361 De sanitate tuenda . Fichtner 37*. 362 Thrasybulus sive utrum medicinae sit an gymnasticae hygiene . Fichtner 34*. 363 This description of the De sanitate tuenda is also used as an alternative title for it in Arabic (so in Risālah recension ‘B’): Sezgin, gas iii , 112 no. 69, below Ch. 3.3 . The reference to Thrasybulus comes at the very start (vi.1 ed. Kühn). 364 De parvae pilae exercitio . Fichtner 35*. 365 There is no ‘play using a mallet’ in De parvae pilae exercitio itself. Ḥunayn is alluding to a contemporary game played with the ṣawlajān (a ‘long bat, curved at one end, with which horsemen strike the ball in the game of horse-shinty’, i.e. polo, Steingass s.v.) 366 In Hippocratis iusiurandum commentarius . Fichtner 390. Cf. extracts in Arabic in Chs. 1 and 2 . 367 Hippocratis aphorismi et Galeni in eos commentarii . Fichtner 101* and 102*. 368 In Hippocratis librum de fracturis commentarii . Fichtner 110*. 369 In Hippocratis de articulis librum commentarii (Fichtner 105*), together with the De hume-ro iis modis prolapso quos Hippocrates non vidit (Fichtner 106*), which is in effect part of it. 370 In Hippocratis prognosticum commentarii . Fichtner 109*. 371 In Hippocratis de victu acutorum commentaria . Fichtner 93*. 372 Cf. On My Own Books 9.9 (Boudon-Millot, Galien ) ‘three on the genuine part of the book, two on additions to it’. As Ḥunayn explains ( Risālah 41 text, 33 trans.), the commentary on the genuine part of the book was translated into Arabic by ʿĪsā ibn Yaḥyā. 373 In Hippocratis de vulneribus et ulceribus librum commentarius . Fichtner 361. 374 In Hippocratis de capitis vulneribus librum commentarius . Fichtner 383. 375 In Hippocratis epidemiarum librum primum commentarii, In Hippocratis epidemiarum librum secundum commentarii, In Hippocratis epidemiarum librum tertium commentarii, In Hippocratis epidemiarum librum sextum commentarii : Fichtner 96–100*. Arabic for Bks 1 and 2 at cmg Suppl. Or. v 1 and v 2 (ed. Vagelpohl). 376 Ḥunayn (recension ‘A’) carelessly has ‘three’ for Bk 2 and ‘six’ for Bk 3, but iau either drew on recension ‘B’ or On My Own Books 9.10. 377 In Hippocratis de humoribus librum commentarii . Fichtner 94. The Greek text printed in Kühn’s edition of Galen is a Renaissance forgery. 378 In Hippocratis praedictionum librum primum commentarii . Fichtner 95*. 379 In Hippocratis librum de officina medici commentarii . Fichtner 111*; Arabic at cmg Suppl. Or. I (ed. Lyons). 380 In Hippocratis de aere aquis locis librum commentarii . Fichtner 382. 381 ms B adds, ‘We have found some copies of the commentary also have it in four sections. However, the former arrangement is to be relied on’. 382 In Hippocratis librum de alimento commentarii . Fichtner 92*. 383 In Hippocratis de natura pueri librum commentarius . Fichtner 384. 384 See no. 27 above. 385 Gessius of Petra worked in Alexandria and died around 520; on him see Sezgin, gas iii , 160–161, Walbridge, Epitomes , p. xxxix; and below 5.2.1 , 6.1.1 (superiority of his commentaries). 386 I.e. Sergius of Rēsh ʿAynā. 387 The name is not secure, and Thessalus and Polybus have been proposed. 388 In Hippocratis de natura hominis librum commentarii . Fichtner 90*. 389 Ḥunayn: ‘three’. As transmitted to us in Greek, the commentary is divided into three (ed. Mewaldt, cmg v 9, 1) but only the first two are on De natura hominis , while the third is on De diaeta salubri . Cf. recension ‘B’ where Ḥunayn writes, ‘in three sections according to my recollection of it’. 390 Quod in aliis scriptis suis videatur Hippocrates eandem habere sententiam cum eo de natura hominis . Fichtner 426. This work is additional to those listed in Ḥunayn’s Risālah as transmitted. 391 Quod optimus medicus sit quoque philosophus . Fichtner 3*. Arabic at ‘Graeco-Arabic-Studies’ (ed. Bachmann). 392 De Hippocratis scriptis genuinis . Fichtner 244. 393 Not in Fichtner. See Sezgin, gas iii , 137 no. 147. For Quintus, see n. 161 . 394 De comate secundum Hippocratem . Fichtner 55*. 395 Linguarum seu dictionum exoletarum Hippocratis explicatio ( Glossarium ). Fichtner 116*. 396 De substantia animae secundum Asclepiadem . Fichtner 332. Cf. Sezgin, gas iii , 55. Asclepiades (late 2nd/early 1st cent. bc ) established Greek medicine at Rome; some of his views led to Methodism; cf. Ch. 4.11.2, n. 214. 397 De experientia medica . Fichtner 235. For the Arabic translation, see Walzer, Experience . 398 Adhortatio ad artes addiscendas ( Protepticus ). Fichtner 1*. 399 Menodotus was an empiricist physician of the early to mid 2nd cent., strongly opposed to Methodism. See On My Own Books 12 with the notes of Boudon-Millot, Galien and Boudon, Galien, Exhortation 35–42. In the present state of knowledge the translation here is uncertain. The words ‘Ḥunayn says … Menodotus’ book’ are absent from recension ‘A’ and are taken from recension ‘B’. Ḥunayn would have known from On My Own Books 12.1 that Galen had written a work on Menodotus’ To Severus , but he could have known no details of it. (In the Arabic of On My Own Books the text of 12.1 has ‘Book on the Introduction of Menodotus, eleven sections’; Boudon-Millot wrongly reports a change in the Arabic to ‘dix’). The Adhortatio itself contains no reference to Menodotus in the surviving section (but the lost second part presumably did mention him). The best interpretation of the Greek of On My Own Books 12.3, where the Adhortatio is listed, reads: ‘ On Menodotus’ “To Severus”, Protreptic to Medicine .’ The Arabic for this has ‘a section [ maqālah ] from the book of Menodotus, On Enthusiasm for Medicine ’. 400 Subfiguratio empirica . Fichtner 223. 401 De optimo medico cognoscendo . Fichtner 232. cmg Suppl. Or. iv (ed. Iskandar, Examinations ). There is no trace of the work in Greek. See above 5.1.18, 29. 402 De propriis placitis . Fichtner 309*. 403 De nominibus medicis . Fichtner 284. Arabic at ‘Graeco-Arabic-Studies’ (ed. Meyerhof/Schacht). 404 De demonstratione . Fichtner 209. 405 I.e. the Posterior Analytics , where Aristotle defines ‘demonstration ( apodeixis ) as deduction that is concerned with scientific knowledge ( sullogismos epistēmoniskos )’ (71b18). The keen interest in De demonstratione for Ḥunayn and others is explained by Galen’s vast output on the topic of apodeixis (see On My Own Books 14, Boudon-Millot, Galien ) and the prospect of linking the great physician and the great philosopher. A copyist like Gc, who otherwise heavily abbreviates much of the list of Galen’s books, shows that the romance of Ḥunayn’s searchings had an appeal of its own. 406 I.e. Jibrīl ibn Bukhtīshūʿ the celebrated physician of Hārūn al-Rashīd; see 5.1.16.1 . 407 In modern terms these two regions comprise northern Iraq and south-eastern Turkey, and Syria and Lebanon. 408 Job of Edessa (d. after 832); Ullmann, Medizin , 101–102. See iau Chs. 8.22 and 9.7 . 409 ʿĪsā ibn Yaḥyā ibn Ibrāhīm, a student of Ḥunayn’s: Sezgin, gas iii , 257, cf. Ullmann, Medizin , 30, 57, and iau Chs. 8.35 and 9.5 . iau may not have realized that this last sentence is an addition where ‘he’ = Ḥunayn. 410 Risālah : ‘two’. 411 De principiis ex suppositione , Fichtner 303. Arabic qiyāsāt = Greek archai . 412 De constitutione artium (Fichtner 6*, 180), a work in three books ( On My Own Books 14.22, Art of Medicine 37.6 ed. Boudon, Galien, Exhortation ), from which there survives only the last on medicine ( De constitutione artis medicae ), where Galen refers to the work being in two parts (i.e. medicine and the other crafts). In it Galen discussed various professions (arts/crafts) from the perspective of their Aristotelian telos or ultimate end (cf. Artof Medicine 1.2). The unknown dedicatee – Patrophilus – is commended for his love of apodeixis and methodos . It is this that explains the inclusion of the work in On My Own Books in a section devoted to ‘demonstration’. The ingenious alternative explanation by Rescher, Galen and the Syllogism Ch. 1 (cf. Lamoreaux, 118), that the word technē in the Greek title (περὶ τῆς τῶν τεχνῶν συστάσεως) is used in a technical philosophical sense as part of Galen’s vocabulary of logic, essentially meaning a ‘figure’ or ‘construction’, is without foundation. 413 De propriorum animi cuiuslibet affectuum dignotione et curatione (Fichtner 29*) and De animi cuiuslibet peccatorum dignotione et curatione (Fichtner 30*). 414 De moribus . Fichtner 412. It is not clear iau knew the work directly; cf. 5.1.6 , 12, 34 no. 8 . 415 De dolore evitando . Fichtner 217*. Cf. 5.1.26 (under the alternative title Fī nafy al-ghamm ). 416 Fichtner 162. See 5.1.30 . The work survives in a handful of quotations in Arabic only; Ullmann, Medizin , 64 no. 117. 417 In Platonis Timaeum commentarii . Fichtner 396. Cf. no. 185. 418 Quod animi mores corporis temperamenta sequantur . Fichtner 28*. Arabic at ‘Graeco-Arabic-Studies’ (ed. Biesterfeldt); cf. Biesterfeldt, Galens Traktat . 419 Platonicorum dialogorum compendia . Fichtner 415; cf. Fichtner 158, 159, 160; Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’. 420 I.e. Platonic philosophy. Ḥunayn refers to his rubric before no. 122, which iau misses out along with other such headers. 421 Both our recensions of Ḥunayn show confusion between Plato’s Politikos and Aristotle’s Analutika (so also ms A of iau ). 422 Cf. 5.1.12.3 above. 423 In primum movens immotum . Fichtner 398. Cf. 5.1.14 . 424 Institutio logica . Fichtner 402. 425 De syllogismorum numero . Fichtner 333. 426 In librum de interpretatione Aristotelis commentarii . Fichtner 392. 427 Ad eos qui voce soloecissantes reprehendunt . Fichtner 136. 428 At this point iau turns to a short work by Ḥunayn on material ‘not listed by Galen in the Catalogue of his books’. He starts his quotation with the second preface on books that were falsely ascribed to Galen (the first part of the work deals with genuine titles that had not been mentioned in On My Own Books ). See Meyerhof, ‘Über echte und unechte Schriften’; text and translation also in Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Neue Materialen , 84–98. iau was using a version of the work that offers some differences from the sole manuscript known to us. He follows the book titles closely except that he puts the word maqālah (‘treatise’) in first position whereas Ḥunayn for the most part puts it last, a change that causes iau to make two titles (nos. 136–137) out of one in Ḥunayn. iau probably only knew the works in this section from Ḥunayn’s pamphlet. Entries in Fichtner, Sezgin, gas iii , and Ullmann, Medizin , are referred to where they exist. In some cases they add little to Ḥunayn. 429 The text of Ḥunayn has ‘theriac’. See no. 152 below for the Galenic treatise on jaundice. Ḥunayn is probably referring to Rufus’ On Poisons (Ullmann, Medizin , 75 no. 25, Sezgin, gas iii , 66 no. 14). 430 Sezgin, gas iii , 139 no. 160. 431 Sezgin, gas iii , 131 no. 118. Cf. titles nos. 65, 147. 432 On My Own Books 1.1 ἐπεγέγραπτο μὲν γὰρ Γαληνοῦ [ mss Γαληνὸς] ἰατρός, ‘the title was “Galen’s Physician” (or “Galen, Physician”).’ 433 Cf. Fichtner 89* (the Ps.-Galenic Introductio sivemedicus , known in Greek as Galen’s “Physician”: An Introduction (Γαληνοῦ ἰατρός· εἰσαγωγή); see also Sezgin, gas iii , 139 n. 154, esp. Petit, Le Médecin. Introduction , p. cvii n. 153, 107 n. 1). There is no necessary link between the surviving Introductio and the work mentioned by Galen in On My Own Books . 434 Cf. no. 4, which is classified in the Arabic as a kitāb (‘book’) rather than a maqālah (‘treatise’) as here. 435 Cf. no. 7, which is classified in the Arabic as a kitāb rather than a maqālah as here. 436 Definitiones medicae . Fichtner 120*. 437 iau has separated nos. 136 and 137. Ḥunayn has ‘In question and answer format a treatise on …’; but iau ’s habit of beginning each entry with maqālah has led him to create two works, even though the first is a nonsense. Contrast no. 139 where he avoids splitting a single work and creating a maqālah on Homer and maqālatān (‘two sections’) on Galen’s style by calling the whole a kitāb . 438 Cf. no. 37, which is classified in the Arabic as a kitāb rather than a maqālah as here. 439 De medicina apud Homerum . Fichtner 268. 440 Sezgin, gas iii , 130 no. 114, cf. Fichtner 122. 441 An omnes partes animalis, quod procreatur, fiant simul . Fichtner 144. 442 An animal sit quod est in utero . Fichtner 117*. 443 Cf. Fichtner 174 De anima . 444 De lacte . Fichtner 262. Note also Rufus’ On Drinking Milk ( Kitāb Shurb al-Laban or Kitāb al-Laban , as we have it here in iau , cf. Ch. 4.1.10.2 title no. 21 ): Sezgin, gas iii , 66 no. 15, 412, Ullmann, Medizin , 75 no. 23. 445 Ḥunayn and some mss of iau (but not AGaR) read ‘lightening’ rather than ‘drying out’, a very easy change. Cf. Fichtner 272, Sezgin, gas iii , 131 no. 127 for the suggestion that the medieval Latin De minutionibus (extant in manuscript) represents a translation of On the Lightening of the Flesh . This would be easier if the title were a corruption of De ⟨de/di⟩minutionibus , as Klaus-Dietrich Fischer suggests to me. 446 Cf. no. 131. 447 De urinis . Fichtner 127*. 448 The third sect is the upstart sect of Methodism as distinguished from the traditional Empiricists and Rationalists/Dogmatics. See Sezgin, gas iii , 139 no. 159 with n. 2 for the unlikely suggestion that this work is the De methodica secta (see 5.1.19 with n. 128 ) mentioned in On My Own Books 13. 449 Sezgin, gas iii , 139 no. 157. 450 Cf. Sezgin, gas iii , 131–132 no. 129. Ḥunayn has ‘relapses’ for ‘illnesses’. 451 De cura icteri . Fichtner 276. See also Ullmann, Medizin , id., Die Gelbsucht . 452 At the end of the same work. 453 Sezgin, gas iii , 139 no. 156. Our mss spell B-ū-k-s-ā-gh-ū-r-s ; contrast 5.1.10.1 above ( B-r-ks-ā-gh-ū-r-s ) and Ḥunayn ( F-r-k-s-ā-gh-ū-r-s ). 454 Sezgin, gas iii , 131 no. 128. 455 Ḥunayn’s statement that he wrote his main bibliographical work when he was 48 refers to the original, lost edition published 856. iau has not remembered or noticed that he then speaks of a new edition published 10 years after that. The surviving ‘A’ and ‘B’ recensions are revised versions of this second edition. 456 In Hippocratis de mulierum affectibus commentarius . Fichtner 386; Sezgin, gas iii , 41–42 no. 17, 124 no. 85. 457 In Hippocratis de septimanis commentarii . Fichtner 388. 458 In Hippocratis vel Polybi opus de salubri victus ratione commentarius . Fichtner 91*. See below no. 184 . 459 Sezgin, gas iii , 129 no. 104. Treatments for Sicknesses is in fact the title of a therapeutic treatise, known in Arabic, by the important 4th cent. physician, Philagrius: Ullmann, Medizin , 79 no. 1 Mudāwāt al-aqsām , cf. p. 81, Sezgin, gas iii , 155 no. 3; it is perhaps identical with the Signs of Sicknesses recorded as title no. 2 in the list of Philagrius’ books below, though this work is in five sections. 460 Sezgin, gas iii , 130 no. 116. 461 De morte subitanea . Fichtner 278. 462 De clysteribus et colica . Fichtner 194. 463 De somno et vigilia . Fichtner 328. 464 De prohibenda sepultura . Fichtner 305. See ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Bukhtīshūʿ, On Apparent Death . On the topos as a special variety of prognosis, see Bürgel, Ärztliches Leben 266–272. 465 Fichtner 135. 466 See next note. 467 De secretis feminarum et virorum . Fichtner 322. 468 Liber secretorum ad Monteum . Fichtner 409. According to Ullmann, Medizin , 60 no. 103 Secret Remedies was an alternative title of the book known as Advice for Monks and the opening remarks to the addressee M-w-t-w-s show that the secrecy lies in a restricted dissemination. Sezgin, gas iii , 126 no. 91 and 129 no. 102 distinguishes the two and names the addressee of Advice for Monks as ‘Julianus’. 469 The source of the quotation is unknown. 470 For Ḥunayn’s patron and his family, see ei 2 art. ‘Mūsā, Banū’ (D.R. Hill). 471 De succedaneis . Fichtner 133*. Not genuine. 472 Cf. Sezgin, gas iii , 47 no. 18 for a work of this name allegedly ascribed in the Arabic tradition to Hippocrates. 473 Cf. no. 115. 474 Cf. the work of this title by Hippocrates, De natura pueri ( De natura foetus , etc.). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum 46* (there is an edition of the Arabic translation by Lyons & Mattock, Hippocrates, Ajinna ). See Ch. 4.1.9.1 title no. 1 . 475 Cf. title no. 67. 476 Cf. no. 106. 477 See no. 74 above. 478 Sezgin, gas iii , 139 no. 158. 479 Sezgin, gas iii , 131 no. 125. 480 Cf. title no. 13 of the works ascribed to Philagrius below. 481 An alternative title to no. 59. 482 See no. 157 . The Regimen for Healthy People was ascribed either to Hippocrates or his sonin-law Polybus. 483 Cf. no. 122. 484 Sezgin, gas iii , 129 no. 103. 485 Sezgin, gas iii , 131 no. 123. 486 Sezgin, gas iii , 131 no. 126. 487 Title no. 1 in the list of Galen’s works, where allusion is also made to the division into two. 5.2. After Galen [5.2.1] 1 . Among the famous physicians following Galen’s death or near to him were the Alexandrians Stephanus, Nicolaus, Gessius, and Marinus; these four are among the commentators on Galen’s books, and summarized and abridged them and shortened what he said; 2 Timaeus of Tarsus; Sīmrī , 3 who was nicknamed ‘New Moon’ because he mostly stayed in his mansion immersed in study and composition so that people only caught sight of him every so often, calling him ‘New Moon’ ( al-Hilāl ) because he would hide himself away; Magnus of Alexandria; 4 Oribasius the author of handbooks and physician to King Julian wrote inter alia : 5 To his Son Eustathius ( K. ilā bnihi Usṭāth ). It consists of nine sections. 6 The Anatomy of the Bowels ( K. li-tashrīḥ al-aḥshāʾ ). It consists of one section. 7 Medicines for Use ( K. al-adwiyah al-mustaʿmalah ). 8 The Seventy ( K. al-sabʿīn ). One section of his Handbook ( Kunnāsh ); 9 Paul of Aegina wrote among other things: 10 Handbook of the Pleiades ( Kunnāsh al-Thurayyā ). 11 Regimen and Care for the Child . 12 There was also Stephanus of Ḥarrān; Oribasius the Obstetrician, 13 a nickname he received on account of his skilled knowledge of women’s conditions; Dioscorides the Oculist, who was allegedly the first specialist to achieve fame in the manufacture of eye-salves ( ṣināʿat al-kuḥl ); Fāfālus 14 of Athens; Afrūnīṭus 15 of Alexandria; Nīṭus , 16 who was dubbed ‘the Informer’ ( al-Mukhbir ) because of his expertise; Narses the Roman, who went to Alexandria and became one of their community; Hero; and Zarayāyal. [5.2.2] Among those who were close to this time was Philagrius. He wrote the following. 17 For People Without a Physician in Attendance ( K. man lā yaḥduruhum ṭabīb ). 18 Signs of Sicknesses ( K. ʿalāmāt al-asqām ). It consists of five sections. 19 On the Affliction of Gout ( M. fī wajaʿ al-niqris ). On Stones ( M. fī ḥaṣāh ). On Dropsy ( M. fī al-māʾ al-aṣfar ). On Liver Pain ( M. fī wajaʿ al-kabid ). On Colic ( M. fī l-qawlanj ). On Jaundice ( M. fī l-yaraqān ). On the Structure of the Womb ( M. fī khalq al-raḥim ). 20 On Sciatica ( M. fī ʿirq al-nasā ). On Cancer ( M. fī l-saraṭān ). On the Manufacture of Salt Theriac ( M. fī ṣanʿat tiryāq al-milḥ ). On the Bite of a Rabid Dog ( M. fī ʿaḍḍat al-kalb al-kalib ). 21 On Ulcers on the Skin ( M. fī l-qūbāʾ ). Problems of Gums and Teeth ( M. fīmā yaʿriḍu li-l-lithah wa-l-asnān ). Footnotes 1 For ‘Among the famous physicians … Oribasius the author of handbooks’ cf. Dunlop, Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah §25 ll. 380–386. The source of both passages is Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn’s history of physicians. iau ’s text is closer to Isḥāq (Rosenthal, ‘Iṣḥāq b. Ḥunayn’, 69–70/79–80) than that of the Ṣiwān as transmitted. 2 The four are associated in the Arabic tradition with the composition of the Summaria Alex-andrinorum, the summaries (or rather excerpts with comments and notes) of the sixteen books of Galen that formed the Alexandrian curriculum, some of them being an amalgamation of several separate treatises (cf. 5.137 titles 8, 14, 16). Only Gessius (Γέσιος or Γέσσιος), a late 5th c. physician and philosopher of great fame and wealth (e.g. Suda γ 207), is known with certainty (Watts, ‘The Enduring Legacy’); but there are works attributed to Palladius and Stephanus (on whom see Wolska-Conus, ‘Stéphanos’). Nicolaus is Anqīlāwus in the Arabic of iau and our other sources and the Greek behind it is unclear but is suggested by Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , p. 356.18 wa-qīlu Nīqulāʾus ʿan Anqīlāʾus (cf. note d. to the edition: V Nīqūlāwus ); however, no medical Nicolaus is known. See further Ch. 6.1.1 for the list of seven Alexandrians drawn from Ibn Buṭlān (Schacht & Meyerhof, Medico-Philosophical Controversy , 93–94 English, 59–60 Arabic), which omits Marinus and includes Theodosius (absent from Ibn Buṭlān as transmitted to us but probably ultimately identical with his Persius; see Ch. 6.1.1 n. 5 ), and also includes John the Grammarian, to whom iau devotes much space in Ch. 6 . On all these issues see recently Walbridge, Epitomes , pp. xxxix–xl. On the question of the origin of the Summaries in the context of the curriculum and discussion of the authors, see Sezgin, gas iii , 140ff., Ullmann, Medizin , 65–67, Walbridge, Epitomes , Introduction. 3 Greek form unclear. Rosenthal, ‘Isḥāq b. Ḥunayn’, 79 n. 7, suggested Smyrnaeus. 4 Cf. Ch. 4.1.10.2 on Magnus of Emesa/Nisibis. Magnus taught at Alexandria. See also Nutton, ‘Murders and Miracles’, 36. 5 Oribasius was a major figure in 4th cent. medicine and was close to Julian the Apostate. He died around 400. For this entry iau follows Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid) 2/1:283, (Tajaddud) 350, almost word for word. See also Ch. 1.7 . n. 80 . 6 Oribasii synopsis ad Eustathium , ed. Raeder ( cmg vi 3). 7 Unknown in Greek. Alternative title ( ms B): Temperament of the Bowels . 8 Apparently a version of the Ad Eunapium ed. Raeder ( cmg vi 3), a treatise on euporista or ‘readily available’ drugs. Cf. title no. 80 in the list of Galen’s works. 9 I.e. the Collectiones medicae ed. Raeder ( cmg vi 1, vi 2, vi 3), a vast summary of medicine before Oribasius, based on Oribasius’ earlier compilation of Galen’s works. About a third of the original seventy books survives intact in the Greek. The Arabic titles are alternatives. 10 Paul of Aegina wrote the last major medical encyclopaedia of antiquity in the mid-7th cent. It was based on Oribasius and his sources. 11 Collectiones medicae ed. Heiberg ( cmg ix 1 and ix 2). This important encyclopaedia was named Pleiades in Arabic because it comprised seven books. 12 Apparently known only from iau . 13 Oribasius al-Qawābilī . Although iau distinguishes him from Julian’s physician, Oribasius treated pregnancy and midwifery ( inter alia ) in Bk 5 of To Eustathius and it may well be that this material circulated separately. Paul of Aegina was also known as al-Qawābilī on acccount of his discussion of gynaecology and obstetrics in Bk 6 of his own encyclopaedia. 14 Greek form unclear. 15 Greek form unclear. 16 Greek form unclear. Cf. the previous name. 17 On Philagrius, a physician of the 3rd or 4th cent., influential on Arabic medicine for his treatment of the liver and spleen, see Nutton in Brill’s New Pauly (classical world), Ullmann, Die Medizin 79–81, especially Sezgin, gas iii , 154–156. iau again follows Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid) 2/1:282–283, (Tajaddud) 350 closely but has reordered title no. 13 to become his own no. 2. 18 Perhaps an alternative title for the work known as the ‘Small Handbook’ or ‘For the General Public’ ( ilā l-ʿawāmm , i.e. πρὸς ἰδιώτας; Sezgin, gas iii , 155 drawing on al-Rāzī), essentially a ‘self-help’ guide. 19 Cf. 5.1.39 n. 459 . 20 Ibn al-Nadīm and Rhazes (cf. Sezgin 155 no. 5) correctly read khunāq (or ikhtināq ) al-raḥim , the old Hippocratic concept of πνῖγες ὑστερικαί, ‘strangulation of the womb’. 21 Cf. title no. 182 in the works of Galen. Copyright 2020 by the Editors. Published by Koninklijke Brill nv , Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag. Koninklijke Brill nv reserves the right to protect the publication against unauthorized use. This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc 4.0 License, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. Monographs, or book chapters, which are outputs of Wellcome Trust funding have been made freely available as part of the Wellcome Trust's open access policy Bookshelf ID: NBK621347 DOI: 10.1163/9789004410312_044 Contents < Prev Next > Share Views PubReader Print View Cite this Page Swain S. Physicians from or after the Time of Galen. In: Sánchez I, Joosse NP, Watson Aet al., authors; Savage-Smith E, Swain S, van Gelder GJ, editors. A Literary History of Medicine: The ʿUyūn al-anbāʾ fī ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ of Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah [Internet]. Leiden (NL): Brill; 2019. CHAPTER 5. doi: 10.1163/9789004410312_044 PDF version of this title (5.8M) In this Page Galen After Galen Other titles in this collection Wellcome Trust–Funded Monographs and Book Chapters Recent Activity Clear Turn Off Turn On Physicians from or after the Time of Galen - A Literary History of Medicine Physicians from or after the Time of Galen - A Literary History of Medicine Your browsing activity is empty. Activity recording is turned off. Turn recording back on See more... Follow NCBI Twitter Facebook LinkedIn GitHub NCBI Insights Blog Connect with NLM Twitter Facebook Youtube National Library of Medicine 8600 Rockville Pike Bethesda, MD 20894 Web Policies FOIA HHS Vulnerability Disclosure Help Accessibility Careers NLM NIH HHS USA.gov