4.6. Aristotle

Greek Physicians to Whom Hippocrates Transmitted the Art of Medicine - A Literary History of Medicine - NCBI Bookshelf An official website of the United States government Here's how you know The .gov means it's official. Federal government websites often end in .gov or .mil. Before sharing sensitive information, make sure you're on a federal government site. The site is secure. The https:// ensures that you are connecting to the official website and that any information you provide is encrypted and transmitted securely. Log in Show account info Close Account Logged in as: username Dashboard Publications Account settings Log out Access keys NCBI Homepage MyNCBI Homepage Main Content Main Navigation Bookshelf Search database Books All Databases Assembly Biocollections BioProject BioSample Books ClinVar Conserved Domains dbVar Gene Genome GEO DataSets GEO Profiles GTR Identical Protein Groups MedGen MeSH NLM Catalog Nucleotide OMIM PMC Protein Protein Clusters Protein Family Models PubChem BioAssay PubChem Compound PubChem Substance PubMed SNP SRA Structure Taxonomy ToolKit ToolKitAll ToolKitBookgh Search term Search Browse Titles Advanced Help Disclaimer NCBI Bookshelf. A service of the National Library of Medicine, National Institutes of Health. Sánchez I, Joosse NP, Watson Aet al., authors; Savage-Smith E, Swain S, van Gelder GJ, editors. A Literary History of Medicine: The ʿUyūn al-anbāʾ fī ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ of Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah [Internet]. Leiden (NL): Brill; 2019. doi: 10.1163/9789004410312_043 A Literary History of Medicine: The ʿUyūn al-anbāʾ fī ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ of Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah [Internet]. Show details Sánchez I, Joosse NP, Watson Aet al., authors; Savage-Smith E, Swain S, van Gelder GJ, editors. Leiden (NL): Brill ; 2019. Contents Search term < Prev Next > CHAPTER 4 Greek Physicians to Whom Hippocrates Transmitted the Art of Medicine Translation and annotation: Ignacio Sánchez and Simon Swain . 4.1. Hippocrates 1 [4.1.1] Let us begin by reporting some specific information about Hippocrates himself and the divine favour he enjoyed. Then, we will provide an account of all the Greek physicians to whom Hippocrates transmitted this art, even if they were not among the descendants of Asclepius. Hippocrates, as we have discussed, was in fact the seventh of the celebrated great Greek physicians, whose forefather was Asclepius. 2 Hippocrates was one of the most noble and eminent men of his family. According to what I have found in some reports translated from the Greek, 3 Hippocrates’ ancestors were: Heracleides (his father), Hippocrates, Gnosidicus, Nebrus, Sostratus, Theodorus, Cleomyttades, and Crisamis the king. 4 Hippocrates was naturally endowed with nobility and rank, for he was a ninth-generation descendant of the king Crisamis, a descendant of Asclepius in the eighteenth generation, and of Zeus in the twentieth-generation. Moreover, Hippocrates’ mother was Praxitela, daughter of Phaenarete, of the house of Heracles. His noble origin stemmed, then, from two sources, since his father was a descendant of the family of Asclepius and his mother that of Heracles. Hippocrates learnt medicine from his father Heracleides and his grandfather Hippocrates. They both passed on to him the principles of this art. He lived ninety-five years, sixteen of them as a child and student, seventy-six as a scholar and master – only two years passed between the death of Asclepius ii and the birth of Hippocrates. When Hippocrates looked at the state of medicine, he feared for the survival of this art, for he had seen it disappearing from the majority of the places in which Asclepius had established its teaching. The locations where the art of medicine was taught, as Galen records in his commentary on the Oath ( Tafsīr K. al-Aymān ), 5 were three: first, Rhodes; second, Knidos; and, third, Kos ( Qū ). 6 Medical knowledge soon disappeared in Rhodes because its masters left no successors behind; and it died out in Knidos because Asclepius’ descendants were all too few; only Kos, the city in which Hippocrates lived, kept the art alive thanks to a small number of Asclepius’ descendants who remained there. When Hippocrates reflected upon the state of medicine, he realized that it was about to disappear because those who inherited this art among the family of Asclepius were too few. Upon that, he resolved to spread the art to all lands, to bring it to the rest of the people, and to teach it to all those who were worthy of learning it lest it disappeared. Hippocrates claimed that the gift of doing good should be given to anyone worthy of it, whether he was from the family (of Asclepius) or not. And so, he attracted strangers and taught them this precious art. He made them hold true to the vow he composed and bound them by the celebrated oaths to promise not to offend against the rules imposed upon them, and not to teach this art to anyone who had not previously taken this vow. [4.1.2] Abū l-Ḥasan ʿAlī ibn Riḍwān said: 7 Prior to Hippocrates, the art of medicine was a precious gift that parents treasured for their sons and was reserved for the members of a single family related to Asclepius. This name, i.e. Asclepius, might refer to an angel sent by God to teach people medicine, 8 but it is also possible that knowledge of medicine might have been inspired by God Almighty. 9 Be that as it may, the fact is that Asclepius was the first to teach medicine and he is credited with having the first student. According to ancient practice, the student used to call his master ‘father’, and it is from this first student that the families related to Asclepius descend. They were the Greek Kings and their notables, for no others were allowed to learn medicine. This art was their prerogative and each of them taught it to his children or grandchildren alone. Medicine used to be taught orally. They did not write it down in books, and whenever they needed to commit something to writing they used symbolic language that no-one but themselves could understand and which fathers would explain to their sons. Medicine was the exclusive competence of kings and ascetics, who would tend the people unconditionally without taking a fee. Such was the situation until the appearance of Hippocrates from Kos and Democritus from Abdera, who were contemporaries. Democritus embraced an ascetic life and abandoned his position as administrator of his city. 10 As for Hippocrates, in view of the disagreements about medical matters that arose among the members of his house, he feared this would fall into decay so he resolved to write it up in a complex way. 11 Hippocrates had two excellent sons named Thessalus and Draco, and an accomplished student, Polybus. 12 He instructed them in this art to make it sure that it would spread beyond the Asclepiad family and reach other people. He established a covenant that the students had to follow to remain pure and virtuous, wrote a law ( nāmūs ) stipulating who should study medicine, and precepts in which he listed all the things that the physician himself needed. 13 [4.1.3.1] Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah continues: What follows is the text of the covenant composed by Hippocrates. 14 Hippocrates said: I swear by God, the Lord of Life and Death, Giver of Health and Creator of Cures and Treatments; and by Asclepius, and by all men and women who are close to God and whom I take as witnesses, 15 that I will honour this covenant and this pledge, and that I will hold my teacher in this art as a member of my own family: I will support him with my own livelihood, and my wealth will provide assistance and help if he is in need. I will hold the people of his family equal to my own brothers, and I will teach them this art unconditionally if they need to learn it, and without asking for any fee. My sons and the sons of my master will be equals for me, and also the pupils for whom this agreement was written, and who have sworn to follow the medical law concerning advice, science and all other elements of the art. But I will not do this with those who do not observe [the oath]. I will treat the sick and seek their benefit according to that which is in my power, and I shall prevent things that do them harm and involve them in injustice. I will not administer any medicine that may kill, even if they ask for it, nor will I provide any suggestions in this regard. I will not treat women with pessaries ( farzajah ) to abort foetuses. I will keep myself pure and clean for treatment and during the practice of this art, and I will not extract stones from the bladders, for I will leave this for those who carry out this task. I shall enter the houses exclusively to treat the patients, and only when I am free of wrong and without deliberate intention of damaging anything there, or having intercourse with women and men, be they free or slaves. As for things I witness during treatment sessions or matters that are not discussed publicly and I may hear in other moments when talking with people, I will refrain [from talking] about them and mentioning things of this kind. Those who fulfil this oath without contravening any of its dispositions shall excel in their conduct and in their art in the most perfect and noble way, and will forever be praised by everybody. Those who contravene this will deserve the opposite. [4.1.3.2] Here is the text of Hippocrates’ Medical Law ( Nāmūs al-ṭibb ): 16 Hippocrates said: Medicine is of all the arts the most noble, but the poor judgment of many of those who claim to practice it attracts the criticism of people. No blame should be imputed to medicine in any city, but rather to the ignorance of those who claim to be physicians without being worthy of bearing that name. For they are like the images that storytellers use to amuse the people: just as these figures are bereft of real existence, these physicians are much in name, but amount to very little in deed. Whoever desires to learn the art of medicine should have a good and suitable nature, great enthusiasm and absolute determination. But the most important of all is nature: he who has an adequate nature should engage in study without succumbing to distress, and knowledge will become instilled in his mind and bear wonderful fruits, as we see plants do in earth. For nature is like fertile soil, education like agriculture, and cultivating knowledge like sowing seeds in fertile ground. When passion for medicine takes hold of students, as we have mentioned, they returnto the cities not as physiciansin name, but in deed. The knowledge of medicine is a wonderful treasure and a precious resource for those who learn it with pleasure, in private or public. But the ignorance of this art among those who claim to know it is a calamity, and a wicked treasure that brings no joy, but everlasting anxiety and imprudence; and anxiety is a sign of weakness, while imprudence shows lack of experience in the discipline. [4.1.3.3] This is the text of the well-known Testament ( al-Waṣiyyah ) of Hippocrates, also called Etiquette of Medicine ( Tartīb al-ṭibb ): 17 Hippocrates says: The student of medicine ought to be a free man with a good nature, young, and of regular stature and proportionate members. He should have excellent discernment and oral skills, demonstrate good judgment when taking part in deliberations, be chaste and brave, not infatuated with money, able to restrain himself when angered; but he does not hold back in extremes, nor is vacuous. He should sympathize and be compassionate with the patients, and keep their secrets because many of the sick people whom we visit suffer diseases about which they do not want anyone to know. If he is insulted, he should be forbearing because we experience this with people affected by delirium ( mubarsimūn ) and melancholy ( al-waswās al-sawdāwī ); we should be patient with them and know that this behaviour is not intentional, but rather the result of non-natural factors. 18 The hair of the student should be proportionately and evenly trimmed, not completely shaved or let to grow in excess. He should not clip his fingernails too short nor let them grow beyond the tip of the fingers. His clothes should be white, clean, and soft. The physician should not walk hastily, since this indicates fickleness, nor ploddingly, for this is a sign of a weak spirit. When attending the sick, he should sit cross-legged to hear about their state in silence, calmly and without any kind of disturbance. These forms of etiquette and conduct are better for me than any other. [4.1.3.4] Galen says in the third section of his book Character Traits ( Akhlāq al-nafs ): 19 In addition to all that Hippocrates learnt about medicine, the knowledge of astronomy he attained was unmatched by anyone in his time. Hippocrates studied the elements that form the bodies of the animals and that determine the coming into existence and the end of all perishable bodies. 20 He was the first to demonstrate with solid proofs what we have just discussed; he showed how health and disease exist in all animals and plants, and also categorized diseases and classes of treatments. [4.1.4] Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah continues: If we pay attention to Hippocrates’ practice and treatment, we see that he always showed great interest in helping and tending the sick. It is said that he was the first one who conceived of and established a hospital. He used to work in a garden close to his house, a section of which was reserved for the sick; then he provided servants to take care of their treatment and called it xenodocheion , i.e. ‘a place to host the sick’. 21 This is also the meaning of the Arabic term for hospital, bīmāristān , which comes from Persian: bīmār means sick and stān means place, and thus the meaning of bīmāristān is ‘a place for the sick’. Hippocrates did not abandon himself to this comfortable life for the rest of his days: he continued his research on medicine, establishing its rules, treating and providing relief to the sick, and healing their maladies and diseases. Many stories about the patients he treated are recorded in the book known as Epidemics ( Abīdīmiyā ), a term that means ‘visiting diseases’. [4.1.5] Hippocrates never coveted riches by serving the kings; the needs of the destitute were for him more important than augmenting his own wealth. That is why Galen says 22 that Hippocrates ignored the king’s call when he visited Persia in the time of one of their mightiest kings, who is known among the Greeks as Artaxerxes, that is, Ardashīr the Persian, the uncle of Darius the son of Darius. For a plague broke out during his reign, and the king ordered his governor in Cranon 23 to offer one hundred qinṭār 24 of gold to Hippocrates and to render him great honours – this payment was only an advance of his fee, since the king promised him an estate of similar value [in Persia]. Artaxerxes also wrote to the king of the Greeks asking him to grant permission for Hippocrates to serve at his court, and offering him a truce of seven years once Hippocrates had been sent to Persia. But Hippocrates did not accede to this request to leave his land for Persia, and when the king of the Greeks exhorted him to accept, he replied: ‘I will not exchange virtue for wealth’. On another occasion, when the king Perdiccas 25 fell ill, Hippocrates did not spend all his time with him; he went instead to treat the poor and needy of his hometown and other cities, even if they were small. He visited all these Greek cities himself and even composed a book about them discussing airs and countries. 26 All this shows – as Galen states – that Hippocrates not only despised riches, but also contentment and comfort: he opted for embracing virtue in hardship and distress. Some books of ancient history report that Hippocrates lived in the time of Kay Bahman, 27 and that the king fell ill and sent an envoy to Hippocrates’ homeland asking for the services of the physician, but the people opposed this saying, ‘We should die rather than let Hippocrates leave our land’. Bahman took pity on these people and let Hippocrates stay with them. Hippocrates was active and well-known in the year ninety-six of the Era of Nebuchadnezzar, 28 which corresponds to year fourteen of the reign of Bahman. 29 [4.1.6] Sulaymān ibn Ḥassān, known as Ibn Juljul, says: 30 There is a fine story about Hippocrates that we will gladly tell as an example of his excellence. Polemon, the author of the Physiognomy ( al-Firāsah ), 31 claimed in his book that he could know a man’s character through his physical traits. One day, when the students of Hippocrates were together, one of them said to his colleagues, ‘Do you know of anyone better in our days than this exceptional man?’ Some answered that they did not know of anyone better, but one of them said: ‘Wait, let us examine him by applying Polemon’s claims about physiognomic science’. They drew a picture of Hippocrates, handed it to Polemon and told him: ‘O excellent man, look at this picture and tell us about the moral characteristics of his soul that his physical traits reveal’. He looked at it, made a comparison of his body parts and then he pronounced his opinion, saying: ‘This is a man who loves fornication’. The students replied: ‘You are lying! This is the picture of Hippocrates the sage’. But Polemon said: ‘My theory cannot be wrong’. The students asked again, but he rejected the accusation of being a liar. Then they went back to meet Hippocrates, and when they told him what they had done and what was the opinion of Polemon, he replied: ‘Polemon was right, I certainly like fornication, but I restrain myself!’ This illustrates the excellence of Hippocrates, his self-control and how he exercised his soul with virtue. Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah continues: This story has also been told about the philosopher Socrates and his students. As for the interpretation of the name Hippocrates, it means ‘he who controls horses’; 32 but it is also said that it means ‘he who preserves health’ or ‘he who preserves the spirits’. The origin of his name is the Greek Abfūqrāṭīs , also said Buqrāṭīs but, since it is the custom of the Arabs to abbreviate names and shorten their forms, they have shortened it to Abuqrāṭ and also to Buqrāṭ . The name has also been used often in poetry, where it sometimes occurs with tāʾ , as both Abuqrāt and Buqrāt . [4.1.7] Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik says in his The Choicest Maxims and Best Sayings ( Mukhtār al-ḥikam wa-maḥāsin al-kalim ): 33 Hippocrates was tall, white-skinned, and handsome; he had pale blue eyes, big bones and prominent tendons, an evenly trimmed white beard, and a hunched back. He was tall and moved slowly, and when he looked back he used to turn around his full body. Hippocrates bowed his head constantly, always had the right words and used to speak calmly and repeating his words to his listeners. When he was seated, his shoes where always in front of him. When asked, he replied; when no one talked to him, he asked; and he used to stare at the ground while sitting. He was playful, frugal and prone to fasting. He always carried a scalpel ( mibḍaʿ ) or a little instrument [for applying eye-salve] ( mirwad ). Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq said in his Stories of the Philosophers ( Nawādir al-falāsifah wa-l-ḥukamāʾ ): The following was carved on the stone of Hippocrates’ ring: ‘I have more hope in a sick person with an appetite than in a healthy man without one’. 34 It is said that Hippocrates died of hemiplegia ( fālij ) and that in his will he disposed that an ivory chest should be buried with him, but nobody knew its contents. Caesar, the king, passed once by this tomb; he found it in a derelict state, and ordered it to be renovated. It was customary among kings to visit wise men during their life and after their death because they were the most exceptional of men and the closest to them. Caesar ordered the grave to be dug up, and when they opened it for him to see its contents, they found that this chest contained twenty-five discussions of mortal diseases of unknown origin, even though the death was diagnosed for prescribed times and particular days. This work has been translated into Arabic and some people claim that Galen wrote a commentary on it, but this is unlikely. If it were true and Galen’s commentary had existed, it would have been translated into Arabic as it has been done with the other commentaries of Hippocrates that he wrote and that have been translated all together. 35 [4.1.8.1] These are some of the wise sayings of Hippocrates on medicine and some of his unique witticisms: 36 1. Medicine comprehends theory and experience. 37 2. If men had been created with a single nature, no one would fall ill because there would not be any contrary [natural principle] to make him sick. 38 3. Old habits become second nature; and augury and foretelling are a mental sense. 39 4. The most knowledgeable about the decrees of the stars are those who know the most about their natures, and better understand their correspondences. 40 5. As long as men remain in the sensible world, they need to use their senses in the right proportion, either a little or much. 6. Every disease of known origin has a cure. 7. When healthy, men can eat like beasts; but if they fell ill, they should be fed like birds in order to heal. 8. We eat to live, not live to eat. 9. Do not eat for the sake of eating. 10. Treat each sick person with drugs from his own land, because nature finds protection in what is familiar to it. 41 11. Wine is a friend for the body, apples are friends for the soul and the spirit. 12. Hippocrates was asked, ‘Why does the body become most agitated when we drink medicines?’ He replied, ‘For the same reason the house becomes most full of dust when it is being swept’. 42 13. Do not take medicines unless necessary, because if you take them without need and there is no disease to fight, your health will be affected by them and a disease will appear. 14. The sperm in your back is like water in a well: if you drain it, it gushes out, if you leave it, it oozes away. 43 15. Coitus consumes the water of life. 16. Someone asked, ‘How often should coitus be performed?’ And Hippocrates replied, ‘Once a year’. ‘And if this cannot be achieved?’ Hippocrates replied, ‘Then once a month’. ‘And if this is also impossible?’, they asked. To which Hippocrates replied, ‘Then once a week’. ‘And if this is not possible?’, they insisted. And Hippocrates said, ‘It is his soul, he may let it go whenever he wants’. 17. The most pleasurable things in this world are four: food, drink, sexual intercourse, and listening (to music). 44 Three of these pleasures – or that which is related to them – cannot be attained but with great effort and difficulty, and they are harmful when enjoyed in excess. But listening (to music), in dearth or in excess, is an undemanding and effortless pleasure. 18. Hippocrates also said, ‘If perfidy were innate of human nature, trust would be impossible for everyone; if the means of life were equally divided, greed would be pointless’. 19. Having few people dependent on oneself is a great fortune. 20. Health is a light possession, but those who lack it understand its might. 21. When Hippocrates was asked, ‘What is the best life?’, he replied, ‘Poverty in safety is better than riches in fear’. 22. When he saw some people burying a woman he exclaimed, ‘What a fine husband you have married’. 45 23. Hippocrates once admitted a very young student in his class. The elder students complained about promoting him before them, and he asked, ‘Do you not know why he has been promoted before you?’ ‘No’, they replied. And then he asked, ‘What is the most wonderful thing in the world?’ One of them answered, ‘The sky with its stars and planets’. Another said, ‘The earth, with its animals and plants’. Another said, ‘Man and his making’. They all went on saying something different to which Hippocrates always replied, ‘No’. Finally, he asked the young student, ‘What is the most wonderful thing in the world?’ And he replied, ‘O wise man, if all that exists in the world were a wonder, there would be no wonder’. And the wise Hippocrates said, ‘This is why I promoted him, because of his cleverness’. Hippocrates also said: 24. Combating passions is easier than treating diseases. 25. Saving [patients] from severe diseases is a hard task. 26. Once he visited a patient and said, ‘We are three altogether: the disease, you, and I. If you cooperate and accept all that I say, we will become two, the disease will be alone and we will be stronger against it; because when two join forces against one they succeed’. 46 27. Hippocrates said on his deathbed, ‘Here is the gist of my knowledge: whoever sleeps much, has a mild nature, and a moist skin lives a long life’. 47 [4.1.8.2] These are some of the sayings of Hippocrates collected by Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq in his Stories of the Philosophers ( K. Nawādir al-falāsifah ): 48 28. The heart’s frailty within the human body is like that of the eyes behind the eyelids. 29. The heart suffers from two kinds of harm: sorrow ( ghamm ) and worry ( hamm ). Sorrow affects him during sleep, and worry during wakefulness. This is because anxiety appears when someone reflects with fear about that what is to come, which needs wakefulness. Sorrow, however, does not involve any reflection, because it only feeds on that which is past and finished. 30. The heart is made of congealed blood. When sorrow elicits natural heat, it melts this blood. This is why the heart dislikes sorrow, out of fear that unpleasant accidents will bring about this heat, warm up the humour and dissolve the congealed blood, which will damage its structure. 31. Whoever befriends the ruler should not worry about his severity, just as the pearl diver does not worry about the salt in sea water. 32. If you wish a life for your soul, mortify it. 33. There is much to know but life is short. Take the knowledge you can achieve, from little to more. 49 34. Intelligent persons fall in love when they share their rational abilities, but love does not occur between idiots when they share their idiocy because reason flows in an organized stream [of thought] which two people can share, while idiocy flows in a confused way and two people cannot coincide. [4.1.8.3] Hippocrates also said about passionate love: 50 Passion is a desire originated in the heart, where the materials of desire come together. Whenever passion gains strength, the one experiencing it becomes more excited, insistent and stubborn, his agitation intensifies and he increasingly suffers from insomnia. In this state, blood burns and turns into black bile, and yellow bile is inflamed and transformed into black bile. The excessive flood of black bile impairs the rational abilities, provoking confusion, unsound reasoning, longing for that which does not exist, and desire for that which is unattainable, to such an extent that it results in madness. In this state, the lover may kill himself or die of sorrow; or attain the object of his desire and then die of happiness or sadness. He may also exhale such profound a sigh that his spirit will abandon his body for twenty-four hours, and he be taken for dead and be buried alive. Or he may breathe so deeply that his soul will be constricted within his pericardium, and the heart will close around it without letting it go, and cause his death; or perhaps, when the lover is relaxed, the sudden sight of the one he loves may excite his desire, and his soul depart from him, suddenly and at once. You will see how blood flow away from the lover and his colour changes at the mere mention of the one he loves. Only the mercy of the Lord of the Worlds can put an end to this state, for there is no remedy in the hands of men. When a malignant affection stems from a single, independent cause, it might be easily terminated by ending its cause; but when two causes occur simultaneously and they occasion each other reciprocally, there is no way of ending either one of them. Black bile provokes an uninterrupted train of thought [in the infatuated person], and this is the cause of the burning of the blood and of the yellow bile, which results in their conversion into black bile. Whenever black bile becomes predominant, the more intense the thoughts are; and the stronger these thoughts are, the more predominant black bile becomes: this is the fatal disease that physicians are incapable of treating. Other sayings of Hippocrates are: 35. There are five ways to treat the whole body: the head by gargling, the stomach by inducing vomit, the body with purgatives for the bowels, the parts between the two skins by sweating, and the insides and the interior of the veins by bloodletting. 51 36. Yellow bile resides in the gall bladder and governs the liver; phlegm resides in the stomach and governs the chest; black bile resides in the spleen and governs the heart; and blood resides in the heart and governs the head. 52 37. Hippocrates said to one of his students: ‘Let your best practice be your love for the people, and your preoccupation with knowing their problems and conditions, and for doing them good’. 53 [4.1.8.4] Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik in his The Choicest Maxims and Best Sayings ( Mukhtār al-ḥikam wa-maḥāsin al-kalim ) reports the following sayings by Hippocrates: 54 38. In order to preserve health, one should not be too lazy to exercise, and stop over-eating and drinking. 39. If you do what you have to do in the way it should be done, and [the result] is not as it should be, do not change your actions as long as you see that something from the original situation persists. 40. Reducing harm is better than increasing benefit. 55 41. Wine should be served to wise men, hellebore to the stupid. 56 42. With regard to knowledge, I only praise myself for knowing that I do not know anything. 57 43. Be content with your provision, do not be obstinate, and you will come close to God Almighty, because God – may He be praised! – does not need anything, and whenever you need something you move away from Him. Run away from evil, flee from sins, and seek praiseworthy goals. 44. He who possesses something has power over it; but whoever wants to be free does not covet what he does not have: he rather flees from it lest he should become its slave. 45. The man should behave in his worldly existence like the guest in a banquet, who takes a cup only when he is offered one and, if the cup passes him over, does not stare at it or reache for it. This is how he should conduct himself with people, wealth, and descendants. 46. Hippocrates said to one of his students, ‘If you do not want to succumb to your passions, covet only what you can attain’. 47. When asked once about undesirable things Hippocrates remained silent. They asked him, ‘Why do you not reply to that?’ And he said, ‘Silence was my answer’. 48. This world is not eternal, but if you do good whenever possible, you will be praised when you die leaving behind a good reputation. 49. Without practical work, there is no search for knowledge, and without knowledge there is no search for practical work. Dismissing the truth out of ignorance is preferable to me than rejecting it out of ascetic ideals. 50. Never let the disease of your friend, even if it lasts for long, be closer to him than yourself. 51. Hippocrates used to say, ‘Knowledge is the spirit and practice the body; knowledge is the root and practice the branches; knowledge engenders while practice is engendered. If practice were to occupy the place of knowledge, no knowledge would take the place of practice’. 52. He also used to say: ‘Practice is subservient to knowledge, knowledge is an aim; knowledge guides, practice is led’. 53. Giving to the sick something that he desires is more beneficial than forcing on him what he dislikes. [4.1.9.1] Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah continues: Hippocrates was the first to set down the art of medicine in writing. As we said before, he divulged it and made it well known. The method he adopted in composing these books took three forms of instruction: the first was the use of enigmatic language, the second to write in as succinct and compendious a form as possible, and the third to do so by way of facilitating and explaining the material. That which has come down to us from Hippocrates in reports or as books genuinely ascribed to him amounts to thirty works. The books of Hippocrates used by the students of medicine when the right principles and order are followed are twelve, and they are more famous that his other books: 58 1. The first of these works is On Embryos ( K. al-Ajinnah ), which is divided into three books: the first one contains the tract on the generation of sperm; the second one has the tract on the generation of the embryo; and the last one has the tract on the generation of the bodily members. 59 2. The second is The Nature of Man ( K. Ṭabīʿat al-insān ), which consists of two books containing one tract on the varied natures of man and one on the basis of their formation. 60 3. The third one, which consists of three books, is On Airs, Waters and Lands ( K. al-Ahwiyah wa-l-miyāh wa-l-buldān ). 61 The first book provides a classification of the mixtures in each land and the endemic diseases that they generate. The second book provides a classification of the mixtures of the water drunk there, the seasons of the year and the endemic diseases they generate. The third book classifies the qualities that prevent conditions that generate any kind of endemic disease. 4. Fourth is the Aphorisms ( K. al-Fuṣūl ), 62 which is divided into seven books. It contains an exposition of the generalities of medicine forming a set of rules for the physician, so that he may prepare himself for things he will encounter when practicing medicine. This work comprehends everything that Hippocrates addressed in his other works, as will be obvious to whoever reads his aphorisms with attention, because they are organized as a summary and a compendium of some of his other treatises, namely: Prognosis ( Taqdimat al-maʿrifah ), On Airs and Lands ( K. al-Ahwiyah wa-lbuldān ), 63 and On Acute Diseases ( K. al-Amrāḍ al-ḥāddah ); they also contain particular references from the book known as Epidemics ( Abīdīmiyā ), which means ‘visiting diseases’; and also some aphorisms from his Pains in Women ( K. Awjāʿ al-nisāʾ ), as well as some of his other books. 5. The fifth one is the Prognosis ( Taqdimat al-maʿrifah ), 64 which consists of three books dealing with the symptoms that the physician finds in the different stages of the disease, past, present, and future. The physician knows that when he gives information about the past he gains the trust of the patient, who then complies with his instructions, and in this way he can apply his treatment as required. When the physician knows the present, he confronts [the disease] with the right medicines and treatments. And when he anticipates the future he prepares himself for all that he has to face, and will not be surprised and run out of time to treat what he encounters as required. 6. The sixth is the On Acute Diseases ( K. al-Amrāḍ al-ḥāddah ), which consists of three books. 65 The first one discusses the regulation of nourishment and evacuations during acute diseases. The second one deals with treatment by hot compresses ( takmīd ) and bloodletting, and the administration of purgatives and similar things. The third one centres on the use of wine, honey water, sakanjabīn , 66 and of baths of cold and warm water. 7. Seventh is the On Ailments of Women ( K. Awjāʿ al-nisāʾ ), which consists of two sections. First, it introduces the diseases suffered by women as a result of both the interruption of the menstruation and of the loss of menstrual blood; then he discusses the diseases that might affect them during pregnancy and after. 67 8. The eighth is On Visiting Diseases ( K. Amrāḍ al-wāfidah ), known as Epidemics ( Abīdīmiyā ). 68 This work consists of seven books containing an exposition of the visiting diseases, their care and treatment. Hippocrates states that these diseases are of two kinds: one is an ordinary disease; the other one is mortal and known as ‘the great death’. 69 The physician should treat each one of them accordingly. In this book, Hippocrates also includes personal notes. Galen said: ‘I and other commentators know that books four, five and seven from this work are apocryphal and were not written by Hippocrates’. He also explains that the first and third books deal with the ‘visiting’ diseases, and that books two and six are in fact Hippocrates’ personal notes, either composed by the author himself or by his son, who might have put into writing what he heard from his father in this note-book form – this according to Galen’s explanation. Galen also said that books four, five, and seven of this work should be avoided, and so they came to be lost. 70 9. Ninth is On Humours ( K. al-Akhlāṭ ), which contains three books in which Hippocrates discusses the state of the humours, i.e. their quantity and quality, the prognosis of diseases related to them, and the method of treatment and the attentiveness required to manage each one of them. 71 10. The tenth one is On Nourishment ( K. al-Ghidhāʾ ), which consists of four books. This work is very useful for understanding the reasons and causes of the components of the humours, that is, the reasons and causes that explain why foodstuffs accumulate in the body to make it grow and replace what is consumed. 72 11. The eleventh is the Qāṭīṭīriyūn , that is, The Physician’s Establishment ( Ḥānūt al-ṭabīb ). 73 This work consists of three books and it is useful for learning the procedures needed by the physician in relation to his surgical tasks, such as knotting and tightening threads, setting, suturing, reducing dislocated limbs, keeping moist and applying hot compresses, and all required skills. Galen said that Hippocrates made the rule that this should be the first of his books to be read by students, and all other commentators held the same opinion, including myself. 74 Hippocrates called it ‘the establishment ( ḥānūt ) where the physician sits to treat his patients’, but a better translation would be “The book about the tasks that are carried out in the physician’s establishment”. 12. The twelfth one is On Fractures and Bone Setting ( K. al-Kasr wa-l-jabr ), which consists of three books providing all the information about this subject required by the physician. 75 [4.1.9.2] Hippocrates wrote many other books, and some of them are falsely attributed to him: 13. On Ailments of Virgins ( K. Awjāʿ al-ʿadhārā ). 76 14. The Places of the Body ( K. Fī mawāḍiʿ al-jasad ). 77 15. On the Heart ( K. Fī l-qalb ). 78 16. Dentition ( K. Fī nabāt al-asnān ). 79 17. On Eyesight ( K. Fī l-ʿayn ). 80 18. Letter to Thessalus ( K. ilā Thasalūs ). 81 19. On the Bloodstream ( K. Fī sayalān al-dam ). 82 20. On Blowing ( K. Fī l-nafkh ). 83 21. Burning Fever ( K. Fī l-ḥummā al-muḥriqah ). 84 22. Glands ( K. Fī l-Ghudad ). 85 23. Epistle to Demetrius the King known as The Healing Treatise ( al-Maqāl al-Shafī ). 86 24. On the Use of Liquids ( K. Manāfiʿ al-ruṭūbāt ). 87 25. Testament ( K. al-Waṣāyā ). 88 26. Covenant ( K. al-ʿahd ), also known as Oaths ( K. al-Aymān ). Hippocrates composed it for students and teachers, who were to abide by it without contravening any precept and keeping free of all the disgraceful things that he listed, so that this art would change from something inherited into something that is widespread. 89 27. Medical Nomos ( K. Nāmūs al-ṭibb ). 90 28. Testament ( K. al-waṣiyyah ), also known as The Etiquette of Medicine ( K. Tartīb al-ṭibb ), in which he discusses all that the physician needs to know about presence, dress-code, etiquette and other things. 91 29. On Dislocation ( K. al-Khalʿ ). 92 30. On Head Injuries ( K. Jirāḥāt al-raʾs ). 93 31. On Fleshes ( K. al-Luḥūm ). 94 32. Prognosis of the Diseases Arising from Environmental Changes ( K. Fī taqdimat maʿrifat al-amrāḍ al-kāʾinah min taghayyur al-hawāʾ ). 33. The Nature of Animals ( K. Ṭabāʾiʿ al-ḥayawān ). 95 34. Symptoms for Diagnosing [Mortal Diseases] ( K. ʿAlamāt al-qaḍāyā ). 96 35. Symptoms of Crisis ( K. ʿAlamāt al-buḥrān ). 97 36. On Superfoetation ( K. Ḥabal ʿalā ḥabal ). 98 37. Introduction to Medicine ( K. Fī l-mudkhal ilā al-ṭibb ). 99 38. The Seven-Months Child ( K. Fī l-muwalladīn li-sabʿat ashhur ). 100 39. On Wounds ( K. Fī l-jirāḥ ). 101 40. On Sevens ( K. al-Asābīʿ ). 102 41. On Madness ( K. Fī l-junūn ). 42. On Pustules ( K. Fī l-buthūr ). This book contains the prognosis of twenty-five mortal diseases. 103 43. The Eight-Months’ Child ( K. Fī l-muwalladīn li-thamāniyat ashhur ). 104 44. Bloodletting and Cupping ( K. Fī l-faṣd wa-l-ḥijāmah ). 105 45. The Axillary Vein ( K. Fī l-ibṭī ). 46. Epistle on Plato’s Prescriptions against Eros ( Risālah fī masnūnāt Aflāṭūn ʿalā Ars ). 47. On Urine ( K. Fī l-bawl ). 106 48. On Colours ( K. Fī l-alwān ). 107 49. Epistle to Antiochus On the Preservation of Health ( K. Fī Anṭīqun al-malik fī ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥah ). 108 50. On Diseases ( K. Fī l-amrāḍ ). 109 51. On Youths ( K. Fī l-aḥdāth ). 52. The Sacred Disease ( K. Fī al-maraḍ al-ilāhī ). Galen states in the first section of his Commentary on the Prognosis ( Sharḥ taqdimat al-maʿrifah ) that in this work Hippocrates refuted the opinions of those who believed that God – may He be praised – was the cause of any disease. 110 53. Epistle to Antigonus Caesar King of Rome On the Condition of Men According to the Temperament of the Year ( K. ilā Aqṭīghiyūnus Qayṣar malik al-Rūm fī qismat al-insān ʿalā mizāj al-sanah ). 111 54. The Medicine of Inspiration ( K. Ṭibb al-waḥy ), it is said that in this book he compiled all that came to his mind and then put into practice, as if it had actually experienced it. 55. Epistle to Artaxerxes the Great, King of Persia ( Risālah ilā Arṭaḥisht al-Kabīr Malik Fārs ), written when the plague struck Persia during his reign. 56. Epistle to the Assembly of the People of Abdera, the City of Democritus the Sage ( Risālah ilā jamāʿat ahl Abdīrā madīnat Dīmuqrāṭīs al-ḥakīm ), as a response to their letter summoning him to treat Democritus. 112 57. On the Adequate Diet for Different Times ( K. Ikhtilāf al-azminah wa-iṣlāḥ al-aghdhiyah ). 58. The Constitution of Man ( K. Tarkīb al-insān ). 59. The Extraction of Arrowheads ( K. Fī istikhrāj al-nuṣūl ). 60. On Prognosis – first tract ( K. Taqdimah al-qawl al-awwal ). 113 61. On Prognosis – second tract ( K. Taqdimah al-qawl al-thānī ). 114 The Followers of Hippocrates 115 [4.1.10.1] When Hippocrates died he was followed by his direct descendants and his students, some of them from the family of Asclepius and some not. There were fourteen of them, four among his descendants, namely Hippocrates’ two sons, Thessalus and Dracon, and their respective sons named after their grandfather: Hippocrates son of Thessalus and Hippocrates son of Dracon. His students were ten, including relatives and foreigners: 116 Leon, 117 Mnesarchus, 118 M-y-gh-ā-n-w-s , 119 Polybus, a member of his family who was the most excellent of his students and succeeded him as head of his house; 120 Apollonius, 121 Eustathius, 122 S-ā-w-r-ā , 123 (Prax)agoras, 124 S-y-l-q-y-w-s , 125 and Th-āth-ā-l-s . 126 This is what John the Grammarian says. 127 Other authors claim that Hippocrates had exactly twelve disciples, no fewer or more, and that he would not take any new student unless one them died. This custom was followed for some time in the porticos 128 where the Greeks used to teach. I have also found in some books that Hippocrates had a daughter named M-ā-l-ā-n-āĀ-r-s-ā , who was even more skilled than her brothers in the art of medicine. 129 [4.1.10.2] Leaving aside the sons and direct disciples or Hippocrates, the physicians worthy of mention from the period between Hippocrates and Galen are: Simplicius, 130 the commentator on the books of Hippocrates; Anqīlāwus the First, the physician; Erasistratus the Second, 131 the dogmatist; Lycus, 132 Milon the Second, Gallus, Mithridates, the creator of drugs; 133 S-q-ā-l-s , the commentator on the books of Hippocrates; 134 Mantias, also commentator on the books of Hippocrates; 135 Gh-w-l-s of Tarentum, 136 Magnus of Emesa, the author of the Book on Urine ( K. al-bawl ), who lived till the age of ninety; 137 Andromachus the Younger, who lived for ninety years; 138 ʾ-b-r-ā-s , 139 nicknamed ‘the Elder ( albaʿīd )’; S-w-n-ā-kh-s the Athenian, the author of books on drugs and pharmacopoeia; 140 and Rufus the Great, 141 a scholar originally from the city of Ephesus, unmatched in the art of medicine in his time, and mentioned by Galen in his books, in which he praises and quotes him. 142 Some of the works of Rufus are: 143 On Melancholy ( K. al-Mālankhūliyā ), written in two books. This is one of his finest works. 144 A work in forty books. On Naming the Parts of the Body ( K. tasmiyat aʿḍāʾ al-insān ). 145 The Disease of Rabies ( Maqālah fī ʿillah allatī yaʿriḍu maʿahā al-fazaʿ min al-māʾ ). 146 Jaundice and Yellow Bile ( M. Fī al-yaraqān wa-l-marār ). 147 Gout ( M. Fī al-amrāḍ allatī taʿriḍu fī l-mafāṣil ). 148 On the Reduction of the Flesh ( M. Fī tanqīṣ al-laḥm ). Regime for those Lacking Physicians ( K. Tadbīr man lā yaḥḍuruhu al-ṭabīb ), in two books. 149 On Severe Throat Conditions ( M. Fī l-dhubḥah ). The Medicine of Hippocrates ( K. Ṭibb Abuqrāṭ ). On the Use of Wine ( M. Fī stiʿmāl al-sharāb ). 150 The Treatment of Infertile Women ( M. Fī ʿilāj allawātī lā yaḥbalna ). 151 Precepts to Preserve Health ( M. Fī qaḍāyā ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥah ). Epilepsy ( M. Fī l-ṣarʿ ). 152 On Quartan Fevers ( M. Fī l-ḥummā al-ribʿ ). 153 Pleurisy and Pneumonia ( M. Fī dhāt al-janb wa-dhāt al-riʾah ). On Regimen ( M. Fī l-tadbīr ), in two books. 154 On Coitus ( K. al-Bāh ), in one book. 155 On Medicine ( K. al-Ṭibb ), in one book. Hospital Practices ( M. Fī aʿmāl allatī tuʿmalu fī l-bīmāristānāt ). 156 On Milk ( M. Fī l-laban ). 157 On Sects ( M. Fī l-firaq ). On Virgins ( M. Fī l-abkār ). 158 Figs ( M. Fī l-tīn ). 159 The Traveller’s Regime ( M. Fī tadbīr al-musāfir ). 160 On Halitosis ( M. Fī l-bakhar ). To Potamonianus, On Vomiting ( M. kataba bihā ilā M-ā-ṭ-w-n-y-w-n fī lqayʾ ). 161 Lethal Drugs ( M. Fī l-adwiyah al-qātilah ). 162 Drugs to Treat the Illnesses of the Kidneys and the Bladder ( M. Fī adwiyat ʿilal al-kulā wa-l-mathānah ). 163 On Whether the Frequent Imbibing of Medicaments at Banquets is Beneficial ( M. fī hal kathrat sharb al-dawāʾ fī l-walāʾim nāfiʿ ). 164 Hard Swellings ( M. Fī l-awrām al-ṣulbah ). 165 On Memory ( M. Fī l-ḥifẓ ). 166 The Disease of Dionysius , i.e. Suppuration ( M. Fīʿillat Diyūnūsiyūs wa-huwa al-qayḥ ). On Wounds ( M. Fī l-jarāḥāt ). 167 Diet for the Elderly ( M. Fī tadbīr al-shaykhūkhah ). The Advice of the Physicians ( M. Fī waṣāyā al-aṭībbāʾ ). On Clysters ( M. Fī l-ḥuqan ). 168 On Childbirth ( M. Fī l-wilādah ). On Luxation ( M. Fī l-khalʿ ). 169 The Treatment of Amenorrhea ( M. Fī iḥtibās al-ṭamth ). Chronic Diseases according to Hippocrates ( M. Fī l-amrāḍ al-muzminah ʿalā raʾy Abuqrāṭ ). 170 Classes of Drugs ( M. Fī marātib al-adwiyah ). 171 Questions Physicians Must Ask Patients ( M. Fīmā yanbaghī li-l-ṭabīb an yasʾala ʿan al-ʿalīl ). 172 On Raising Children ( M. Fī tarbiyat al-aṭfāl ). 173 Vertigo ( M. Fī dawarān al-raʾs ). On Urine ( M. Fī l-bawl ). 174 The Drug Named Liquorice ( M. Fī l-ʿaqqār alladhī yudʿā sūsan ) On the Congestion of the Lungs ( M. Fī l-nuzlah ilā l-riʾah ). Chronic Diseases of the Liver ( M. Fī ʿilal al-kibd al-muzminah ). On the Occurrence of Shortness of Breath in Men ( Fī annahu yaʿriḍu li-l-rijāl inqiṭāʿ al-tanaffus ). On Purchasing Slaves ( M. Fī shirā l-mamālīk ). 175 The Treatment of Epileptic Children ( M. Fī ʿilāj ṣabī yuṣraʿu ). Diet for Pregnant Women ( M. Fī tadbīr al-ḥabālā ). 176 On Indigestion ( M. Fī l-tukhamah ). On Rue ( M. Fī l-sadhāb ). 177 On Sweating ( M. Fī l-ʿaraq ). Intestinal Obstruction ( M. Fī īlāws ). 178 On Epilepsy ( M. Fī ʾ-b l-m-s-ī-ā ). 179 [4.1.10.3] Other physicians who lived between Hippocrates and Galen were Apollonius 180 and Archigenes. 181 Archigenes wrote a number of medical works, of which I have found the following in Arabic translation: 182 Diseases of the Uterusand their Treatment ( K. Asqām al-arḥām wa-ʿilājihā ) On the Nature of Man ( K. Ṭabīʿat al-insān ) On Gout ( K. Fī l-niqris ) [4.1.10.4] Physicians from this period include Dioscorides the Younger, the commentator on the books of Hippocrates; 183 Timaeus the Palestinian, also a commentator on the books of Hippocrates; 184 Theodotus nicknamed ‘Gift of God’ 185 [who wrote] on medical pastes; Mnesitheus known as ‘the Classifier of Medicine’; 186 and Marius the Methodist, nicknamed Thessalus – a name that we have already mentioned when reporting about the Methodists. 187 Marius received this nickname because he came across a Methodist book, after the books of Thessalus the First were burnt, and he embraced this doctrine. He claimed that there is no art but that of the Methodists, and theirs was the only proper way of practicing medicine. He wanted to confuse people and turn them away from Dogmatists and Empiricists. He composed many works based on that Methodist book that kept on circulating among physicians – both well and badly received – until Galen became prominent and rebuked and discredited them, burning all the Methodist books that he found and abolishing this School. 188 [4.1.10.5] Other physicians include Crito, known as ‘the Expert in Cosmetics’ and author of a Book on Cosmetics ( K. al-Zīnah ), from which Galen has quoted some passages in his On the Composition of Drugs ( K. al-Mayāmīr ), 189 ʾ-q-ā-q-y-w-s , 190 J-ā-r-m-k-s-ā-l-s, ʾ-r-th-y-ā-th-y-w-s , 191 M-ā-r-y-ṭ-w-s , Apollonius, 192 Marcus, B-rgh-ā-l-s , 193 Hermes the Physician, Paulus, Ḥ-ā-ḥ-ū-n-ā , and Ḥ-l-m-ā-n-s : 194 On account of their mutual support and collaboration in order to elaborate medicines for people’s benefit, these twelve physicians, with Crito at their head, were known as ‘The Twelve Signs of the Zodiac’, for the zodiacal signs are also interdependent. 195 Other physicians include Herophilus of Chalcedon, nicknamed ‘The Powerful’ ( al-Qādir ) because he dared to engage in difficult treatments successfully, was most capable and his treatments did not fail; 196 Democrates the Second, 197 ʾ-f-r-w-s-y-s , 198 Xenocrates of Aphrodisias, 199 Ptolemy the Physician, Socrates the Physician, Marcus, nicknamed ‘The Lover of Knowledge’, S-w-r-w-s , 200 F-w-r-y-s the eye surgeon, 201 Theodoretus nicknamed ‘The Wakeful’ ( al-sāhir ), and Porphyry the author of numerous books, who, in addition to his knowledge of philosophy, excelled in the art of medicine, which is why some people refer to him as philosopher and some as physician. 202 [4.1.11.1] Dioscorides of Anazarbus 203 Dioscorides of Anazarbus, a man of pure soul and greatest benefactor of mankind, worked to exhaustion and wore himself out travelling the world – continents, islands, and seas – to collect knowledge about simple drugs. He illustrated them and acquired practical knowledge [of plants] to assess their beneficial properties prior to enquiring about their effects [in terms of theory]. 204 Once practical knowledge had been gained about a certain property, if the findings derived from [theoretical] enquiries did not differ from those proved by experience, he would identify [the plant] and illustrate a likeness of it. 205 Dioscorides’ work is the basis of every single drug, and all those who came later rely on him, because they build upon Dioscorides’ legacy whenever they need to find any other drugs of this kind. Blessings for this virtuous soul, who worked himself to exhaustion to bring good to humankind! Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq says: 206 Among his people, Dioscorides’ name was Pedanius, which in their language means ‘he who departs from us’. He was given this name (says Ḥunayn) because he lived isolated from his community in the mountains and in regions rich in vegetation. He stayed there at all times, and would never return to his town: not out of obedience, nor to give advice, nor to pass judgement, and this is why he received this name. As for diyāsqūrī , it means trees in Greek, and D-w-s 207 means God. This name means, therefore, ‘inspired by God to [study] trees and herbs’. Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah continues: proof that Dioscorides travelled through lands in search of knowledge about plants, and to study them and the places where they grow, comes in the introductory words to his book where he addresses the dedicatee by saying, 208 As you know, an unfathomable passion for acquiring knowledge of materia medica took hold of us from a very early age; and we travelled to many lands with this purpose, living the life – as you are aware – of one who does not settle in a single place. 209 This work of Dioscorides consisted originally of five books; two other books were added later: the sixth one, which has been attributed to him, deals with venoms; the seventh discusses the aims of the [other] parts of his work. 210 The first of the [original five] books centers on drugs with perfumed smells, spices, oils, resins, and large trees. The second one deals with animals, aquatic life, seeds, pulse, edible and pungent legumes, and bitter drugs. The third book discusses the stems of plants, thorny plants, seeds, resins, and flowering plants. The fourth one deals with drugs which, for the most part, come from cold plants; it also discusses plants that are warm and have laxative and emetic properties, and, at the end of this section, venomous plants that have beneficial properties. The fifth book deals with grapevines, different kinds of potions, and drugs of mineral origin. Galen says about this book: 211 I have read fourteen books on simple drugs from different authors, and I have never seen anything better than the book of Dioscorides, the native of Anazarbus. [4.1.11.2] Other physicians who lived between Hippocrates and Galen include: T-l-ād-y-w-s , the commentator on Hippocrates; 212 Cleopatra, a skilled female physician from whom Galen quotes about drugs and varied treatments, especially those concerning women’s health; 213 Asclepiades, 214 Soranus nicknamed ‘the Golden One’, 215 Heracleides of Tarentum, 216 Eudemus the ophthalmologist nicknamed ‘the King’, 217 N-s-ā-r-w-s the Palestinian, 218 Gallus of Emesa, Xeno-crates, 219 Q-r-ṭ-ā-n-s , 220 Diogenes the physician nicknamed ‘the Nutritionist’, Asclepiades the Second, 221 Hippocrates of Gerasa, Laecanius Arius of Tarsus, 222 Ph-y-m-n of Harran, M-w-s-t-w-s the Athenian, 223 Q-l-y-d-s , 224 known as ‘the Guided for the Lost’ ( al-mahdī li-l-ḍāllīn ), Heracleides known as ‘the Guide’ ( al-hādī ), 225 Petrus, 226 P-r-w-ā-d-s , Mantias the bloodletter, 227 Theocritus of Anazarbus, Antipater of Mopsuestia, 228 Chrysermus known as ‘the Young’ ( alfatā ), 229 Arius known as ‘the Critic’, 230 Philo of Tarsus, 231 Cassius the Egyptian, 232 Tullius of Alexandria, Aulinus, S-q-w-r-s , nicknamed ‘the Obeyed’ 233 because medicines used to ‘obey him’ whenever he used them, and T-ā-m-w-r of Harran. All these physicians used compound drugs, and Galen profited from their knowledge when he wrote on this matter, and also from the knowledge of others who lived before and whom we have previously mentioned, such as Apollonius, Archigenes, and many others. One of those who preceded Galen was also Trallianus, i.e. Alexander the physician. 234 Some of his works are: On the Diseases of the Eye and their Treatment ( K. ʿIlal al-ʿayn wa-ʿilājihā ), composed of three books. On Pleurisy ( K. al-Barāsim ) On Parasites, ‘Snakes’ that Grow in the Belly, and Worms ( K. al-Ṣufār wa-l-ḥayyāt allatī tatawalladu fī l-baṭn wa-l-dīdān ). 235 [4.1.11.3] Great philosophers lived also in that time, and even before. The most important of them, as Isḥaq ibn Ḥunayn 236 states, were Pythagoras, Diocles, 237 Theon, 238 Empedocles, 239 Euclid, 240 S-ā-w-r-ā , 241 Timotheus, Anaximenes, Democritus, and Melissus. 242 Isḥāq adds that some of the poets that flourished in that period were Homer, Q-ā-q-l-s , 243 M-ā-r-q-s . 244 After them we also find philosophers such as Zeno the Elder 245 and Zeno the Younger, 246 Acratus the Musi cian; 247 and Damon the Logician; 248 Glaucon the Sharp-sighted ( al-baṣīr ); 249 Socrates, Plato, Democritus, Aristotle, Theophrastus, the son of his [Aristotle’s] sister, 250 Eudemus, 251 Euphanes, Chrysippus, 252 Diogenes, F-y-l-ā-ṭ-s, F-y-m-ā-ṭ-w-s , 253 Simplicius, 254 Albinus, the teacher of Galen; 255 Glaucon, 256 Alexander the King, Alexander of Aphrodisias, Porphyry of Tyre, Proclus the Platonist, 257 Ṭ-ā-l-y-w-s of Alexandria, 258 M-w-l-w-m-s the Alexandrian, R-w-d-s the Platonist, 259 Stephanus the Egyptian, 260 S-n-j-s , 261 R-ā-m-n . 262 These were followed by other philosophers, namely Themistius, Porphyry the Egyptian, John the Alexandrian, 263 Gessius, 264 Anqīlāwus the commentator on the books of Aristotle, 265 Ammonius, Paulus, 266 Plutarchus, 267 Eudemus the Alexandrian, Agathias of Anazarbus, 268 Theodorus of Athens, 269 and ʾ-d-ā of Tarsus. [4.1.11.4] The Qāḍī Abū l-Qāsim Ṣāʿid ibn Aḥmad ibn Ṣāʿid says in his Categories of the Nations ( K. Ṭabaqāt al-umam ) that the philosophers of the Greeks belong to the most noble category 270 and occupy the most pre-eminent position among all people of knowledge, because of their sound commitment to all branches of knowledge – mathematics and logic, natural philosophy and metaphysics, economy and politics. He notes: The most distinguished philosophers among the Greeks were five; the first one in chronological order was Empedocles, followed by Pythagoras, Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle son of Nicomachus. 271 I – Ibn al-Uṣaybiʿah – shall give now an account of the lives of these five philosophers and others, with God’s help. Footnotes 1 See ‘Buḳrāṭ’ art. in ei 2 (A. Dietrich); art. ‘Hippocrates [6]’, Brill’s New Pauly (V. Nutton); Nutton, Ancient Medicine , 53–71. On Arabic sources for Hippocrates, see Anastassiou and Irmer, Testimonien , 499–525. 2 On Asclepius, see the biography in Ch. 2.1 . 3 On the varied biographical traditions concerning the figure of Hippocrates see Pinault, Hippocratic Lives , especially 95–124 (on Arabic sources). There is no evidence that iau knew Greek himself. 4 Hippocrates’ genealogy is a combination of historical and fictional information preserved in various sources, see Pinault, Hippocratic Lives , 5–34. 5 See Rosenthal, ‘An Ancient Commentary’, 52–87. 6 A marginal note in ms A states: ‘Sulaymān ibn Ḥassān (i.e. Ibn Juljul) said that Kos corresponds to the city of Ḥimṣ [Homs, Greek Emesa] in the lands of Syria’. Cf. Ibn Juljul, Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 16. 7 The quotation does not appear to be found in the extant works of Ibn Riḍwān. The passage has many parallels, however, with the chapter on Hippocrates in his K. Fī sharaf al-ṭibb ; see Istanbul ms Hekimoǧlu 691, f. 115a–116a. 8 The theory that Asclepius was an angel (a translation of theos or daimōn ) comes from the Arabic version of the Commentary of the Hippocratic Oath attributed to Galen. In the fragment quoted by iau it is said that ‘he was taken up to the angels in a column of fire’ (see Ch. 2.1.6.2 .). Al-Bīrūnī, also referring to the commentary on the Oath , states that ‘Asclepius was a man of divine nature ( rajul ilāhī ) who brought the art of medicine to humans’; al-Bīrūnī quotes Plato’s Timaeus to gloss this notion of divinity, stating that they receive this name because they do not die, and that they are ‘the angels’ ( Taḥqīq mā li-l-Hind , 26). Al-Bīrūnī also refers to God’s assimilating Asclepius to the angels ( jaʿalahu malʾak min al-malāʾikah ) ( Taḥqīq mā li-l-Hind , 28). In this and similar cases, angel is a translation of theos , and should be understood as a way of adapting the peculiarities of the Greek pantheon to the Christian monotheistic order. See also Strohmeier, ‘Die Griechischen Götter’, esp. 156–159. 9 For iau ’s theories on the origin of medicine, see Ch. 1 . 10 Democritus of Abdera, the late 5th cent. founder of Atomist philosophy along with his teacher Leucippus of Miletus, was friendly with Hippocrates according to Diogenes Laertius ( 9.24 ); see Brill’s Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Democritus [1]’ (I. Bodnár). 11 The Arabic reads bi-ighmāḍ , i.e. ‘in a symbolic way’ or ‘using obscure language’. 12 Thessalus was Hippocrates’ oldest son in the tradition and is credited with editing and even composing some parts of the Corpus Hippocraticum; see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Thessalus [5]’ (V. Nutton). Polybus was the son of certain Apollonius, and son-in-law and pupil of Hippocrates; he is associated by various important authorities with (partial) authorship of the key work On the Nature of Man , see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Polybus [6]’ (V. Nutton). 13 I.e the Oath (Greek Horkos ), the short text called Medical Law ( Nāmūs al-ṭibb , Greek Nomos ) that iau quotes from below, and the brief Testamentum , from which he also quotes below. 14 The Arabic corresponds reasonably well to the Greek text of the Oath (ed. Littré iv:628–633). 15 The Arabic translation is free of the references to deities in the original Greek, which reads: ‘I swear by Apollo, the physician, and Asclepius, and Health, and Panacea, and all male and female Gods’; see Pormann and Savage-Smith, Medieval Islamic Medicine , 33, 628–633. 16 See below the list of books, title no. 27. The extract includes most of the Greek (ed. Littré iv:638–641). 17 See below the list of books, title no. 28. For a comparison of the Arabic against Greek versions, analysis and a new Greek text, see Sideras, ‘ Testamentum ’. 18 The Arabic expression al-khārij ʿan al-ṭabīʿah refers to the non-natural or environmental factors. Following the humoral system of Galen, medieval physicians believed that health depended on the equilibrium of the natural elements, the presence of which is essential for the mere existence of bodies, and the action of the non-naturals, which were essential factors to preserve the equilibrium of the seven naturals, see Pormann and Savage-Smith, Medieval Islamic Medicine , 44. 19 The Arabic translation of Galen’s Character Traits has survived in an abridged form only. Astrology ( ʿilm al-nujūm ) is mentioned in the third maqālah as one of the noble disciplines, but the extant text does not contain any reference to Hippocrates; cf. the editions in Kraus, ‘Akhlāq’ (p. 44 for the reference to astrology), and Badawī, ‘Akhlāq’ (p. 204). The work is no. 119 in the list of Galen’s writings in Ch. 5 . 20 Lit. the bodies that come to be and perish. 21 The Arabic transliteration of the Greek ξενοδοχεῖον reads akhshundūkīn ; the term means, ‘a place for strangers’. In late antiquity, this was an ecclesiastical charitable institution that often served as hospital, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Xenodocheion’ (J. Hans). 22 A paraphrase of Galen’s The Best Physician is a Philosopher i:58 ed. Kühn (for the Arabic, see Bachmann, Galens Abhandlung , 20) together e.g. with a source like the fictional Hippocratic Letters , nos. 1–5. 23 All manuscripts read f-ā-w-ā-n ; but according to Galen, albeit speaking generally, Hippocrates preferred to treat the sick of Cranon (and Thasos). The Arabic version of this story in Galen’s The Best Physician is a Philosopher transcribes this name as Qāranūn , see Bachmann, Galens Abhandlung , 20. 24 I.e. quintal, hundredweight, a variable weight of 100 raṭl ; Hinz, Islamische Masse ( Measures and Weights ), 35–36 (= ‘10,000 dīnār or 42.33kg of gold’). 25 Perdicas ii of Macedonia (r. ca. 450–413). The Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah and al-Mubashshir Ibn Fātik’s Mukhtār also contain the famous story of Hippocrates’ treatment of the king’s lovesickness, not transmitted by iau . On the association of Hippocrates with Perdiccas in Greek and Arabic tradition see Pinault, Hippocratic Lives and Legends , 61–78. 26 That is, the On Airs, Waters and Lands ( K. al-Ahwiyah wa-l-miyāh wa-l-buldān ), as De aere aquis locis is called at §9.1 below under title no. 4. 27 In Arabic: Bahman ibn Asfandiyār ibn Bashtāsib. Bahman is a mythical Kayanian king, sometimes identified with Artaxerxes by Arab authors, as suggested by the version of the story just given by iau ; see Encycl. Iranica , art. ‘Bahman Son of Esfandīār’ (Dj. Khaleghi-Motlagh). 28 Nebuchadnezzar ii reigned between ca. 605–562 bc . 29 iau takes this passage from Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist , (Sayyid), 2/1:272; (Flügel), 287. See also Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 93. A marginal note in ms A states: ‘al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik says in his Choicest Maxims and Best Sayings ( Mukhtār al-ḥikam wa-maḥāsin al kalim ), that Hippocrates was born in the year 146 of the Era of Nebuchadnezzar’. See al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik, ed. Badawī, 48. 30 Cf. Ibn Juljul, Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 17. 31 Antonius Polemon, a Greek nobleman of the 2nd cent., is the author of work on physiognomy that has not survived in its original Greek but is preserved in epitomes and translations and was extremely popular in the Islamic Middle Ages. See Swain, Seeing the Face . The anecdote is preserved in a fuller form as the beginning of the introduction to the reworked, Arabized version of the Physiognomy (the “Istanbul Polemon”) ed. by Ghersetti in Seeing the Face . As iau recognizes, it is based on the encounter between Socrates and Zopyrus in classical sources. 32 The sense is more “superior in horses/cavalry”. On the form of the name in Arabic, Ullmann, Medizin , 26. 33 Cf. al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik, Mukhtār al-ḥikam , 49. 34 Cf. Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Ādāb , 46. Mubashshir ascribes the dictum in more or less the same words to Galen; see Ch. 5.1.35 no. 3 . 35 The Capsula eburnea (Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 168). It occurs twice in the list of Hippocrates books, once as K. ʿAlāmāt al-qaḍāyā (no. 34) and once as K. Fī l-Buthūr (no. 42). 36 iau does not provide any information concerning the provenance of these sayings, but they do not seem to come from any of the sources for the biography of Hippocrates quoted in other instances by iau , i.e. Ibn Juljul, Mubashshir ibn Fātik, Galen, Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq and Ibn Riḍwān. Some of these maxims, however, were also collected by the tenth-century scholar al-Sijistānī and have survived in Ṣiwān , 74–78 (and also the English translation of this section by Alia al-Osh in Pinault, Hippocratic Lives , 135–139); these Hippocratic sayings were also compiled by al-Shahrastānī probably, as Pinault suggests, from the original text of the Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah ; see al-Shahrastānī, Milal , 432–435. 37 In Arabic qiyās (analogy, reason) and tajribah (experience). 38 Cf. al-Shahrastānī, Milal , 433; al-Sijistānī, Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , 75. This aphorism reflects the idea advanced by Hippocrates in On the Nature of Man , i.e. that bodies are not composed by a single substance but by combinations of four elements, cf. Hippocrates, Nature of Man , 2–3. 39 It is difficult to interpret this sentence without a proper context. In the Ps.-Platonic K. al-Nawāmīs , augury is discussed among the disciplines related to the notion of prognosis, namely astrology, medicine, auguring and magic. Concretely, the passage states that augury ( al-zajr ) and foretelling ( al-faʾl ) depend on the movements of the stars and that they guide the ascent of the soul to higher spiritual degrees; see Badawī, Platon , 205. 40 The term tashbīh , ‘correspondence’, seems to refer in this context to the correlation between the potencies of the planets and those of the sub-lunar world. According to the Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ, human bodies have seven corporeal potencies ( quwā jismiyyah ), and seven spiritual potencies ( quwā rūḥāniyyah ) that correspond with the potencies of the seven planets. Likewise, the five senses correspond ( tashabbaha ) with the five planets, and the rational ( nāṭiqah ) and intellectual ( ʿāqilah ) faculties correspond ( mushābihatān ) with the sun and the moon; see Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ, Rasāʾil , iv:232. 41 A version of this saying reported by al-Shahrastānī reads: ‘Treat each sick person with drugs from his own land, because nature is dependent on its [native] air, and inclined towards its [native] food’; see al-Shahrastānī, Milal , 433. Al-Sijistānī adds: ‘This is because a wall of brick, once it has crumbled, cannot be suitably repaired with sand’ ( Ṣiwān , 75) (trans. in Hippocratic Lives and Legends , 136). 42 Cf. al-Shahrastānī, Milal , 433; al-Sijistānī, Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , 75. 43 Hippocrates believed that semen came from all the humours of the body, see Lonie, Hippocratic Treatises , 1. The Qur’an, however, states that semen was produced in the backbones and the ribs; see Q 86:5–7. 44 The word al-samāʿ often implies listening to music. If the Greek root akou - is behind the Arabic here, it would have borne a like implication. 45 The ‘marriage of death’ topos is widespread in classical literature. This maxim seems to have adapted here by playing with the meanings of the word ṣihr , which means both husband and – metaphorically – tomb. There is an Arab proverbial expression, sometimes presented as a prophetic saying, that states: ‘An excellent son-in-law – or husband in general – is the grave ( niʿmaal-ṣihral-qabr )’; see Lane, Lexicon , s.v. ṣhr . The verb ṣāhara means, in general, to form a marital alliance. 46 Cf. al-Shahrastānī, Milal , 433; al-Sijistānī, Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , 75. This is the famous ‘Hippocratic triangle’ as stated at Epidemics 1.5, ‘the Art consists of three things: the illness, the patient, the physician’ (ed. Littré, ii:636–637). Cf. Gourevitch, Triangle hippocratique . 47 Cf. al-Shahrastānī, Milal , 433; al-Sijistānī, Ṣiwān , 75. 48 Cf. Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Ādāb , 120–121, for sayings nos. 28–34. 49 The Arabic used in this version of the famous maxim from the start of the Aphorisms ( al-ʿilm kathīr wa-l-ʿumr qaṣīr ) does not correspond with Ḥunayn’s better version in his translation of the text ( al-ʿumr qaṣīr wa-l-ṣināʿah ṭawīlah = ὁ βίος βραχὺς ἡ δὲ τέχνη μακρή), widely quoted in Arabic sources; cf. Hippocrates, Fuṣūl , 1 (no. 1). Cf. Rosenthal, ‘“Life is short, the Art is long”’, 229. 50 Different versions of this story have been transmitted by several medieval sources, see Biesterfeldt and Gutas, ‘Malady’. 51 Cf. al-Shahrastānī, Milal , 434; al-Sijistānī, Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , 76. 52 Cf. al-Shahrastānī, Milal , 434; al-Sijistānī, Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , 76. 53 Cf. al-Shahrastānī, Milal , 434; al-Sijistānī, Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , 77. 54 Cf. al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik, Mukhtār al-ḥikam , 49–50. 55 Cf. al-Shahrastānī, Milal , 433; al-Sijistānī, Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , 75. 56 Cf. al-Sijistānī, Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , 75, where it reads ‘ignorant’ ( juhhāl ) instead of stupid ( ḥamqā ). Hellebore, a highly poisonous plant, was the subject of an alleged epistolary interchange between the king Democritus and Hippocrates (letters 18 and 20), see Smith, Hippocrates , 99. 57 The famous Socratic disavowal of knowledge. 58 For a discussion of the Arabic Hippocratic Corpus see Ullmann, Medizin , 25–35; Ullmann surveys many of the titles listed by iau , but not all. Other medieval authors have also collected lists of the Hippocratic Corpus, see: Ibn Riḍwān, Weg zur Glückseligkeit , 16–18 (list of fifty-five books); and al-Yaʿqūbī, Historiae , i:107–130 (ten). Ibn al-Nadīm and Ibn al-Qifṭī also give a list of the books of Hippocrates commented by Galen which is taken from Ḥunayn’s Risālah , see respectively K. al-Fihrist , ed. Sayyid, 2/1:273–274; and Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 94–95. It seems clear that iau takes this description of the twelve books from Ibn Riḍwān, who describes this corpus in several of his works. In his K. al-Nāfiʿ , Ibn Riḍwān gives a detailed description of the sixteen books of Galen (see also below in biography 5), but the description of the twelve books of Hippocrates is summarized, see Ibn Riḍwān, Kitāb al-Nāfīʾ (Sāmarrāʾī), 79–82. Parts of iau ’s descriptions of these twelve Hippocratic books used for teaching have parallels in the descriptions that Ibn Riḍwān included in his Fawāʾid , fragments of which have been preserved in the Cambridge University Library ms D.d. 12.1; but it is impossible to know which work was used by iau . For basic bibliography, including Greek texts, translations, and studies, reference is given to Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , and for guidance on the writings themselves, see Craik, Hippocratic Corpus . iau may have known Galen’s studies on the authentic works of Hippocrates: Ch. 5.1.37 titles 102a , 104 . 59 Περὶ γονῆς and Περὶ φύσιος παιδίου ( De semine and De natura pueri ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , nos. 45–46. See the edition and translation of the Arabic version in: Lyons & Mattock, Hippocrates, Ajinna . The Arabic is ‘a mixture of translation, paraphrase and comment. The presentation is clumsy and corrupt …’ (Lyons and Mattock, p. ii). Cf. also the comments of Ibn Riḍwān in his Fawāʾid , Cambridge University Library ms Dd. 12.1, fol. 21b. 60 Περὶ φύσιος ἀνθρώπου ( De natura hominis ); Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 25. See the edition and translation of the Arabic version in: Lyons & Mattock, Hippocrates, Ṭabīʿat al-Insān . The description of the contents coincides in part with Ibn Riḍwān’s words in his Fawāʾid , see Cambridge University Library ms Dd. 12.1, fol. 22a. According to Ibn Riḍwān: ‘Galen placed this book after On Embryos because it is impossible to apply the Dogmatist’s doctrines for treatment without previous knowledge of the nature of the body’ (fol. 22a). 61 Περὶ ἀέρων ὑδάτων τόπων ( De aere, aquis, locis ). In Arabic, this work was also known as K. Fī l-amrāḍ al-bilādiyyah , or similar. Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 2; Sezgin, gas , iii:36, vii:375. This description broadly corresponds to the one in the extant text of Ibn Riḍwān’s Fawāʾid , fol. 36b. Ibn Riḍwān discusses the title of the book and the position that Galen’s gave to this work within the Hippocratic corpus: ‘The reason that led Galen to place this work after The Nature of Man is that the last book of The Nature of Man is actually Polybus’ Regimen of Health ’, see Fawāʾid , fols. 36a–36b. 62 Ἀφορισμοί ( Aphorismi ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 13; Sezgin, gas , iii:28; v:405; vii:375. See the Arabic edition of Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq’s translation in: Hippocrates, Fuṣūl . 63 I.e. the Book on Airs, Waters and Lands ( K. al-Ahwiyah wa-l-miyāh wa-l-buldān ) listed above. 64 Προγνωστικόν ( Prognosticon ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 3; Sezgin, gas , v:405. See the German translation of the Arabic version in Hippocrates, ‘Prognostikon’. This description is similar to al-Yaʿqūbī, Historiae , ed. M.Th. Houtsma, i:116–117. Concerning Galen’s placement of this book within the Hippocratic corpus, Ibn Riḍwān says: ‘Galen placed the Prognosis after the Aphorisms because it deals with the state of diseases; and it is listed before Hippocrates’ book on ordinary diseases, which are of two kinds: stationary and visiting diseases. Hippocrates discusses the stationary diseases in his Book on Airs and Lands , and the visiting diseases in his Epidemics ; and then he addressed varied diseases altogether in the Aphorisms , that is why the Prognosis follows the Aphorisms , also because most of the time this book is required to [understand] the [ Book on ] Acute Diseases , and so it is listed before it, even if he attached to it the book on visiting diseases entitled Epidemics ’ (fols. 83a–b). 65 Περὶ διαίτης ὀξέων ( De diaeta in morbis acutis ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 4. Sezgin, gas , iii:33; v:405–406. This work also bore the title: Kitāb Tadbīr al-Amrāḍ al-Ḥāddah ( Regimen in Acute Diseases ). For the description of the contents cf. Ibn Riḍwān, Fawāʾid , fol. 88a. Concerning the placement of this book, Ibn Riḍwān states: ‘Galen placed this book, i.e. Hippocrates’ book on diseases, after the Prognosis because most of the contents of Prognosis are needed for acute diseases’. 66 Sakanjabīn is an old Iranian drink (Persian sikangubīn ) made with vinegar and honey. 67 Γυναικεῖα ( De mulierum affectibus ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , nos. 48, 49. 68 Ἐπιδημίαι ( De morbis popularibus or Epidemiarium libri ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 6. Sezgin, gas , iii:34; v:406. 69 In Arabic, al-mawtān . 70 This is a paraphrase of Galen’s statements in Galen, In Hipp. Epid . ii comm. ii = cmg Suppl. Or. v 1, 276, cmg Suppl. Or. v 2, 616, 618 ed. Vagelpohl with Swain. For Galen’s commentary and the description of the work cf. Ibn Riḍwān’s Fawāʾid , fols. 196b–197a. Ibn Riḍwān adds: ‘Ḥunayn found and added to Galen’s commentary the first section, which Galen commented on in three sections; the second section, commented on by Galen in six sections of which Ḥunayn only found five; the third section, commented on by Galen in three sections; and the sixth section, which he commented on in eight sections. [Ḥunayn] gathered all these materials from Galen, and what is lacking, because he did not find it, is the fifth section, which contains Galen’s commentary on Hippocrates’ second section’, see Fawāʾid , fol. 117a; Ibn Riḍwān’s source is Ḥunayn’s Risālah , ed. Berg, 40–41. 71 Περὶ χυμῶν ( De humoribus ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 21. See also an Arabic edition with German translation in: Overwien, Hippocratis De Humoribus / Hippokrates. Über die Säfte . Cf. Ibn Riḍwān, Fawāʾid , fol. 198a: ‘Galen listed On Humours after the Epidemics and before On Nourishment because the preceding books, especially the Epidemics , deal with the diseases derived from the humours, and thus this paves the way to On Humours , from which we learn about the states of the three states of humours, i.e. the quantitative, the qualitative …’ 72 Περὶ τροφῆς ( De alimento ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 61. Cf. Ibn Riḍwān, Fawāʾid 214a: ‘Galen placed On Nourishment after On Humours because On Nourishment the [knowledge of] causes and reasons needs from [previous knowledge] of the substances of the humours’. 73 Κατ’ ἰητρεῖον ( De officina medici ). Qāṭīṭīriyūn is the Arabic transliteration of the Greek title. Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 9. For Galen’s commentary and the description of the work cf. Ibn Riḍwān, Fawāʾid , fols. 226b–227a. 74 In this case the first person does not refer to iau : the words reproduce Ibn Riḍwān, Fawāʾid , fol. 227a. 75 On Fractures , but the ‘three books’ probably indicates Fractures together with Joints (which has much on broken bones) and Mokhlikon ( Vectiarius , ‘using levers’), essentially a summary of the first two. The Arabic translation also bore the titles: K. al-Jabr, K. al-Kasr , or as below under no. 29, K. al-Khalʿ . Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , nos. 10–12. Ullmann, Medizin , 32, Sezgin, gas iii , 44–45. Cf. Ibn Riḍwān, Fawāʾid , fols. 236a–236b. Ibn Riḍwān states: ‘Hippocrates’ On Setting Bones ( K. al-Jabr ) comes after The Physician’s Establishment and before On Joints ( K. al-Mafāṣil ), and after On Joints comes On Setting the Head Bones ( K. Jabr al-ʿiẓām li-l-raʾs )’. 76 Περὶ παρθενίων ( De virginum morbis ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 51. See also the German translation of the extant fragment of the Arabic version in: O. Overwien, ‘Hippokrates’ De virginum morbis ’ in: Testimonien zum Corpus Hippocraticum iii , 153. 77 Περὶ τόπων τῶν κατὰ ἄνθρωπον ( De locis in homine ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 31 (without reference to the Arabic version). 78 Περὶ καρδίης ( De corde ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 60. 79 Περὶ ὀδοντοφυίης ( De dentitione ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 55. 80 Περὶ ὄψιος ( De visu ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 62. 81 This letter to Thassalus is unidentified. This title might result from a confusion with an apocryphal work entitled Πρεσβευτικὸς Θεσσαλοῦ ( Thessali legati oratio ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 74, Diels, Handschriften , 36. 82 Sezgin, gas , iii:46. 83 Sezgin, gas , iii:46. This title is perhaps De flatibus , on which see Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 27. 84 See nos. 92, 93. 85 Περὶ ἀδένων ( οὐλομελίης ) ( De glandulis ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 56. 86 Πρὸς Δημήτριον ( Ad Demetrium ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , nos. 69, 71. On Hippocrates’ epistolary tradition see Smith, Hippocrates . 87 Περὶ ὑγρῶν χρήσιος ( De humidorum usu or De liquidorum usu ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 28. 88 Ποδαπὸν δεῖ εἶναι τὸν ἰατρόν (cf. Sideras, ‘ Testamentum ’, 198). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 171. Cf. below no. 28. 89 Ὅρκος ( Iusiurandum or Iuramentum ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 14. 90 Νόμος ( Lex or Liber de lege ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 15. 91 See above, title no. 25. 92 Probably On Joints , which focusses on dislocation, esp. of the shoulder, but also covered fractures; cf. above under no. 12, K. al-Kasr wa-l-Jabr . 93 De capitis vulneribus . Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 8. This work also bore the title K. Shijāj al-raʾs . 94 Περὶ σαρκός ( De carnibus ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 57. 95 Περὶζῴων ( De animalibus marinis et terrestribus ab morbos curandos idoneis ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 83. 96 This apocryphal work corresponds with the tract found in the ivory chest deposited in Hippocrates’ grave, consequently referred to in the Latin tradition as Capsula Eburnea, Secreta Hippocratis, De Indiciis Mortis , and De Pustulis et Apostematibus . In Arabic it received varied titles, such as al-Risālah fī ʿalamāt al-mawt, al-Risālah fī l-qaḍāyā, al-Risālah fī lindhār bi-l-mawt, al-Risālah al-qabriyyah, K. al-Durj, K. al-Sirr and K. al-Buthūr , the title with which it is listed once again below under no. 42. See Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 113, 168. For an Arabic edition with Spanish translation see, Kuhne, ‘El kitāb al-Durŷ’. 97 This seems to be the Arabic version of either the Περὶ κρισίων ( On Crises, De iudicationibus ), on which see Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 67; or the Περὶ κρισίμων ( On Critical Days, De diebus iudicatoriis ), Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 68. 98 Περὶ ἐπικυήσιο ς ( De superfetatione ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 52. 99 Περὶ τέχνης ( De arte ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 24. 100 Περὶ ἑπταμήνου ( De septimestri partu ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 116. 101 Cf. Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 33 De vulneribus et ulceribus . 102 Περὶ ἑβδομάδων ἢ τὸ πρῶτον περὶ νούσων τὸ μικρότερο ν ( De septimanis or De hebdomadibus ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 58. 103 This is the same work as no. 34 with the title K. ʿAlamāt al-qaḍāyā . 104 Περὶ ὀκταμήνου = Περὶ ὀκταμήνων βρεφῶν ( De octimestri partu ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 44. 105 Περὶ φλεβοτομίας ( Epistula de phlebotomia or De venae sectione ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 144. 106 Περὶ οὔρων ( De urinis ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 123. 107 Perhaps the Ps.-Aristotelian work De coloribus . 108 Epistula ad Antiochum regem ; Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , 132. Smith, Hippocrates , 33–33. This is probably to be identified with the “Letter to King Antigonus” that is preserved by Paul of Aegina under the rubric ‘a letter concerned with preventing illness’ (ἐπιστολὴ προφυλακτική) and is attributed to the Hellenistic physician Diocles of Carystus: see van der Eijk, Diocles , frr. 183ab. Antiochus and Antigonus are similar enough to be confused in the tradition. 109 This title might correspond to the treatises Περὶ νούσων ( De morbis ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , nos. 29, 40, 41, 47. 110 Περὶ ἱερῆς νούσου ( De morbo sacro ). Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum , no. 32. 111 Unidentified. Perhaps a doublet of the Epistula ad Antiochum regem listed above, no. 49. 112 The spelling here, D-ī-m-q-r-ā-ṭ-ī-s , is different from that above in Ch. 4.1.2 . ( D-m-q-r-ā-ṭ ). 113 Cf. no. 5. 114 Cf. no. 5. 115 The lemma is not in the Arabic. 116 The disciples of Hippocrates listed in the so-called Brussels Life (Latin ms Brussels nos. 1342–1350) are: Thessalus and Drago (i.e. Dracon), his sons; Polibius (i.e. Polybus), Filio, Dexippus, Apollonius, Praxagoras the elder, Archipolis, Timbreus, Tumulicus, Menalcus, Siennesius, Poliarcho, and Bonus. See Pinault, Hippocratic Lives and Legends , 25. 117 There is a Greek mathematician named Leon (ca. 400 bc ) who was contemporary with Hippocrates, and also wrote a treatise on the ‘Elements’ of mathematics, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Leon’ (M. Folkerts). But it seems unlikely that he was Hippocrates’ student. A certain Lādan or Lādhan (the reading of this name in the Fihrist ) is quoted by some Arab scholars as authority in magical matters, see Ullmann, Natur und Geheimwissenschaften , 367. 118 All manuscripts read: M-ā-s-r-j-s or M-ā-s-r-kh-s . This might refer to Mnesarchus, a name transcribed below as M-n-s-r-kh-w-s . This was the name of the father and of one of the sons of Pythagoras, who followed his father as head of school in the 5th cent. bc . It might also correspond to the Menalc(h)us of the Brussels Life. 119 This might be a transliteration of a Greek name like Misagenes or Moiragenes. 120 Polybus married Hippocrates’ daughter. 121 The mss read A-m-l-ā-n-ī-s-ū-n , likely a faulty transcription of Apollonius, which is one of the names listed in the Latin lives of Hippocrates. 122 The Arabic form here, ʾ-s-t-ā-th , is also used by iau and Ibn al-Nadīm to refer to the son and addressee of Oribasius, Eustathius ( Fihrist ed. Sayyid, 2/1:273, 283; iau Ch. 5.2.1 title no. 1 ). 123 The manuscripts read S-ā-w-r-ā or S-ā-w-r-ī , which might transcribe Saurias (found in the period of Hippocrates), or Severus (a Roman name). This name also occurs in Ch. 3.3 . 124 The Arabic reads gh-w-r-s , which seems to correspond to the Greek ending -goras, either Anaxagoras, or most likely Praxagoras, referring to Praxagoras of Cos, the teacher of Herophilus; on him see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Praxagoras’ (V. Nutton); cf. the Brussels Lif equoted above. 125 The manuscripts read S-y-y-l-q-y-w-s and S-y-l-q-y-w-s or similar. In his ‘Lesarten’, Müller suggests ‘Simplikios’ (cf. the reading of the Fihrist ). Simplicius is a possible reading, but historically untenable as the name does not occur till the Roman era. The rasm might be a corruption of the name Syennesis (Συέννεσις), listed amongst Hippocrates’ students in the Brussels Life (see above n. 116 ); Syennesis of Cyprus was a physician, quoted by Aristotle, see Prioreschi, History of Medicine , ii:192. 126 The different readings in the manuscripts are: Th-ā-th-ā-l-s, Th-ā-n-ā-l-s, Th-ā-m-ā-l-s . 127 I.e. Yaḥyā al-Naḥwī. Cf. this section with Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:273–274; Ṣiwān , 20; and Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 93–94. 128 Arabic riwāq , literally tents, canopies or shelters. 129 The story of the twelve disciples and the reference to the daughter of Hippocrates also occurs in Ṣiwān , 20. Ibn al-Nadīm also records the name and the excellence of Hippocrates’ daughter (citing John), see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:272. 130 The reading is similar to the mss S-y-l-q-y-w-s . If this is Simplicius (which we read in the Arabic), it is an unknown and not the famous Neoplatonic philosopher. 131 The well-known Dogmatist physician of the third century bc , see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Erasistratus’ (V. Nutton); Ullmann, Medizin , 69. 132 Perhaps Lycus of Naples (a Hippocratic physician and exegete of the 1st cent. bc ) or more likely Lycus of Macedon, who lived in the 2nd cent. ad and was the object of written attacks by Galen, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Lycus’ [10 and 13] (A. Touwaide). 133 This refers to Mithridates vi Eupator, king of Pontus between 120–163 bc , who according to several mythical reports developed a fabulous antidote; see Totelin, ‘Mithridates’. 134 ?Aeschylus. 135 Perahps the same as the Mantias mentioned at Ch. 4.11.2 below. 136 iau has Gh-w-l-s and in the Ṣiwān it reads Gh-ā-l-w-l-s . ?Glaucias, referring to Glaucias of Tarentum (ca. 175 bc ), a known commentator on Hippocrates; Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Glaucias [3]’ (V. Nutton). 137 Magnus of Emesa, probably the same as the well known Magnus of Nisibis, lived in the 4th cent. ad and was a pupil of Zeno of Cyprus, see Nutton, Ancient Medicine , 299; Prioreschi, A History of Medicine , iv:51–53; Ullmann, Medizin im Islam , 81. iau might have taken the information about the book from Ibn al-Nadīm, see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:285. 138 Andromachus the Younger was the author of a treatise on antidotes written in verse that Galen quotes in De Antidotis ( Antid . 6, 13.34–42 K); see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Andromachus [5]’ (V. Nutton), also Marasco, ‘Curriculum of Studies’, 212. 139 This might be a faulty rendition of ʾ-n -[ d ]- r-ā-s – and also the variant in Fihrist ʾ-w-r-s [for ʾ-[n]-d-r-s] – referring to Andreas, personal physician of Ptolemy Philopator, who is known to have discussed Hippocrates; see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Andreas [1]’ (V. Nutton). 140 This might be a transcription of the name Symmachus, a relatively common name attested at Athens and elsewhere. 141 On Rufus, see Sezgin, gas , iii:64; Ullmann, Medizin , 71–76. Ilberg, Rufus ; Abou-Aly, The Medical Writings of Rufus of Ephesus . Daremberg & Ruelle, Rufus , for surviving works and fragments. iau seems to take Rufus’ book titles from the Fihrist . 142 This reference to Galen’s praise of Rufus (e.g. De atra bile v:105 ed. Kühn ‘the best writer on melancholy among the moderns’) contrasts with the report of Ibn al-Qifṭī, who states that Rufus was not particularly gifted ( ḍaʿīf al-naẓar ) and that Galen denounced his numerous mistakes, see Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 185. For ‘Rufus the Great’, cf. Oribasius, Ad Eunapium , pref. 6 ed. Raeder. 143 Cf. Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:281–282 for titles 1–42. This list of books has been translated into English and commented in Abou-Aly, 44–49. On Rufus’ works, see Ilberg, Rufus von Ephesos , 43–50; Sideras, ‘Rufus von Ephesos’; Ullmann, ‘Arabische Überlieferung’. Greek titles in the notes are those used in the literature and are not always attested. 144 Περὶ μελαγχολίας . See the edition, translation and study of the Arabic fragments in Pormann, Rufus of Ephesus . 145 Περὶ ὀνομασίας τῶν κατ᾽ ἄνθρωπον μορίων . See the Greek edition and French translation in Daremberg & Ruelle, 133–185, also 233–236 (scholia), 168–185 (anatomical treatise attributed to Rufus), and 186–194 (treatise on bones). 146 The Arabic literally reads ‘The Disease that Shows the Symptoms of Fear of Water’. The Greek title was something like Περὶ λυσσοδήκτων ἤτοι ὑδροφόβων ( On People Bitten by a Mad Dog, or Hydrophobes ), cf. Aetius, Iatrika 6.24. 147 Περὶ ἰκτέρου . The Arabic version of this work has been edited and translated into German, see Ullmann, Die Gelbsucht . 148 Περὶ τῶν κατ᾽ ἄρθρα νοσημάτων . The Arabic literally reads ‘On the Diseases of the Articulations’. The work has survived in Latin with the title De podagra , see the Latin edition and French translation in Daremberg & Ruelle, Rufus , 247–290. 149 Πρὸς τοὺς ἰδιώτας πραγματεία . On this work, see Ullmann, Medizin , 74, no. 10. 150 Περὶ οἴνου . 151 Μή κυϊσκομένων θεραπείας μονόβιβλος . Cf. Daremberg and Ruelle, Rufus , p. xxxvi n. 6. 152 Cf. below, no. 58. 153 Περὶ τεταρταίου . 154 Περὶ διαίτης . 155 Περὶ ἀφροδισίων . 156 Περὶ τῶν κατ᾽ ἰατρεῖον διατριβῶν . 157 Περὶ γάλακτος . 158 Περὶ παρθένων διαίτης . 159 Περὶ σύκων . 160 Περὶδιαίτηςπλεόντων (?). This work may have in spired Ibn al-Jazzār’s famous Zād al-Musāfir . Ullmann, however, rejects any influence: ‘Neues zu den diätetischen Schriften’. 161 Περὶ ἐμέτου πρὸς Ποταμωνιανόν . 162 Περὶθανασίμωνφαρμάκων . This work was also known in Arabic as On Poisons ( K. al-sumūm ), as in Ch. 5 and following al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik, Theriac, Poisons and the Treatment of Those Who Have Been Poisoned , see Ch. 5.1.26 . 163 Περὶ τῶν ἐν νεφροῖς καὶ κύστει παθῶν . For the edition and translation of the Greek see Daremberg & Ruelle, Rufus , 1–63, Sideras, De renum et vesicae morbis (with a German translation). 164 Flügel and Tajaddud in their editions of the Fihrist correct the title to: M. fī hal kathrat sharb al-dawāʾ fī l-walāʾ nāfiʿ ( On Whether the Excessive and Frequent Imbibing of Medicaments is Beneficial ), see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:281. Sezgin transcribes it as M. fī hal kathrat sharb al-dawāʾ bi-l-walāʾ nāfiʿ , see Sezgin, gas iii:67. 165 Περὶ γαγγλίου . 166 Περὶ μνήμης ἀπωλείας, On Loss of Memory . The title in Ibn al-Nadīm reads Maqālah fī l-dhikr ( On Memory ), see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:281. 167 Περὶ τραυματισμοῦ ἄρθρων . 168 Περὶ κλύσματος . 169 Περὶ ὀλισθημάτων . 170 Τὸ τῶν χρονίων παθογνωμονικόν . 171 This appears to be the same as the Composition of Drugs by Illness and Time mentioned in Ch. 5.1.26 . 172 Ἰατρικὰ ἐρωτήματα . See the Greek edition and French translation in Daremberg & Ruelle, Rufus , 195. 173 Περὶ κομιδῆς παιδίου . On this work see Ullmann, ‘Die Schrift des Rufus “De infantium curatione”’. 174 Περὶ οὔρων . 175 This treatise was one of the sources used by Ibn Buṭlān in his Risālah jāmi ʿ ah li-funūn nāfiʿah fī shirā l-raqīq wa-taqlīb al -ʿ abīd , see the biography of Ibn Buṭlān and references to this work at Ch. 10.38 . 176 Περὶ κυήσεως . 177 Περὶ τῆς τοῦ πηγάνου χρήσεως . 178 Εἰλεός . 179 We assume ἐπιληψία underlies the Arabic word, the exact ductus and vocalization of which is dubious in all manuscripts. It may be the same as the work listed under n. 14 with the Arabic title M. Fī l-ṣarʿ ; it is not mentioned by Ibn al-Nadīm. Müller, ‘Lesarten’, p. 59, notes the possibility that it is a transcription of ‘eclampsia’, which however is a modern term and appears not to have been defined by the ancients. 180 Perhaps the late 1st cent. bc Herophilean from Alexandria, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Apollonius [17]’ (V. Nutton), or Apollonius of Citium (cf. 10.5 ). 181 Archigenes of Apamea lived under Trajan (r. 98–117). See Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Archigenes’ (V. Nutton); Ullmann, Medizin , 69. 182 The works listed by Ibn al-Nadīm are On the Nature of Man ( K. Ṭabīʿat al-insān ), and a certain unnamed treatise that might have not been translated ( maqālah majhūlat al-naql ); see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:285. Archigenes was also known among the Arabs through the quotations included in the translation of Aetius of Amida’s Tetrabiblon . 183 Dioscorides the Younger (2nd cent. ad ) was a grammarian and editor of Hippocrates, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Dioscorides [9]’ (V. Nutton). 184 This reference is unclear. This might refer to a Greek lexicographer named Timaeus who lived between the first and the fourth cent. ad , and wrote a lexicon and commented on Plato, see Brill’s New Pauly, art. ‘Timaeus’ (S. Matthaios). 185 Perhaps Theodotus (2nd/1st cent. bc ), a Greek doctor after whom an eye ointment was named, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Theodotus [7]’ (V. Nutton). 186 M-y-s-y-ā-w-s , very likely Mnesitheus (mid 4th cent. bc ), an Athenian Dogmatist physician whom Galen praises for his classification of medicine ( Ad Glauconem 11.3 ed. Kühn), see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Mnesitheus’ (V. Nutton). 187 Thessalus of Tralles, who worked in Rome around ad 60, developed the ideas of Themison of Laodicea to form the Methodist school, which had influence into Late Antiquity; he was one of the main targets of Galen’s critiques; see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Thessalus [6]’ (V. Nutton). Nothing is known of the name Marius. The burning of the books is legendary. 188 Cf. Ṣiwān , 21–22 and Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn, Taʾrīkh al-aṭibbāʾ , 78; cf. Ch. 5.1.2 . 189 Statilius Crito was the court physician of Trajan in the early 2nd cent. ad . He wrote a four-volume book on cosmetics, see Brill’s New Pauly , arts. ‘Statilius’ [ ii 4] (A. Touwaide), and ‘Cosmetics’ (R. Hurschmann); Ullmann, Medizin , 71. Crito is quoted several times by al-Rāzī in his K. al-Ḥāwī on the authority of Galen’s K. al-Mayāmir , the Arabic title, borrowed from Syriac, of Galen’s De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos . 190 ?Acacius, which was a common name in Late Antiquity. 191 Perhaps a transcription of Oribasius ( ʾ-r-y-b-ā-th-y–w-s ), which is read in the Ṣiwān ; this would be an anachronism but only one of many in this chapter. 192 Q-ā-q-ū-l-ū-n-s . Perhaps the Hippocratic orthopaedic physician Apollonius of Citium (early 1st cent. bc ), see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Apollonius [16]’ (V. Nutton) or the Herophilean (above, 4.1.10.3 ). 193 ?Pericles. 194 ?Germanus. 195 The comparison of these twelve physicians with the zodiacal signs occurs also in the epitome of the Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah ( Ṣiwān , 22). Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn’s Taʾrīkh refers to a group of twelve physicians without giving their names or referring to the zodiac; Rosenthal, ‘Isḥāq b. Ḥunayn’, 78. 196 Despite the defective script of the name ( F-y-l-s ), this should refer to Herophilus of Chalcedon, who lived between cent. 330/320 and 260/250 bc ; see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Herophilus’ (A. Towaide). In his edition of Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn’s Taʾrīkh , Rosenthal conjecturally reads Philon. 197 Perhaps confusion with and a doublet of Democritus. 198 This might be a transcription of Aphrodisius, or even a faulty rendition of Epaphroditus. 199 The Arabic text interprets the place of origin of Xenocrates – Aphrodisias – as a second personal name. Xenocrates was a pharmacologist active ca. ad 70, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Xenocrates [6]’ (A. Touwaide). 200 This might refer to a physician named Severus, active in the time of Augustus, known for his treatment of trichiasis and other diseases, cf. Aetius, Iatrika , 7.68, 87, etc. 201 Qādiḥ al-ʿayn is, literally, one who couches the eye. Müller’s suggests Cyrillus. The ductus of the word could also suggest the reading f-r-w-t-s , a transcription of the Greek name Protas. Galen mentions a recipe by a physician named Protas of Pelusium, see Nutton, Ancient Medicine , 151. 202 It seems that iau had direct access to some Arabic translations of Porphyry, and quotes from him in his biography of Pythagoras; see Ch. 4.3.3 , 4.3.6.1 , and 4.3.6.2 . 203 No separate lemma in the Arabic. 204 This first paragraph, taken from John the Grammarian’s lost Taʾrīkh , is reproduced by Ibn al-Nadīm ( Fihrist , ed. Sayyid, 2/1:286), Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn (Rosenthal, ‘Isḥāq b. Ḥunayn’, 68), Ibn al-Qifṭī ( Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 183–184), and Ṣiwān , 23. 205 Cf. Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn, Taʾrīkh , 78. 206 The etymology of the names is also discussed by Ibn Juljul ( Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 21), but the exact origin of this quotation is unknown. This might come from the first translation of Dioscorides’ De Materia Medica , made in Baghdad by Iṣṭifan ibn Basīl and corrected by Ḥunayn; on this translation see Touwaide, ‘Translation and Transliteration’. 207 I.e. θεός. 208 Cf. Pedanii Dioscuridis Anazarbei de Materia Medica , ed. M. Wellmann, intr. §4. 209 The Greek reads ‘a soldier’s life’. 210 The extant Greek text has only the first five books. 211 This is a paraphrase of remarks in the preface to Bk 7 of On Simple Drugs , where Galen contrasts Dioscorides with other writers at (11.794 Kühn). iau takes the quotation from Ibn Juljul’s biography of Dioscorides, Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 21. 212 Müller suggests Palladius of Alexandria, who wrote commentaries on Hippocrates (but lived in the 6th cent. ad ); see Brill’s New Pauly, art. ‘Palladius [I 5]’ (A. Touwaide); Ullmann, Medizin , 83. 213 See Ch. 5.1.21. 214 Asclepiades of Bithynia was a Greek physician who worked in Rome; the dates of his life are uncertain, but probably died in 91 bc see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Asclepiades’ (V. Nutton). 215 Soranus of Ephesus, a physician who was active in Rome around ad 100, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Soranus’ (W.A. Reus); Ullmann, Medizin , 76–78. He is not known by this sobriquet in antiquity. 216 Heracleides of Tarentum, an Empiricist of the 1st cent. bc ; Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Heraclides [27]’ (V. Nutton). 217 There are two known physicians named Eudemus, who are probably the same person: an elegiac poet who composed a book on pharmacology, and a follower of the physician Themison, who was active in the first quarter of the 1st cent. ad and became involved with the notorious Sejanus, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Eudemus [5]’ (M. Di Marco) and ‘Eudemus [6]’ (V. Nutton). A third Eudemus, an anatomist, from the 3rd cent. bc , is a less likely candidate. 218 The reading in Ṣiwān is s-ā-r-w-s , which might indicate a Severus; see Ṣiwān , 23. 219 Perthaps the same as Xenocrates of Aphrodisias, mentioned above. 220 This may be a transcription of Gratianus or Quintus. For Quintus, the teacher of Galen’s teacher, cf. Ch. 5.1.25 ( q-w-ā-n-y-ṭ-ū-s ), Ḥunayn’s Risālah , 45 q-w-ā-y-n-ṭ-w-s . 221 Presumably to be distinguished from Asclepiades of Bithynia, for whom see above. 222 ‘ L-ā-w-n of Tarsus and Arius of Tarsus’. Probably Laecanius Arius of Tarsus (the 1st cent. ad ), a pharmacologist and mentor of Dioscorides, who addresses him in the preface to his work; see Nutton, Ancient Medicine , 194. 223 The reading in Ṣiwān is M-w-dh-f-w-s . 224 Presumably a name ending in– cleides , and perhaps a doublet of the next name. 225 Müller suggests Heracleides Ponticus, the 4th cent. Platonist philosopher, though the chronology does not fit and he was not interested in medicine (but cf. next section). It may refer rather to the pupil of Mantias, Heracleides of Tarentum (see above). 226 Ṣiwān reads: Petrus son of M-ā-r-s (Marius?), see Ṣiwān , 24. 227 The reference to bloodletting confirms the Greek physician of this name, the Herophilean and teacher of Heracleides of Tarentum, from the 2nd cent. bc , who strongly favoured this technique according to Galen ( De venae sectione adv. Erasistratum 5 = 11:163 Kühn); see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Mantias [2]’ (V. Nutton). A physician named Mantias is mentioned before, see above n. 135 . 228 In Cilicia, known as Mamistra in later Greek; Arabic Maṣṣīṣah. 229 The rasm of this transcription ( ḥ-r-ū-s-ī-ū-s ) is similar to the one used for Chrysippus (see below 4.11.3). There are two not very convincing candidates: a Chrysermus who lived about 150–120 bc and had some official responsibility for physicians at Alexandria; and a Herophilean physician named Chrysermus who lived a century later, around 50 bc , see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Chrysermus.’ 230 The Arabic reads al-muḍādd , lit. the ‘Opposer’, perhaps a rendering of a Greek term like κριτικός. 231 Philo was a pharmacologist of the 1st cent. ad who invented a famous pain-killer, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Philo [I 13]’ (A. Touwaide). 232 There are at least two physicians with this name: Cassius Felix, born in Constantine (North Africa), who lived long after Galen, in the 5th century; and a hardly known iatrosophist, author of a collection of medical Problemata of uncertain date (between 4th–7th ad ), see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Cassius [ iii 4] and [ iii 6]’ (V. Nutton). 233 The ductus also suggests a rendition of the name Severus ( s-f-r-w-s ). 234 Alexander Trallianus or Alexander of Tralles did not live before Galen, but in the 6th cent. ad , see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Alexander [29]’ (V. Nutton); Ullmann, Medizin , 85. 235 For the information on Alexander of Tralles cf. Fihrist , ed. Flügel, 293; ed. Tajaddud, 351–352; ed. Sayyid, 2/1:287. See also Sezgin (1970) 162–164. These three works are preserved in Greek (ed. and trans. Puschmann vol. 2). The first two form part of Alexander’s collection of Therapeutica ( al-Kunnāsh in the Arabic tradition). The Letter on Worms to Theodore is a short separate treatise. 236 For this quotation cf. Fihrist , ed. Flügel, 287; Tajaddud, 346; Sayyid, 2/1:270. 237 Diocles, the mathematician and geometer (ca. 240–180 bc ). 238 Probably the mathematician and philosopher Theon of Smyrna, who flourished in the third decade of the 2nd cent. ad , but perhaps conflated with the better known mathematician and astronomer from mid-fourth cent. Alexandria (cf. the work of Ḥabash al-Ḥāsib). 239 Empedocles of Agrigentum, the Presocratic philosopher (ca. 490–430 bc ), see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Empedocles’ (J. Bollack). See Ch. 4.2 . 240 The mathematician Euclid, who lived ca. 300 bc . 241 This is most likely a transcription of Severus. 242 The Arabic reads th-l-s-s . Perhaps a deformation of m-l-s-s in reference to the philosopher Melissus of Samos (5th cent. bc ). 243 The Arabic could be read as q-ā-q-l-s or f-ā-q-l-s , which might a defective rendition of Sophocles. Sayyid reads Fuliqlus , i.e. Philocles the 5th cent. tragedian; see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:270. 244 In iau : m-ā-r-q/f-s ; Ibn al-Nadīm has m-ā-r-y-s , see Fihrist , ed. Flügel, 287; ed. Tajaddud, 346 or, according to the edition of Sayyid, h-ā-r-i-s , whom he identifies with the Latin poet Horace; see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 270. If we take into consideration the references to Greek poets in Arabic sources, it is likely that Euripides might be hidden under this name. 245 Zeno of Elea (ca. 490–430 bc ). 246 Zeno of Citium (ca. 334–262 bc ). 247 In Ṣiwān , 24: aqrāṭīs al-manṭiqī , ‘the Logician’. 248 This passage seems to be corrupt. The name transcribed r-ā-m-w-n refers most likely to the Sophist Damon, known for his theories on music, who lived in the 5th/4th cent. bc , see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Damon [3]’ (R. Harmon). The Ṣiwān reads rāmūn al-mustawfī , which could be a corrupted transmission of dāmūn al-mūsīqī , i.e. ‘Damon the musician’. 249 This epithet is purely conjectural. All manuscripts have an undotted, unknown form, while the Ṣiwān reads al-niṣībī , ‘from Nisibis’. The reference is presumably to Plato’s younger brother, famous from as Socrates’ dialogue partner in the Republic . 250 According to ms Ga, ‘the son of his maternal uncle ( ibn khālihi )’. The family relationship with Aristotle is not attested in antiquity but is not impossible. Cf. Gutas, ‘Life, Works and Sayings of Theophrastus’, 76–77. 251 The Peripatetic philosopher Eudemus of Rhodes, born before 350 bc ; see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Eudemus [3]’ (H. Gottschalk). 252 Chrysippus, the famous Stoic philosopher from the 3rd cent. bc . 253 This might refer to Panaetius of Rhodes, the Stoic philosopher (ca. 185–109 bc ). 254 The dots in the different manuscripts suggest different readings, but the most likely if we pay attention to the consonantal ductus is Simplicius (which we read with Müller). 255 The Arabic reads ʾ-r-m-y-n-w-s . On the confusion between Albinus and Herminus see Ch. 5.1.21.1 . Albinus of Smyrna was a Platonic philosopher of the 2nd cent. ad and teacher of Galen; see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Albinus [3]’, (M. Baltes). 256 This probably refers to Glaucon, the physician and friend of Galen active around ad 190 and dedicatee of the To Glaucon ; see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Glaucon [7]’ (V. Nutton). 257 Following the reading in the Ṣiwān , p. 25: ʾ-b-r-q-l-y-s , this likely refers to the Neoplatonist Proclus (412–485). 258 It is unclear if this should be identified with Alexander Trallianus mentioned above. Greek names in Tal-/Tall - are uncommon. 259 The Arabic name is probably the result of a confusion of liquid consonants. This might refer to Priscianus Lydus, a Neoplatonist of the 6th cent. who was related to Simplicius and Damascius; see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Priscianus Lydus’ (L. Brisson). 260 Stephanus was a physician and philosopher active in Alexandria ca. 600, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Stephanus [6]’ (V. Nutton); Ullmann, Medizin , 82. The rendition of the name is ʾ-ṣ-ṭ-f-n in Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1, 283. 261 This might also be read as S-n-kh-s , which is close to the name rendered Ch. 4.1.10.2 as S-w-n-ā-kh-s (Symmachus?). 262 The Ṣiwān reads R-ā-m-s . 263 Philosophical books are ascribed to John the Grammarian (believed to be from Alexandria) – Ch. 6.2 – as a result of confusion between him and the philosopher John Philoponus. 264 Gessius of Petra (here corrupted as d-ā-r-y-w-s ; cf. the Ṣiwān and Ch. 5.2.1 j-ā-s-y-w-s ), the pupil of Ammonius of Alexandria and teacher of Philoponus, see Watts, ‘The Enduring Legacy’. 265 Perhaps Nicolaus, which we posit as a medical author in the English of Ch. 5.2.1 and Ch. 6.1.1 . 266 Paulus of Aegina, see Ullmann, Medizin , 86. 267 The Arabic reads ʾ-f-r-w-ṭ-r-kh-s . This refers to the Neoplatonist Plutarch of Athens (350–430). 268 The Arabic reads y-ā-gh-ā-th . 269 The Arabic reads ambiguously th-y-ā-dh-w/r-r/w-s . 270 That is, the categories in which the author classifies the different civilisations. 271 Cf. Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī, Ṭabaqāt al-umam , 21. 4.2. Empedocles 1 The Qāḍī Ṣāʿid says: According to the authors of universal chronicles, Empedocles lived in the time of the Prophet David, peace be upon Him. He also learned from Luqmān the Wise 2 in Syria, before travelling to Greece, where he taught a circle of students in matters which contradicted Greek tenets about the afterlife. Many abandoned him as a result of that, but a group of gnostics 3 remained attending his teachings, claiming that he knew mysteries that were rarely addressed by others. He also says: Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd Allāh ibn Masarrah al-Jabalī the Esotericist ( Bāṭinī ), originally from Cordoba, embraced Empedocles’ philosophical theories and devoted himself to teach them. 4 He continues: Empedocles was the first one who sought to harmonize the meanings of the divine attributes, showing that all of them referred to one single notion, and that, even though [God] is described as ‘knowledge’, ‘goodness’, or ‘omnipotence’, He is not made up of distinct attributes, but only referred to by all these different names. He is in truth One and nothing can be added to His uniqueness, contrary to the other created beings. That which is singular in the world is susceptible to becoming a plurality by virtue of its parts, its meanings, or its similarities; but the essence of the Creator is beyond all that [i.e. indivisible]. 5 [Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī] states that this doctrine on the divine attributes was embraced by Abū l-Hudhayl Muḥammad ibn al-Hudhayl al-ʿAllāf al-Baṣrī. 6 Empedocles is the author of the following books: Metaphysics ( K. Fīmā baʿd al-ṭabīʿah ) Homilies ( K. al-Mayāmir ) 7 Footnotes 1 The entire biography of Empedocles is based on Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī; see K. Ṭabaqāt al-umam , 21. On the Empedocles of the Arabic tradition see ei Three , art. ‘Empedocles’ (D. De Smet); De Smet, Empedocles ; Sezgin, Empedocles . 2 Luqmān is a legendary sage who lived in pre-Islamic Arabia, proverbial for his vast knowledge in Arabic lore and Qur’anic tradition, see ei 2 , art. ‘Luḳmān’ (N.A. Stillmann). 3 The Arabic reads: ṭāʾifah min al-bāṭiniyyah . Bāṭin means ‘esoteric or mystical meaning’ (as opposed to ẓāhir , ‘exoteric or literal meaning’), and it is usually employed to refer to esotericist Muslim sects and, often in a derogatory sense, to the Ismāʿīlīs; see ei 2 , art. ‘al-Ẓāhir waʾl-Bāṭin’ (I. Poonawala). 4 Stern has cogently argued that Ibn Masarrah was not influenced by the writings of Ps.-Empedocles, and that Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī’s reference to the philosopher of Cordova is due to a confusion with the epithet bāṭinī , commonly used by Arabic authors to refer to Ibn Masarrah; see S.M. Stern, ‘Ibn Masarra’. 5 For this passage see also Rudolph, Doxographie , 37. Ps.-Ammonius was the source for al-ʿĀmirī’s al-Amadʿalāal-abad , who, in turn, was the authority on whom Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī relied for his report of Greek philosophers. 6 Abū l-Ḥudhayl was a Muʿtazilite theologian who was dead by the middle of the 3rd/9th cent.; see ei Three , art. ‘Abū l-Ḥud̲h̲ayl al-ʿAllāf’ (S.A. Mourad). 7 The list of books is not included in Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī’s report. The term maymar is a Syriac borrowing that originally means ‘homily’; it has been also used without any religious connotation to refer to textual units, or to ways of addressing a topic as for example in the K. al-Mayāmir , the Arabic title of Galen’s De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos . 4.3. Pythagoras 1 [4.3.1] The name of Pythagoras ( F-y-th-ā-gh-w-r-s ) is also written in Arabic F-w-th-āgh-w-r-s, F-w-th-ā-gh-w-r-ā-s , and F-w-th-ā-gh-w-r-y-ā . The Qāḍī Ṣāʿid says in his Book of the Categories of the Nations ( K. Ṭabaqāt al-umam ): Pythagoras lived sometime after Empedocles. He left Syria for Egypt to learn from Solomon, the son of David. 2 When he learned geometry with the Egyptians he went back to Greece, where he introduced the study of this discipline along with natural philosophy and religion. With no other help than his own intellect, Pythagoras deduced the science of melodies and musical composition, and their relationship with arithmetical proportions. He claimed that he had received this knowledge from the light of prophecy, 3 and that, in the order of the world, which is structured on specific numbers and proportions, there were wondrous symbols and arcane intentions. His ideas concerning numbers were close to those of Empedocles, who claimed that above the natural world there was a spiritual one made of light, the beauty and splendour of which cannot be comprehended by reason, but only by the pure soul that longs for this knowledge. Pythagoras held that the best way for a man to raise his soul is to relinquish vanity, abusive power, hypocrisy, envy, and any other material desire; once freed from them, the soul will be worthy of entering the spiritual world and reach the essential divine knowledge that it covets. [He believed that] the pleasures longed for by the soul come by themselves without restriction, such as the melodies that are perceived through the sense of hearing, without any need to seek them. Pythagoras composed notable works on arithmetic, music and other disciplines – these are Ṣāʿid’s words. 4 [4.3.2] Other scholars 5 claim that Pythagoras sought to travel to avoid murderers and their victims, 6 that he ordered people to purify the senses, taught them to act with justice and practise all the virtues, to keep away from error, and to study what [nature] has given men in order to learn about the nature of everything. 7 He admonished [his disciples] to love one another and to instruct themselves by engaging in the discussion of elevated matters, to oppose sin, to protect and edify the soul for its struggles, to fast regularly, and to sit in their chairs and read books continually. He ordained that men should teach men, and women women; and urged them to excel in eloquence and learn how to admonish kings. Pythagoras used to say that the immortality of the soul and its existence in the afterlife depended on rewards or punishments according to the divine sages. When 8 he was in charge of the temples and became the chief-priest, he abstained from eating anything other than food that would prevent hunger and thirst. 9 He used to prepare meals to satisfy hunger using poppy seeds, sesame, peeled squill – very well washed until its fibres stood out clearly, 10 mallow leaves, 11 asphodel, barley flour, 12 chickpeas, and barley; he would take a portion of each cut up into many pieces, then crush them and make a paste with a kind of honey named ‘Hymettus’. 13 The drinks to satisfy thirst were made with cucumber seeds, plump seedless raisins, coriander flowers, mallow and asūfā 14 seeds, purslane, 15 a kind of bread 16 named f-y-l-s-ṭ-ā-m-ū-s , 17 and fine flower; 18 he would mix all these ingredients with ḥābūq honey. 19 According to Pythagoras, Heracles learnt these two recipes from Demeter when he took refuge in waterless Libya. Pythagoras lived a well-balanced life and it was not the case that he was sometimes well and sometimes ill or sometimes thin and sometimes fat. He possessed a pleasant personality, not given to excessive joy or grief, and never seen laughing or crying. 20 He always gave precedence to his friends, that is why he is considered to be the first to say ‘The wealth of the friends is collective and undivided’. 21 Pythagoras preserved the health of the healthy and healed both the bodies of the sick and their tormented souls, sometimes with supplications, sometimes with divine melodies with which he alleviated the pains of the body. He commanded the protection of all bonds, not only deposits, but also true words deposited with us and sincerity in promises. 22 [4.3.3] In the first section of his Book of the History of Philosophers, their Stories and Opinions ( K. Akhbār al-falāsifah wa-qiṣaṣihim wa-ārāʾihim ), 23 Porphyry reports wonderful stories about Pythagoras’ responsibilities as a priest and about his revelations of arcane knowledge, either heard directly from him or reported by witnesses: 24 Pythagoras used to convey his knowledge using symbolic language to keep it secret. Examples of his use of riddles are: ‘Do not step over the balance’, meaning: ‘Avoid excess’; and: ‘Do not stir the fire with a knife, if it is already hot’. This meant: ‘Do not use offensive words when someone is already angered’. And: ‘Do not sit on a bushel’ 25 which means ‘Do not live idly’; and: ‘Do not walk by the dens of the lions’, which means: ‘Do not follow the ideas of the rebellious’; and: ‘Swallows do not live in houses’, which means ‘Do not be like those arrogant and garrulous men who cannot control their own tongues’. And also: ‘Help the carrier to transport his burden, not to lay it down’, which means ‘No one should neglect his own duties concerning virtue and obedience’. 26 And also: ‘Do not wear ring-stones with images of angels’, 27 which means ‘Do not reveal your religion nor disclose divine secrets to the ignorant’. [4.3.4.1] Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik says: 28 Pythagoras’ father, Mnesarchus, was originally from Tyre. Pythagoras had two siblings: the elder was named Eunostus, the other Tyrrhenus. His mother, Pythais, was the daughter of a man from Samos named Ancaeus. 29 The inhabitants of the islands of Lemnos, Imros and Scyros conquered Tyre. 30 They established themselves in that land and expelled its native dwellers. Pythagoras’ father, who was expelled with them, lived by a lake before travelling to Samos seeking to make a living. Once settled in Samos, he became an honoured man. He once travelled to Italy with his son Pythagoras for pleasure, because it was a very fine place to visit and extremely fertile, and it is said that Pythagoras returned to live there owing to the good impression left by that first visit. When Mnesarchus was expelled from Tyre he settled in Samos with his three sons, Eunostus, Thyrrhenus and Pythagoras. 31 The governor of Samos, Androcles, took Pythagoras under his care and supported him because he was the youngest of all siblings. From an early age, he was educated in literature, language and music. When he reached adolescence, he was sent to Miletus and entrusted to Anaximander the Wise, who taught him geometry, mensuration, and astronomy. Pythagoras’ love for learning and philosophy increased after he mastered these two disciplines. 32 He subsequently travelled to various lands in search for knowledge and met the Chaldeans, the Egyptians, and other peoples. He joined their priests and learnt philosophy from them, and became proficient in the language of the Egyptians, with its three scripts: the script of the commoners, the script of the elites – which is the abbreviated script used by the priests – and the script of the kings. While living in Heraclea, 33 Pythagoras was at the service of its king; in Babylon he joined the Chaldean nobles and studied with Zoroaster, 34 who instructed him in all that a righteous man needs to know, revealed to him the secrets of priesthood, and taught him the principles of all things. 35 Pythagoras’ wisdom increased and he found a way to benefit the entire world and deliver it from error using the knowledge he had attained from every nation and land. After 36 all these travels, he visited the wise Pherecydes of Syrus 37 at the beginning of his rule on the island of Delos. 38 Later, Pherecydes left the island to live on Samos, but there he was afflicted with a grave disease after his body became infested with lice. In view of the aggravation of his condition and the situation at his home, his students took him to Ephesus; and when his illness became more serious, they besought the Ephesians to give their permission to transfer him from the city. Pherecydes was then taken to Magnesia, where he was nursed until his death. He was buried there and his story written on his grave. [4.3.4.2] After studying with Pherecydes, Pythagoras returned to the city of Samos to learn from Hermodamas, the wondrous sage who was related to Creophylus. 39 There he also met Hermodamas, a wise-man related to Creophylus, and was associated with him for some time. 40 By then, Polycrates had become the tyrant of Samos and Pythagoras, who wished to join the priests in Egypt, asked for his intercession. The tyrant wrote a letter on his behalf to Amasis, the king of Egypt, 41 in which he informed him of Pythagoras’ wishes and told him that he was a righteous and blameless person; he asked the king to be magnanimous to Pythagoras and to grant his request. Amasis received him gladly and gave him a letter for the chief priests explaining his intentions. Pythagoras arrived with the king’s letter at Heliopolis, 42 a city is nowadays known as ʿAyn Shams. He suffered a cold reception and had to undergo investigation for a while, but they could not find any fault or deficiency in him and he was finally sent to the priests of Memphis to be subjected to further evaluation. He was also received with antipathy there and put to the test, but they could not find any blame nor were able to raise any criticism, so he was sent to the people of Diospolis 43 to be tested there, and they could not find any way to reject him either, owing to the personal interest that their king had shown in him. Pythagoras was assigned demanding tasks, different from those carried out among the Greeks, in the hope that he would not accept them and thus they could disapprove him and turn down his petition but, to their great amazement, he accepted and performed these tasks diligently. News about his piety spread all over Egypt and reached king Amasis, who put Pythagoras in charge of sacrificing animals to God and of the rest of their religious offerings too, a responsibility that had never been entrusted to any foreigner. 44 Then Pythagoras left Egypt and went back to his land where a school was built for him in the city of his ancestors. Those in Samos willing to learn would come to meet him in a cave 45 prepared for him outside the city and arranged as a special gathering place for his teachings. He used to retire there most of the time with a few of his friends. When Pythagoras reached the forty years of age, they were still living under the tyranny of Polycrates, 46 who had wanted Pythagoras to succeed him for a long time. 47 But Pythagoras had enough of it, and after some reflection concluded that it was not good for a tolerant wise man like him to endure tyranny, authoritarian rule and injustice. He decided to move to Italy and there 48 he travelled to Croton. When the people of that city met Pythagoras and saw his pleasant appearance, his eloquence, nobility, and breadth of knowledge, the virtue with which he conducted his life despite his great fortune, and the perfection and wealth of all his qualities, they yielded themselves to his intellectual leadership. He compelled them to protect their elders, 49 he guided their souls and exhorted them to do good. He ordered the archons to compose instructive books for the youth and to teach them. Thus men and women came together to listen to his exhortations and benefit from his wisdom. 50 The reputation of Pythagoras and his status grew among them, and many people from that city became experts in learning. His fame spread in such a way that many barbarian kings came to listen to his wisdom and benefit from his knowledge. 51 Pythagoras also paid visits to the towns of Italy and Sicily. Injustice and rebellion had taken hold of them, but when the people of Croton and other cities 52 listened to Pythagoras, they acknowledged the truth of his words, the dissension that had existed among them and their descendants for a long time was brought to an end, since Pythagoras’ eloquence would turn people away from any misdeed. Simichus, the tyrant of Centuripae, 53 on hearing Pythagoras’ wise words and exhortations, abdicated and gave part of his wealth to his brother 54 and part to the people of his city. 55 [4.3.4.3] It is also said that Theano, 56 whose family descended from Crete 57 and who was king of Pytho, was kin of Pythagoras. 58 Pythagoras had a daughter who settled in Croton; she instructed the virgins of the city in the religious laws and duties, and the precepts concerning what was lawful or unlawful. His wife also used to instruct the other women. When he died, the devout Demetrius took care of the wise man’s house and turned it into a temple for the people of Croton. It is said that Pythagoras was a young man during the time of Cyrus. 59 Cyrus’ reign lasted thirty years and Pythagoras was still alive when he was succeeded by his son Cambyses. 60 It is also said that he remained in Samos sixty years; then he moved to Italy and then went to Croton, where he lived for five years until his death. 61 Pythagoras’ diet consisted of honey and clarified butter for lunch and millet-bread 62 and raw or cooked legumes for dinner; he would not eat meat, except that of the sacrificial victims that were offered up to God Almighty. When he became the chief-priest of the temples he began to eat food that would relieve him from hunger and thirst. 63 When someone arrived to listen to him he used to address them in two different ways, either teaching and demonstrating arguments, or giving advice and guidance. His teachings took both of these different forms. 64 Once he had the need to travel to various places, and before leaving he wished to meet only his closest friends. He gathered them in the house of someone called Milon and while they were there, a man from Croton named Cylon entered without permission. He was a man of noble rank and enormous wealth and very arrogant about it, insolent towards the people, and inclined to injustice. He accosted Pythagoras and began to praise himself, but Pythagoras rejected him in front of all the others and admonished him to work for the salvation of his soul. Cylon broke up in anger against them; 65 he gathered his friends, reviled Pythagoras in front of them accusing him of being an apostate, and he agreed with them to murder him and his friends. When they attacked them, forty of Pythagoras’ companions were killed. The rest of them fled, some were seized and killed, some were able to escape and remained in hiding while the calumnies and persecution continued. Since they feared for the life of Pythagoras, a group among them was selected and they did all in their power to slip Pythagoras out of that town during the night. 66 Some of them accompanied him to Caulonia, 67 and from there he fled to Locris. When the calumnies against Pythagoras reached the ears of the people of that city, the elders of the town went to see him and told him, ‘O Pythagoras, for what we have seen, you are a wise man; but the calumnies cast against you are extremely grave. We have not found in our laws ( nawāmīs ) anything to condemn you to death and, since we are lawabiding people, you will receive from us the due hospitality and provisions for your travel. But leave our land if you want to be safe’. Pythagoras left their town and went to Tarentum but to his surprise he met there a group of people from Croton who almost killed him and his friends. Then he moved to Metapontum but disturbances due to his presence were so frequent that this period was remembered by the people of this town for many years. Then he fled to the Temple of al-Asnān 68 known as the Temple of the Muses. 69 Pythagoras and his friends found protection there and stayed in the temple forty days. They were not forced to flee, but the temple was set on fire. When the friends of Pythagoras noticed, they ran to him, surrounded Pythagoras and kept him in the middle of the group so that their own bodies would protect him against the fire. As the fire spread in the temple and its flames grew, Pythagoras was seized by the pains of the burning heat and fell dead. The catastrophe affected the whole group and every single one of them perished in the fire. Such was the cause of Pythagoras’ death. It is said that he composed around two-hundred and eighty books and left numerous disciples behind him. The inscription on his ring stone read: ‘Evil that does not last is better than good that does not last’, which means that it is better to expect the end of evil than to expect the end of good. One of his most eloquent sayings states that, ‘Silence delivers from regret’. 70 [4.3.5] I copy here some of Pythagoras’ instructive sayings and pieces of advice from the Choicest Maxims and Best Sayings ( K. Mukhtār al-ḥikam wa-maḥāsin al-kalim ) of the Emir Muḥammad al-Dawlah Abū l-Wafāʾ al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik. Pythagoras said: 71 God – may He be praised – is the origin of our existence and creation. Thus our souls ought to return to Him, the Almighty. Reflection is especially suited to God, because the love of reflection is bound to the love of God. Whoever loves God – may He be exalted – inspires love for Him with his actions. In so doing he becomes closer to God, and those who are close to God are saved and succeed. Sacrifices and other oblations do not suffice to honour God, may His Name be praised; faith is what He deserves, and the kind of honour with which He is content. Constant talk about God – may He be exalted – proves a man’s incapacity to know Him. How useful are the discussions about precious and important matters! But if someone cannot take part in them, let him listen to those who do. Beware of being involved in anything reprehensible, alone or in company; and be more ashamed of yourself than of anyone else. Earn money by rightful means and spend it accordingly. 72 If you hear a lie let your soul bear it with patience. Do not neglect the health of your body; you ought to eat, drink, practice sex and exercise with moderation. 73 Do not be excessively liberal if you are in the position of someone who does not possess the best, nor avaricious to the extent of losing your freedom. The most excellent thing in all cases is to act with moderation. Be fully awake when you think at all times in your life, because the slumber of thought shares the nature of death. Be aware that things you ought to avoid might befall you. Do not defile your tongue with calumnies, nor expose your ears to them. It is difficult for men to be free when the force of habit drags them towards reprehensible and sinful actions. Do not crave worldly goods or lofty buildings: men die, but after their owner’s death these goods will remain so far as their natures allow. Seek instead all that can be enjoyed and will benefit you after the [final] departure. The impression left by embellishments and counterfeits does not last long. Believe that God’s fear is based on compassion. Whenever you seek to do something begin by praying to your Lord for success. If you know a man personally and you find that he is not good enough to be a righteous and loyal friend, beware of making him your enemy. It is better for a man not to err, but if he errs nothing would help him more than acknowledging his mistake and resolving not to repeat it. Nothing is more righteous for a man than doing what he has to do and not what he wants to do. You should know the right moment to speak and the right moment to remain silent. A free man does not let the tiniest part of his soul to go to waste on material pleasures. You learn in the measure you seek, and you seek in the measure you learn. Nothing prevents a wise man from losing his temper, but if anger seizes you let it be in a measured way. A wise man is not one who lets himself be burdened to the full extent of his strength and carries this burden patiently; the true wise man lets himself be burdened with more than nature allows him to bear and is still patient. The world is an abode which at one time is for you and another time against you; if you are in control, act properly, if you are controlled, yield yourself. Most disasters befall animals because they cannot speak and humans because they can. The man who abstains from four things will keep reproof away from him and from others; the four are: haste, stubbornness, vanity and negligence. Because the fruit of haste is regret, stubbornness bears perplexity, vanity hate, and negligence contemptibleness. Pythagoras once saw a man wearing splendid clothes who suffered from a speech impediment and told him, ‘Either use a language that matches the quality of your clothes or wear clothes that match your language’. He said to his students, ‘Do not seek anything that satisfies your desire, but desire what is desirable by itself’. If adversity befalls you, be patient and instead of complaining, and spare no effort to find a remedy. Thinking before acting. Many enemies mean little peace. Pythagoras used to sit in his chair and offer seven pieces of advice: set up balances and know their weights; avoid mistakes and you will always be blameless; do not kindle a fire where you see a knife that cuts; 74 restrain your passions and you will preserve your health; act righteously and you will be surrounded by love; manage your time as if you were someone who might be appointed to govern and then dismissed; do not accustom your bodies and souls to an easy life or you will lose them if you have to endure hard times. Pythagoras was once praised for having money and said, ‘I do not have any need of that which fate gives, miserliness preserves and generosity destroys’. Once he said to an old man who wanted to learn and was ashamed to be seen as a student, ‘Are you ashamed of being better at the end of your life than at the beginning?’ The worst thing for your enemy is for him not to realize you consider him an enemy. When death struck Pythagoras’ wife in a foreign land, his friends offered their condolences for her death, lamenting the fact of her dying abroad, but he said, ‘O friends! There is no difference between dying at home or abroad, for the path to the next world is the same from every land’. He was once asked, ‘What are the most pleasant things?’; and he replied, ‘All things that men desire’. The friend of God Almighty is the one who does not abandon himself to his impure thoughts. [4.3.6.1] I have also copied the following passages from Porphyry’s Book of the History of Philosophers, their Stories and Opinions ( K. Akhbār al-falāsifah wa-qiṣaṣihim wa-ārāʾihim ): 75 There are eighty books by Pythagoras the Wise, the collection of which we owe to Archytas, the philosopher of Tarentum. Those that he gathered, assembled and collected with all his efforts from the disciples of Pythagoras the philosopher, who belonged to his faction and school and were the heirs of his knowledge, man by man, amount to two hundred in number. Archytas, who was distinguished for his clear intellect, put aside and segregated from these the books written in the style and name of Pythagoras that had been fabricated by dishonest men. These are: 1. Intimate Prayers ( K. al-Munājāt ). 2. Description of Vile Occupations ( K. waṣf al-mihan al-sayyiʾah ). 3. Art of Trickery ( K. ʿIlm al-makhārīq ). 4. Rules for Arranging Drinking Parties ( K. Aḥkām taṣwīr majālis alkhumūr ). 5. On Constructing Drums, Cymbals and String Instruments ( K. Tahyiʾat al-ṭubūl wa-l-ṣunūj wa-l-maʿāzif ). 6. Priestly Homilies ( K. al-Mayāmir al-kahnūtiyyah ). 76 7. On Sowing Crops ( K. Badhr al-zurūʿ ). 8. On Instruments ( K. al-Ālāt ). 9. Book of Poems ( K. al-Qaṣāʾid ). 10. On the Creation of the World ( K. Takwīn al-ʿālam ). 11. On Favours ( K. al-Ayādī ). 77 12. On Virtue ( K. al-Murūʾah ). There are also many other books similar to these with fabricated sayings [attributed to Pythagoras], may he enjoy eternal joy. [4.3.6.2] Porphyry continues: The dishonest men who fabricated the aforementioned false books were, according to the reports that have come down to us, Aristippus the Younger, 78 Nicus, 79 nicknamed the ‘One-eyed’, a Cretan named Conius 80 Megillus, 81 and F-w-ḥ-ḥ-w-ā-q-ā , 82 and others even more unscrupulous. What drove them to fabricate these false books and ascribe them to the philosopher Pythagoras was their desire to be well received among the more recent scholars because of him, and to be honoured and influential, and become a model for them. Those books of Pythagoras that are undoubtedly authentic come to two hundred and eighty. They fell into oblivion until a group of determined and pious wise men appeared. They sought, gathered and compiled these books, which had passed unnoticed in Hellas 83 because they had been kept in Italy. Plutarch says that Pythagoras was the first to use the term ‘philosophy’. Some of the books of Pythagoras that he found were: 84 13. Arithmetic ( K. al-Arithmāṭīqā ). 14. On Surfaces ( K. al-Alwāḥ ). 15. On Sleep and Wakefulness ( K. Fī l-nawm wa-l-yaqaẓah ). 16. The Quality of the Soul and the Body ( K. Fī kayfiyyat al-nafs wa-ljasad ). 85 17. Epistle to the Tyrant of Sicily ( R. Ilā mutamarrid Siqilliyah ). 86 18. Golden Epistle ( al-Risālah al-Dhahabiyyah ), which bore that name because Galen copied it in gold to glorify it and indicate the value it had for him, and he would read and study the epistle every day. 87 19. Epistle to S-q-ā-y-s on Inferring Meaning ( R. Ilā S-q-ā-y-s fī istikhrāj al-maʿānī ). 20. Epistle on Intellectual Leadership ( R. Fī l-siyāsah al-ʿaqliyyah ) – all these epistles were accompanied by a commentary of Iamblichus. 21. Epistle to M-y-d-w-s-y-w-s ( R. Ilā M-y-d-w-s-y-w-s ). 88 Footnotes 1 On the reception of Pythagoras in Islam and his influence see, ei 2 art. ‘Fīt̲h̲āg̲h̲ūras’ (F. Rosenthal). 2 The extant Greek passages of Porphyry do not mention Solomon and David. The alignment of Jewish-Christian chronography with the heroes of pagan learning (Pythagoras to Plato) in Christian apologist writing begins in the 2nd cent. ad with writers like Numenius. 3 For this passage see also Ṣiwān , 5. 4 Cf. Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī, Ṭabaqāt (Cheikho), 22; this passage occurs verbatim also in Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 258–259. 5 The source for the following words is Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 52; this author is credited below for a different quotation. 6 Lit. ‘contact with the killer and the killed’ ( mumāssat al-qātil wa-l-maqtūl ). 7 According to Porphyry’s Life of Pythagoras , the philosopher believed that all enquiries should begin by studying the science of men, i.e. physiognomy, which is the basis for knowing the nature of everything, see Des Places, Porphyre , §13. 8 The following passage corresponds to Porphyry’s Life §34 Des Places, used for the first time here. 9 The expressions used in the Arabic translation are ‘hunger-free’ ( ghayr mujawwiʿah ), a literal rendition of the Greek ἄλιμος; and ‘thirst-free’ ( ghayr muʿaṭṭishah ) as a rendering of ἄδιψος. Cf. also Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 52. 10 The Greek reads ‘until it loses its juice’. The manuscripts of iau have different renderings but the correct word is fatl , vegetal filaments or leaves. 11 The Arabic reads anthārīqūn , i.e. ἀνθερικῶν. 12 The Arabic reads alfīṭūn , i.e. ἀλφίτων. 13 The Arabic reads l-m-y-ṭ-y-r , a transliteration of Hymettus. According to Rufus, the honey collected from this mountain was considered the best in Attica, see Daremberg & Ruelle, Rufus , 297. 14 ms B has asūfā , also al-Shahrazūrī, and Cottrell suggests hyssop (ὕσσωπος) seeds, see Cottrell, ‘Pythagoras’, 491; the rest of the text follows the Greek closely, which here gives μαλάχης ὁμοίως σπέρματος as transmitted. 15 The Arabic reads a-n-d-r-ā-kh-n-n , from ἀνδράχνη. 16 The Greek has ‘cheese’. As Cottrell points out, the Arabic is the result of a scribal mistake: khubz for jubn , see Cottrell, ‘Pythagoras’, 491–492. 17 The origin of this word is unclear. It might be a transliteration of the very rare word ἁπαλό-στομος (‘delicate in the mouth’), which is not however in the text of Porphyry but may have replaced the difficult κνήστεως. Another possibility is a faulty transcription of the Greek κνήστεως, derived from q-y-ā-s-ṭ-ā-(m)-w-s – the lām and the mīm could have easily been confused with alif and yāʾ . 18 The Arabic reads: daqīq ʾ-w-ā-w-l-y-s (a faulty transcription of the Greek πάλης?). 19 The Arabic reads ʿasal ḥānūq where the Greek has μέλιτι νησιωτικῷ. Ḥābūq could be a deformation of nēsiōtikōs or nēsos but also a deformed place name. 20 Des Places, Porphyre , §35 ends here. 21 This last passage about Pythagoras’ love for his friends, which corresponds to the beginning of Des Places, Porphyre , §33, is in al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik, Mukhtār , 52–53. 22 This last sentence is not in the extant Greek text. 23 The Arabic title of Porphyry’s work. 24 What follows is a selection of the aphorisms contained in the Greek text, with the exception of the saying about the dens of the lions, which is not present; see Des Places, Porphyre , §42. 25 The Arabic reads qafīz (a dry measure of variable value) for Greek χοῖνιξ, a unit of dry capacity of just over a litre. 26 The Greek has ‘do not associate with anyone out of indolence, but from virtue’. 27 Arabic malāʾikah translates Greek θεῶν. 28 This is the beginning of a quotation that comprises Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 53–61. 29 Arabic ʾ-n-ā-j-q-ā-y-w-s . This paragraph paraphrases Des Places, Porphyre , §§1–2. 30 The Arabic reads: thalāth qabāʾil l-y-m-w-n wa-y-m-q-r-w-n wa-s-q-w-r-w-n , literally ‘the three tribes Lemnos, Imros, Scyros’, as if the names of the islands were peoples; the translation is adapted. In the Greek the Tyrrhenians colonize the three islands. 31 The following sentence begins a fairly close paraphrase of Des Places, Porphyre , §§10–12. 32 I.e. taking geometry and mensuration together. 33 The transmitted Greek (Des Places, Porphyre , §12) has Arabia. 34 In the Arabic Zārbāṭā resting on the shortened Greek alternative form, Ζαράτας; cf. e.g. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies 1. 2. 12 ‘Pythagoras went to Zaratas the Chaldaean’. On Zoroaster and his alleged encounter with Pythagoras see Kingsley, ‘Greek Origin’. 35 The paraphrase of Des Places, Porphyre , §§10–12 ends here. 36 Here begins a paraphrase of §15 with the addition of the story of Pherecydes’ death (resting on Greek legends, cf. e.g. Diogenes Laertius 1.117–122). 37 The Arabic reads Fārāqūdhīs al-ḥakīm al-suryānī , i.e. ‘the Syrian’. Pherecydes of Syrus was an early cosmologist, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Pherecydes [1]’ (L. Käppel), and Schibli, Pherekydes of Syros , 11–13. 38 The Arabic reads Dīlūn min Sūriyah , ‘Delos in Syria’. 39 The Arabic in ms A reads: ʾ-r-m-dh-ā-m-ā-n-y-ṭ-s (representing Ἑρμοδάμαντι). Hermodamas was a descendant of the Homeric Creophylus of Samos (the adjective Κρεοφυλείῳ is transcribed in ABGa as f-r-ā-w-f-r-ā-n-w-ʾ ); see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Hermodamas’ (Ch. Riedweg). We translate following the Greek. 40 This passage repeats what the author stated in the previous sentence, but the transliteration of the names is different; Hermodamas is transcribed as ʾ-r-m-w-d-ā-m-ā-n-y-s , and Κρεοφυλείῳ as ʾ-f-r-w-f-w-l-y-m . Here ends the paraphrase of Des Places, Porphyre , §15 and §16 begins with some information from §7. 41 Amasis (or Amosis) ii was the 5th ruler of the 26th dynasty (570–526 bc ). 42 The Arabic has a literal translation of Heliopolis: madīnat al-shams (city of the sun). 43 The Arabic reads: d-y-w-s-b-w-l-s . 44 Here begins Des Places, Porphyre , §9. 45 The Arabic reads: ʾ-n-ṭ-r-w-n , which is a transcription of the Greek word ἄντρον. 46 Polycrates was the Tyrant of Samos during 540–522, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Polycrates [1]’ (J. Cobet). 47 The Arabic – most likely corrupted – differs considerably from the Greek’s ‘seeing that Polycrates’ tyranny had become too harsh for it to be decent for a free man to bear its despotic control …’, see Des Places, Porphyre , §11. 48 At this point the narration moves to Des Places, Porphyre , §18. 49 The Arabic reads: wa-alzamahum ʿiṣmat al-qudamāʾ . The Greek text has: ‘he won the favour (ἐψυχαγώγησε) of the council of the elders’, see Des Places, Porphyre , §18. 50 End of Des Places, Porphyre , §18 and beginning of §19. 51 End of Des Places, Porphyre , §19 and beginning of §21. 52 Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik states: ‘from Croton, Syracuse, Agrigento, Rome, Taormina, and other cities’, see Mukhtār , 58. 53 Centuripae is a Sicilian town by Mt Etna. Simichus is known only from Porphyry (resting on Aristoxenus of Tarentum, the pupil of Aristotle). 54 Sister in the Greek. 55 Here ends Des Places, Porphyre , §21. 56 Arabic b-ā-n-w-s . 57 The Arabic here ( f-r-m-s ) is deformed; cf. Suda θ 84 Κρῆσσα. 58 Theano was Pythagoras’ wife according to the major tradition and credited with various pseudonymous texts; see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Theano [3]’ (M. Frede). Theano becomes a man in al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik and iau . Her father, Pythōnax, apparently becomes an imaginary place name (as if Πυθώνακτος was divided as *Πύθωνος ἄνακτος, ‘lord of Pytho’). 59 Cyrus (r. ca. 559–530) was the founder of the Persian Empire. 60 Cambyses r. 530–522. 61 The following passages correspond to Des Places, Porphyre , §34. 62 The Arabic reads: q-ā-kh-j-r-w-n , a transcription of the Greek κέγχρος. 63 See above, section 2. End of Des Places, Porphyre , §34; the next sentence is a very loose paraphrase of the end of §36. 64 Beginning of a paraphrase of Des Places, Porphyre , §§54–55. 65 Beginning of Des Places, Porphyre , §55. 66 End of Des Places, Porphyre , §55 and beginning of §56. 67 Caulonia was originally an Achaean colony that came under the rule of Croton. It is located in the eastern coast of Bruttium, today’s Calabria. 68 The Arabic reads haykal al-asnān . Asnān might be the plural of sinn (tooth, spear-head), which is an unlikely name for the temple; or of sinn (age). The most usual Arabic term to translate Muses is malāʾikah (angels), also ilāhāt (goddesses); these are very common words and it is unlikely that they might have been confused for asnān . A third possible and rather odd translation occurs in the Arabic version of Plato’s Laws as quoted by al-Bīrūnī: sakīnāt (al-Bīrūnī, Fī taḥqīq mā bāqiya li-l-Hind , 26), which might possibly lie behind asnān . A place name is also possible. 69 The Arabic reads m-w-s-s , a transliteration of μουσῶν. 70 Here ends the quotation from al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik. 71 Some of these sayings can be found in the Arabic version of Hippocrates’ Golden Verses ( Χρυσᾶ Ἔπη ), which circulated in varied versions and was quoted by numerous authors; see Rosenthal, ‘Pythagorean Documents’ ( i and ii ). 72 Cf. this saying also in Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Ādāb , 117. 73 Cf. this saying also in Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Ādāb , 117. 74 Cf. above Ch. 4.3.3 . 75 I.e. the History of Philosophy . This section on Archytas has been translated in Huffman, Archytas , 616–617. It has not been transmitted in Greek. 76 This might correspond to the Ps.-Pythagoras Sacred Discourse ( Hieros Logos ), see Centrone in Huffman, Pythagoreanism , 318. On the use of the Syriac word mayāmir , above Ch. 4.2 title no. 2 , footnote 7 . 77 Not ‘On Hands’ (Huffman), since this form of the plural of the wide-ranging yad , ‘hand’, bears the figurative meaning given here. 78 Aristippus the Younger was the grandson of Aristippus the Elder, the student of Socrates and founder of the Cyrenaic school of philosophy, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Aristippus [3]’ (K. Döring). 79 The Arabic reads: n-q-w-s ; there is no obvious μονόφθαλμος whose name ends in -νικος. 80 The Arabic reads: q-w-n-y-w-s . Cottrell suggests Cleinias owing to his association with Megillus, see ‘Pythagoras’, 505. 81 The Arabic reads: m-ā-gh-y-ā-l-w-s . 82 The Arabic ductus might support a conjectural reading of this name as a deformation of f-r-kh-t-w-n-ā , Perictione (Περικτιόνη). Perictione was the pen-name of one of the authors who wrote in the style of Pythagoras, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Perictione’ (M. Frede). 83 The Arabic reads ʾ-l-ā-dh-ā , pointing to a Syriac intermediary of the translation of Porphyry. 84 Cf. Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:153, which gives four titles: the Golden Epistle (with the same explanation), the Epistle on Intellectual Leadership , the Epistle to the Tyrant of Sicily , and the Epistle to S-y-f-ā-n-s on Inferring Meaning . For all remains attested in antiquity see Thesleff, Pythagorean Texts ; and van der Waerden, art. ‘Die Schriften und Fragmente des Pythagoras’, re Suppl. 10 (1965) 843–864. 85 This might correspond to Ps.-Timaeus On the Nature of the World and the Soul , see Centrone in Huffman, Pythagoreanism , 319. 86 Cf. the speech addressed to the famous Sicilian tyrant Phalaris, in Iamblichus, On the Pythagorean Life 218–220. 87 On this work see Thom, Golden Verses . The Golden Epistle ascribed to Pythagoras enjoyed great fame in the Islamic world and was object of several commentaries, on this tradition see ei 2 art. ‘Fīt̲h̲āg̲h̲ūras’ (Rosenthal). For an edition of some of the Arabic versions see: Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Ādāb , 116–119; Ṣiwān , 31–34; and Waṣiyyat Fīthāghūras al-dhahabiyyah , in Cheikho, Traités inédits , 59–63. 88 Taking into consideration the Arabic ductus , a highly conjectural reading could be F-y-rw-s-d-s , for Pherecydes, the teacher of Pythagoras, who is transcribed as F-ā-r-ā-q-w-dh-y-s above; see Ch. 4.3.4.1 . 4.4. Socrates 1 [4.4.1] The Qāḍī Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī says in his Book on the Categories of the Nations ( K. Ṭabaqāt al-umam ): 2 Socrates was one of the students of Pythagoras. In philosophy, he focused on metaphysics. 3 He shunned and rejected material pleasures, and spoke openly against the Greek custom of worshipping idols. When he disputed with their leaders, Socrates used clear arguments and proofs, but they roused the masses against him and compelled their ruler to kill him. The king had him imprisoned and ordered that he be given poison to appease the people and keep himself safe from the threat [of the populace]; this happened after discussions [between Socrates and] the king, which have been preserved. Socrates left behind noble counsels, excellent moral instruction, famous wise sayings, and doctrines on the divine attributes that are similar to those of Pythagoras and Empedocles. His opinions on the Hereafter, however, are deficient, fall beyond the boundaries of pure philosophy, and deviate from the correct doctrines. [4.4.2.1] The Emir al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik in The Choicest Maxims and Best Sayings ( Mukhtār al-ḥikam wa-maḥāsin al-kalim ) says: 4 The name Socrates means in Greek ‘maintaining justice’. 5 Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus, was born and raised in Athens. He lived there and left behind three sons. It was customary among them to marry the most excellent women so that their virtues would be passed on to their progeny. Socrates, however, sought to marry a stupid woman whose impudence had no parallel in that town; and so, by habituating himself to her stupidity and patiently bearing with her bad nature, he was able to endure the ignorance of both commoners and elites. Socrates’ unmeasured reverence for wisdom hurt those who sought knowledge after him because he considered it too noble to be confided to leaves and scrolls. Thus his saying, ‘Knowledge is something pure and holy, not corrupt or vile; we ought not to write it down, but to treasure it in our living souls, away from the skins of dead animals, and protected from the hearts of the insolent’. He never wrote a single book nor did he dictate anything for his pupils to record in a notebook. Rather, Socrates instructed them orally, as he had learned from his teacher Timotheus. 6 When he once asked as a young boy, ‘Why don’t you let me write down the wisdom I am hearing from you?’; Timotheus replied, ‘How can you trust in the skins of dead animals and reject the thoughts of living minds? Imagine that a man meets you in the street and poses a question to you. Would it be proper for you to return to your home with him in order to look for the answer in your books? That would not be right – so exercise your memory’. And Socrates applied himself to this. Socrates abstained from worldly things, which he held in little regard. It was customary for the Greek kings to take wise counsellors with them when going into battle. On one occasion, the king took Socrates with him when he travelled to attend some business of his. In the army camp, Socrates found protection from the cold in a broken amphora, where he accommodated himself. When the sun was up, he would come out and sit on top of the amphora to enjoy the sun’s warmth, and this is why he is called ‘Socrates of the barrel’. 7 On one occasion when the king walked past and found him inside the amphora, he stopped in front of him and said, ‘Why do we not see you, Socrates? Why are you avoiding us?’ And he replied, ‘I am busy, O King’. ‘With what?’ asked the king. Socrates replied, ‘With that which sustains life’. To which the king said, ‘Then come with us, and you will always find [this sustenance] at your disposal!’ And he said, ‘If I knew, O King, that this is what I would find with you, I would not refrain from taking it’. The king said, ‘As I have heard, you claim that worshipping idols is wrong’. Socrates replied, ‘I said no such thing’. The king asked, ‘What did you say then?’ And Socrates replied, ‘I only said that worshipping idols is useful for the king but harmful to Socrates. For this worship serves the king to foster the welfare of his subjects and exact his taxes, but Socrates knows that idols would not do any good or harm to him, for he believes in a creator who sustains him, and who will requite his bad and good deeds’. 8 The king asked, ‘Is there anything you need then?’ And Socrates answered, ‘Yes, take the reins of your mounts and turn them away from me, because your soldiers are obstructing the light of sun’. Later, the king ordered him to be presented with a splendid ceremonial mantel of silk brocade and similar fabrics, embroidered with precious stones, and with a great sum of money. But Socrates said, ‘O King, you promised to give me that which sustains life, but you brought instead things that will sustain death. Socrates has no need of stones from the earth, dry fibres of plants, or spittle of worms. That which Socrates needs is always with him wherever he goes’. [4.4.2.2] Socrates used to speak in symbolic language in the same way as Pythagoras. Some of his symbolic sayings are: When I search for the cause of life, I find death, and precisely when I find death I know how I have to live’. This means that whoever wants to live a godly life must mortify his body in respect of all sensual acts in so far as he has been endowed with strength, and only then will he be ready to live the true life. Speak at night where there are no bats’ nests, which means: you ought to be in dialogue with your soul in moments of solitude when collecting your thoughts, and prevent your soul from concerning itself with material preoccupations. Cover all five windows to shed light on a place of illness, which means: shut your five senses off from wandering in whatever is useless, in order to illuminate your soul. Fill the vessel with perfume, which means: nurture your intellect with clarity, discernment and wisdom. Empty the three parts of the basin of empty jugs, which means: free your heart of all the pains that result from the three faculties of the soul 9 which are the root of all evil. Do not eat black-tailed animals, which means: beware of sin. Do not exceed the limits of the pan-scale, which means: do not transgress the limits of truth. At the moment of death, do not be an ant, which means: do not hoard the treasures of the senses when you need to secure the salvation of your soul. One ought to know that there is no time of the year without spring, which means: nothing prevents you from acquiring virtue at any time. Search for three paths, but if you do not find them, content yourself with sleeping like one who has drowned. This means: seek knowledge of material and immaterial things, and of that of immaterial nature that exists together with material things. But allow yourself to neglect that which is too difficult for you to know. Nine is not more perfect than one, which means: the number ten is a compound number, 10 being larger than nine, and the number nine is perfected becoming ten only by adding one. Similarly, the nine virtues are completed and perfected only through the fear, love, and observance of God, the Mighty and the Glorious. 11 Acquire twelve things with twelve things. Which means: acquire virtues through the twelve parts of the body whereby one attains piety or sin; they are: the eyes, the ears, the nostrils, the tongue, the hands, the legs, and the sexual organs. Also: acquire in twelve months the various laudable things that bring a man to perfection in this world in respect of his self-management and knowledge. Sow with the black and harvest with the white, which means: sow with tears and reap with joy. Do not raise the crown only to dishonour it, which means: do not shun virtuous customs, for they surround all nations just as the band of the crown surrounds the head. [4.4.2.3] When Socrates’ contemporaries asked him about the cult of idols, he turned them away from this practice, proving the falsity of such devotion and condemning it. He commanded them to worship the Only God, the Eternal, the Maker and Creator of the world and all that is in it, to worship the Wise and Almighty rather than a sculpted stone that does not speak or hear or have any way of perceiving. He encouraged the people to be pious and righteous, he compelled them to do good and forbade them to engage in indecent and unlawful acts, because he trusted his contemporaries. But he did not seek to correct the way they conducted themselves completely, because he knew that they would not accept that from him. When the most prominent priests and ministers of that time became aware of the meaning of his programme, and learnt that he advocated banishing idol worship and turning people away from idolatry, they bore testimony against him, claiming that these charges carried a mandatory death penalty. The eleven judges of Athens asked for his death and Socrates was given the poison called hemlock 12 because the king was displeased with the judges’ request to kill Socrates, but he could not act against them, so he asked him to choose the way in which he wanted to die. He chose to die by poison, and the king accepted that. Socrates’ death was postponed for some months after he received his sentence. 13 The reason is that the ship sent every year to the Temple of Apollo with customary offerings was detained due to strong winds. It was delayed several months, and it was a custom amongst them not to shed blood or cause death by any other method before the return to Athens of the ship sent to the temple. During that time Socrates received in prison the visits of his friends. On one of these visits, Crito, who was one of Socrates’ friends, said, ‘The ship will arrive tomorrow or the day after tomorrow. We are not sparing any effort, and will pay some people to take you out of prison secretly; then, we will go all together to Rome and will settle there where they cannot reach you’. Socrates replied, ‘You are aware that I do not even possess four hundred dirhams’. Crito said, ‘I did not say you had to pay; we know that you cannot afford what they have asked us to pay, but our money will cover that and further expenses. Helping to rescue you and end your suffering brings joy to our souls’. But Socrates argued, ‘O Crito, this town, which treats me in this way, is nonetheless my town and the town of my kin. You know the reason for my imprisonment here, and I am due to be executed. This penalty was not imposed upon me for something that deserves it, but rather for opposing injustice, contesting tyrannical acts, and speaking out against those who offend God by worshipping idols instead of Him, may He be exalted. Among them, this brought me the death penalty, but these ideas would go with me wherever I go. I will never give up fighting for the truth and denouncing falseness and those advocating it, wherever I am, and the people of Rome are even less pious in my eyes than the people of my own city. Since I would seek the truth and fight for it wherever I am, I would not be safe there either but rather in the same state in which I find myself now’. Crito insisted, ‘Think of your son and your family, and the dire state in which you will leave them’. But Socrates said, ‘What they would find in Rome is no different, except that you are here, and it is less likely that they suffer penury in your company’. When the third day arrived Socrates’ pupils met him at sunrise as they used to do. The prison guard arrived and opened the door, the eleven judges arrived to meet him, stayed for a while, then left him alone and ordered the fetters to be removed from his feet. The guard came towards Socrates’ pupils and let them meet him. They greeted him and took a seat. Socrates left his bed and sat on the floor, then he extended his legs, massaged and rubbed them, saying, ‘How wondrous are the deeds of the divine providence that brings contraries together. There is rarely any pleasure that is not followed by pain, nor any pain not followed by pleasure’. This saying sparked a debate among them. Simmias and Phaedo asked something about the actions of the soul and the conversation among them continued until the topic of the soul was fully discussed with precise inquiry. Socrates was in those moments, as was reported, in a state of joy, contentment and happiness; and they all were amazed by his sharpness, and the little importance he gave to death. Even in such a state, he did not refrain from enquiring about the truth, he did not lose his moral integrity and his soul was in the same state as when safe from death. But his disciples were downhearted and desolate on account of his impending departure. Simmias said, ‘Seeking knowledge by asking you, when in this state, is very hard for us and an affront to our friendship. But if we refrain from seeking knowledge now we will greatly regret it tomorrow, when we will not find in the world any wise man to explain what we want’. And Socrates replied, ‘O Simmias, do not refrain from asking whatever you want: your enquiry makes me happy; and there is no difference between my current state and any other, as far as my desire to seek the truth is concerned. I am going to lose friends and colleagues who are noble, praiseworthy and virtuous – and I was sincere and wholehearted when I said the words that you have just heard from me – but I am also going to meet other friends who are noble, praiseworthy and virtuous, such as Achilles, Ajax and Hercules, 14 and all other ancestors who stand out for their spiritual virtues’. [4.4.2.4] When the discussion on the soul was finished and they had learned what they desired, they asked him about the configuration of the universe, the movements of the spheres, and the composition of the elements. Socrates replied to all that. Then he told them many other stories about metaphysics and divine secrets, and once he had finished with that he said, ‘I think that now it is time for me to wash myself and pray while I can, lest we burden anyone with washing corpses. Al-Irmāmānī 15 has already called and I am to go with Zeus; as for you, return to your families’. Then he stood up and entered the building to wash himself and pray. While waiting, they talked about the great calamity his loss would be; by losing Socrates they would lose a most excellent sage and a pious father, for his departure will leave them as orphans. Then Socrates went out and called for his wife and sons – an elder son and two young children. He said goodbye, bade them his last farewell and let them go. Crito asked him, ‘What do you want us to do with your family and with other matters?’ And he replied, ‘I do not ask for anything other than what I have always expected from you: strive to perfect your souls. If you do that you will have made me happy and everyone related to me as well.’ Then he remained silent for a while and so did the rest. The servant of the eleven judges came and exclaimed, ‘Socrates, I see that you are a courageous man. You should know that it is not I but the eleven judges who are the cause of your death. I am compelled to obey their orders, but you are the most excellent man that has come to this place. Drink the poison willingly, and wait patiently for the unavoidable’. Then he went away, his eyes filled with tears. Socrates said, ‘I will do that. You are not to blame’. He remained silent for a moment, turned towards Crito and said, ‘Tell the man to bring me the lethal drink’. He asked a servant to fetch the prison guard. When called he came with the poison; Socrates took it from him and drank it. As soon as they saw he had drunk the poison they broke in tears, sorrow pierced them in a way their souls had never experienced, and their weeping and crying rose. Socrates reproached and admonished them by saying, ‘We let the women go precisely to be spared this’. Seized by shame, they resolved to obey him despite the inconsolable pain caused by such loss. Socrates proceeded to walk to-and-fro for a while, then he called the servant and told him, ‘My legs are getting heavy’. The man told him to lie down and Socrates did so; then the servant began to touch his feet and to palpate them, and said, ‘Do you feel my touch?’ ‘No’ – he replied. Then he applied more pressure and asked whether he felt that. ‘No’ – he replied. Then he touched his legs and went on asking every now and then, and Socrates always replied, ‘No’. Gradually, he started to feel cold, and this cold progressed until it reached his loins. The servant said, ‘He will pass away when the cold reaches his heart’. And Crito exclaimed, ‘O master of wisdom, I see that our minds and yours are parting, so give us your last will!’. Socrates said, ‘You ought to do what I asked you before’. Socrates held Crito’s hand and took it to his cheek. ‘Let me know your wish’, said Crito, but there was no answer. Socrates’ gaze became fixed, and he said, ‘I surrender my soul to the One who receives the souls of the wise’. So he died. Crito closed his eyes and his jaws. Plato was not with them because he was sick. It is said that Socrates left behind twelve thousand disciples among his students and their students. [4.4.2.5] Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik also says: Socrates was a man of pale skin, reddish hair and blue eyes. He was large-boned, with an ugly face, and narrow shoulders. His movements were slow, but he was quick in his answers. He had a dishevelled beard and was not particularly tall. When asked he would bow his head for a moment before answering with persuasive words. He was often alone, did not eat and drink but little, and often mused about death. He travelled little but exercised his body persistently, his clothes were humble but dignified, his speech eloquent and flawless. He died by poison when he was one hundred and some years. 16 [4.4.3] I – Ibn al-Uṣaybiʿah – have found a book by Plato entitled The Apology ( Iḥtijāj Suqrāṭ ʿalā ahl Athīniyah ) 17 with an account of Socrates’ speech, in which he states, ‘Before this occasion, I had not attended a court of law, and I am now seventy years old’. 18 This disputation between him and the people of Athens took place shortly before his death. According to Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn, Socrates lived almost as much as Plato, and he states that Plato lived eighty years. 19 In his Stories of the Philosophers and the Sages ( K. Nawādir al-falāsifah wa-l-ḥukamāʾ ), Ḥunayn says that the ring-stone of Socrates had the inscription, ‘He whose passions master his reason will be shamed’. 20 [4.4.4] These are some of the sayings of Socrates that the emir al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik compiled in his book: 21 It a matter of wonder to those aware of the temporality of the world how it distracts them from that which is eternal. Souls have various forms: those with similar forms conform to each other, those which are dissimilar are in opposition. Souls conform when their aspirations coincide, and oppose each other when their desires diverge. The soul comprises all things: he who knows his soul knows everything; he who does not know it knows nothing. Whoever is stingy with his soul is even more stingy towards others; but generosity is to be expected from those who are generous with their souls. He who knows himself is never lost, but how lost is he who does not know himself! A little education suffices the good soul, but much education will not bear fruit in a wicked one for the badness of its soil. If ignorant people would remain silent, disagreement would disappear. There are six kinds of persons who are always filled with sorrow: the resentful, the envious, the nouveau riche, the rich man who fears poverty, he who craves a high status that he is unable to achieve, and he who frequents people of erudition and good manners without being one of them. He who guards his secret conceals his affairs from the people. The good-doer is better than his good deeds, the wrong-doer worse than his wrongs. Intellect is a gift, knowledge an acquisition. You will not be perfect until your enemy trusts you; what to say then, if you cannot be trusted by your friend? Beware of those whom your heart loathes. This world is a prison for those who renounce it, and a paradise for those who indulge in it. Everything bears its fruit, and having little brings swift calm and goodness for the pure soul. The world is like a fire burning on the highway: those who use it to light a torch and illuminate their way will be free from its evil, those who sit there to claim exclusive possession of it will be burned by its heat. Those who care about the world forfeit their souls; those who care about their soul renounce the world. He who cares about the material world and attains what he craves, will leave it for something else; and if he does not attain it, he will die in distress. Do not correct the mistakes of those who live in error; they will profit from your knowledge, and still consider you an enemy. Someone said to Socrates, ‘We have never seen you sad’. He replied, ‘It is because I do not possess anything the loss of which would sadden me’. He who wants to annihilate his passions should only crave what he can attain. Praise those you love to whomever you encounter, for love begins with praise, just as enmity begins with dispraise. If you are given a position of authority keep bad people far from you or you will be blamed for all their faults. A man of noble descent and poor morals said to Socrates, ‘Do you suffer disdain, O Socrates, for the vileness of your origins?’ And he replied, ‘Your noble descent ends with you, mine starts with me’. The best of everything is its middle point. The people in this world pass away like figures in a scroll: when part of it is spread out part of it is rolled up. Patience helps every undertaking. He who hastens will often stumble. If the intellect of a man is not his dominant trait, he will be defeated in most things. No wise man possesses true wisdom until he subdues his bodily impulses. Treat your parents as you want your sons to treat you. The intelligent man should talk to the ignorant like the physician talks to the sick. He who seeks worldly things will have a short life and many worries. Every possession implies servitude, and someone who serves something other than himself is not free. Socrates was asked, ‘What is the nearest thing?’ – ‘This world’, he replied. ‘And the furthest?’ – ‘Hope’. ‘What is the most sociable thing?’ – ‘A congenial friend’. ‘And the loneliest thing?’ – ‘Death’. Death purges the world from the evil of the wicked. Men have only one tongue and two ears so that they might hear more than they talk. The mightiest king is the one who subdues his passions. When Socrates was asked, ‘What is the most pleasurable thing?’. He replied, ‘The benefits of education, and learning things that you did not know’. Education is the most precious and incumbent thing for young people, and the first benefit it brings them is to prevent them from vile deeds. A man’s most precious possession is a sincere friend. The silent man will be regarded as inarticulate, but will be safe; the one who speaks will be considered interfering, and will regret it. Despise death, for its bitterness resides in the fear of it. Socrates was once asked, ‘What is a praiseworthy acquisition?’. He replied, ‘Something that increases in value against the outlay on it’. Those who keep someone’s secret without being asked to do so are worthy of gratitude; if he is asked to do it, it is a duty. Keep the secrets of others as you wish others to keep your own secrets. Though keeping a secret may be a burden to you, it will be a heavier burden to others. When someone asked, ‘Why should an intelligent person ask for advice?’. Socrates replied, ‘The reason is that it is a way to free someone’s opinion from passion; we only seek advice because we fear the consequences of passion.’ The man of good morals lives a pleasant life, his well-being lasts and people love him without fail; someone of bad character lives a miserable life, hatred of him endures and people shun him. The man of good character covers the faults of others; the man of bad character corrupts their virtues. Wisdom begins with good character. Sleep is a brief death, death a long sleep. Socrates said to a student, ‘Never trust time, for it is quick to betray those who rely on it’. He who is contented with time on one occasion, will be hurt by it on another. When the love for this world inspires someone’s soul, he fills his heart with three feelings: [a sense of] poverty that his wealth will never overcome, hopes that his means will not fulfil, and preoccupations that will never end. If you need to ask someone to keep a secret of yours, do not confide it to him. Socrates was once asked why the water of the sea is salty, and he replied, ‘Tell me what you will gain by knowing that, and I will tell you why’. There is nothing more harmful than ignorance and nothing worse than women. Once he looked at a little girl who was learning to write and said, ‘Do not add harm to harm’. Whoever wants to escape the ruses of the Devil should never obey a woman: women are like an erect ladder and the Devil needs no snare to make them climb up it. Socrates said to a student, ‘My son, if you must have a woman, let your relationship with her be like the eating of carrion, which is only eaten in extreme need, taking only as much as is required to keep one alive. If one takes more than is needed, it will make him sick and kill him’. When Socrates was asked about his opinion on women, he replied, ‘Women are like an oleander tree: it has beauty and splendour, but is lethal for the inexperienced man who eats from it.’ Someone once told him, ‘How do you dare criticize women, when you, like any other wise men, would not exist without them?’. He replied, ‘Women are like a palm-tree full of prickles that might wound the body of a person but is loaded with dates to harvest’. Archigenes 22 told him, ‘What you said to the people of the city was not well received’. And he replied, ‘It does not concern me if it was unacceptable, but I am concerned that it was right’. Do not give any thought to someone who has no shame. May the ingratitude of the ungrateful never turn you away from good deeds. An ignorant man is someone who stumbles twice over the same stone. Experience is enough to educate, the vicissitudes of time enough to admonish, and the morals of those you frequent enough to instruct you. Be aware that you follow the steps of those who have passed away, that you stand in the place of those who are gone, and that you will go back to where you came from. The tribulations of time suffice to teach a lesson: every day you will learn something new. When calamity strikes, those who live in ease are grieved by their wealth. He who cares little about his losses has a calm soul and serene mind. Someone ungrateful for what has been bestowed upon him is unlikely to improve his wellbeing. Many a man wary of something will find it to be his bane. Heal wrath with silence. Good repute is better than wealth, which runs out whilst repute remains. And wisdom is wealth that neither disappears nor dwindles. Prefer legitimate poverty to forbidden wealth. The most virtuous way of life is to make an honest profit and control one’s expenses. Someone who gains experience increases his knowledge, someone who believes increases his certainty, he who is certain works hard, and whoever is eager to work increases his power; but someone who is lazy becomes weaker, and he who hesitates multiplies his doubts. A verse of Socrates in Arabic metre says: 23 This world, albeit loved tenderly, is but a passing glance. Do not share what you have in your soul with everyone. How disgraceful it is that people conceal their precious things at home whilst they expose the contents of their hearts. Unless by saying ‘I do not know’ I imply that I do know something, 24 I would say, ‘I do not know’. Every possession is a source of sorrow: do not acquire sorrow. Have few possessions and your misfortunes will be few. [4.4.5] The following writings are ascribed to Socrates: An epistle to his friends comparing law and philosophy. On the Correction of the Soul ( K. Muʿātabat al-nafs ). 25 On Governance ( M. Fī l-siyāsah ). It is said that the attribution of the Epistle on the Virtuous Life ( R. fī l-sīrah al-jamīlah ) is also correct. Footnotes 1 This biography is present is all three versions of the text. For an account of the figure of Socrates in Arabic sources see Alon, Socrates in Mediaeval Arabic Literature , and Alon, Socrates Arabus . 2 Cf. Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī, Ṭabaqāt (Cheikho), 23, (Bū ʿAlwān), 75; and al-Shahrazūrī, Nuzhat al-arwāḥ , ed. Khūrshīd, 119. 3 In Arabic, al-ʿulūm al-ilāhiyyah . 4 Badawī, Al-Mubashshiribn Fātik , 82–91; and al-Shahrazūrī, Nuzhatal-arwāḥ , ed. Khūrshīd, 119–131. 5 The name (based on the roots of the Greek words σῶς ‘safe/sound’ and κράτος ‘power/force’) suggests ‘strong in safety/certainty/integrity’. 6 In Badawī, Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 83: Timaeus. This figure is unidentified. 7 This episode is the result of a confusion between Socrates and Diogenes, and the famous encounter of the Cynic philosopher with Alexander the Great. The story of Socrates and the barrel ( ḥubb ) has survived in different sources. Ibn al-Qifṭī glosses the name Socrates of the Barrel explaining that he received that nickname because he used to live in a barrel ( ḥubb ), which is in fact a wine amphora ( dann ), see Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 197–198. The term used by iau is zīr maksūr (broken amphora). In al-Shahrazūrī, the container is referred to as ḥubb , see Nuzhat al-arwāḥ , ed. Khūrshīd 120–121. This barrel was taken by al-Shahrastānī as an allegorical reference to the human body, see al-Milal wa-l-nihal , ii:143. The same story has also been related about Plato, who becomes an ascetic philosopher in al-Qazwīnī, Āthār al-bilād , 570. 8 The meaning of this answer to the king is clearer in a version of this anecdote transmitted by al-Kindī, in which Socrates states, ‘Because he who truly knows God, and [who knows] what satisfies Him, needs nothing to deter him from doing evil and to frighten him from it, and that is accomplished through his commitment to duties. Others need the fear of invented idols to deter them from evil’; see Alon, Socrates in Mediaeval Arabic Literature , 60. 9 In Plato’s Phaedrus Socrates divides the soul into three parts using the allegory of a pair of winged horses and a charioteer ( Phaedrus , 246a), though it is not clear if he actually developed a tripartite conception of the soul. Plato’s most detailed treatment of the tripartite soul occurs in the Timaeus , where it is divided into intellect ( logos ), spiritedness ( thumos ), and appetitiveness ( epithumia ). 10 The term compound ( ʿaqd ) is used for any group of ten items, or in the case of numerals, 10–19, 20–21, etc.; cf. Dozy, Supplément s.v. 11 For the nine virtues, cf. Aristotle, Rhetoric 1366b, ‘justice, courage, self-control, magnificence, magnanimity, liberality, gentleness, practical and speculative wisdom’ (δικαιοσύνη, ἀνδρία, σωφροσύνη, μεγαλοπρέπεια, μεγαλοψυχία, ἐλευθεριότης, πραότης, φρόνησις, σοφία). 12 The Greek name κώνειον (transcribed qūniyūn ) was used by Dioscorides and other Greek writers to refer to hemlock ( conicum maculatum L.). In Arabic literature, shawkarān was the usual term for hemlock, but there was often confusion with henbane ( Hyoscyamus albus L. var. niger and related species), which was sometimes called shawkarān as well as banj . See Levey, Medical Formulary , 295–296 no. 175; Lev & Amar, Materia Medica , 418–419; Maimonides, On Poisons , 27 (sect. 39), 59 (sect. 86). 13 The following is based loosely on the Phaedo . 14 No reference to these heroes is made in the Greek version. 15 I.e. Fate. The Arabic irmāmānī , as Badawī points out (Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 89 n. 2) is a transcription of ἡ εἱμαρμένη. Cf. Phaedo 115a. 16 Here ends the full quotation from Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , which comprises Ch. 4.4.2.1 – 4.4.2.5 , and corresponds to al-Shahrazūrī, Nuzhat al-arwāḥ , ed. Khūrshīd, 119–131. 17 Literally, ‘remonstration with’, ‘plea to’. 18 Cf. Apology 17d. 19 Cf. Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn, Taʾrīkh , 66. 20 Cf. Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Ādāb , 45. 21 iau selects from the large number of maxims at Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 91–126; some of these aphorisms were also collected in Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Ādāb , 62–73. 22 Arshījānis cf. Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 73, Aristijānis (which Lippert rightly takes as Archigenes). 23 Metre: madīd . This verse is not included in the Mukhtār , but can be found in Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Ādāb , 72; also, Ibn Faḍl Allāh, Masālik , ix:26. 24 I.e. he knows the fact that he does not know. 25 A book with the same title is listed below among the works of Plato, see below the list of books at Ch. 4.5.4 no. 46 . 4.5. Plato 1 [4.5.1] Plato’s name is written F-l-ā-ṭ-n, A-f-l-ā-ṭ-n , and A-f-l-ā-ṭ-w-n . Sulaymān ibn Ḥassān, known as Ibn Juljul, says in his book: 2 Plato was a wise man originally from the city of Athens. He was a Greek speaking philosopher, an ancient Greek, 3 and a physician with good knowledge of geometry and of the nature of numbers. Plato composed a book on medicine for his disciple Timaeus, and books and poems on philosophy. No-one before had addressed the composition [of things] 4 as he did, for he discovered the work of the [divine] weave based on the five compositional proportions, which are the only proportions to be found in all existing composites. 5 When he fully understood the nature of numbers, 6 and knew the five compositional proportions, he gazed upon knowledge of the whole universe and understood the positions occupied 7 by the particles, which combine and blend by their distinctive kinds ( alwān ) and colours ( aṣbāgh ), and their combining affinity ( al-iʾtilāf ) in accordance with proportion. This allowed him to understand the principles behind the composition of forms ( ʿilm al-taṣwīr ): a first all-comprehensive movement was the orgin of all particular movements, then [the forms] were divided according to their numerical proportions, and each compositional particle took its position accordingly. In this way Plato attained knowledge of the principles behind the creation of all forms. Plato wrote a book on philosophy with all that he learnt about the work of the [divine] weave ( ṣināʿat al-dībāj ) and the principles of all composed forms. 8 His philosophical argumentation is magnificent, and he was one of those who made laws and rules for the people of that time, for he wrote The Republic ( K. al-Siyāsah ), a work on this matter, and the Laws ( K. al-Nawāmīs ). 9 He lived during the rule of Darius ‘the Bastard’ 10 the father of the king Darius killed by Alexander. 11 This was after the time of Hippocrates, during the reign of Alexander’s father Philip. In this period, the Romans and Greeks were under Persian dominion. [4.5.2] In The Choicest Maxims and Best Sayings ( Mukhtār al-ḥikam wa-maḥāsin al-kalim ) Al-Mubāshshir ibn Fātik says: In their language Plato means ‘wide and broad’. Plato’s father was Ariston and all his ancestors were noble Greeks of the kin of Asclepius. His mother was an aristocratic descendant of Solon, the lawmaker. As a child, Plato studied poetry and language and excelled in these disciplines, until one day he met Socrates, who rebuked the art of poetry in a way that impressed Plato and resulted in him rejecting all that he had learnt about it. 12 He joined Socrates and studied with him for five years until he passed away. Then Plato heard about a group of followers of Pythagoras in Egypt and travelled there to learn from them. Before his association with Socrates, Plato was inclined to the theories of Heraclitus, but after meeting him he rejected Heraclitus’ school. He used to follow Heraclitus’ teachings concerning the sensible world, Pythagoras’ opinions concerning the rational world, and Socrates’ ideas regarding ethical conduct. Then Plato returned to Athens from Egypt and founded there two centres of learning where he instructed the people. Afterwards he went to Sicily, where he encountered Dionysius, the tyrant who reigned there and subjected him to severe trials until Plato was able to escape from him and return to Athens. In Athens he lived a virtuous life and made good by helping the destitute. The Athenians wanted to entrust him with their government, but he refused because he saw that they lived according to a way of behaviour he did not consider correct and to which they were so habituated that he would have not been capable of guiding their souls. He knew that he was unable to persuade them to change and that any attempt to turn them away from their current state would result in him dying like his master Socrates, who was killed even though he did not seek to force them to make their regime perfect. 13 Plato lived eighty-one years. He was a man of good morals and virtuous deeds who did plenty of good for both friends and strangers; he was measured, forbearing and patient. Plato had many students and he left two men in charge of two teaching positions: the place named ‘Academia’ in Athens was occupied by Xenocrates; and the other, named ‘Lyceum’, also in Athens, was entrusted to Aristotle. Plato used to wrap his wisdom in parables and talk in riddles in such a way that its meaning was only grasped by the learned. He studied with Timaeus 14 and Socrates and took many ideas from them. He composed numerous books, the titles of fifty-six of which have come down to us, among them lengthy books composed of several sections. Plato’s works were linked in groups of fours, which were collectively devoted to a single general topic and individually focused on a specific aspect of that common theme. Each one of these groups of books was called a quartet ( rābūʿ ), and each quartet was also linked with the previous one. 15 Plato had tawny skin, an average stature, beautiful in appearance with perfect features, a beautiful beard, and little hair on his cheeks. He was silent and soft-speaking, had quick and bright eyes, a black mole at the bottom of his chin, a long arm span, and gentle speech. He was fond of empty areas, of wild places, and of solitude, and most of the time his whereabouts were revealed by the sound of his weeping, which could be heard from miles away deep in the desert and the wilderness. According to Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn Plato lived eighty years. And Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq wrote in his Stories of the Philosophers and the Sages ( K. Nawādir al-falāsifah wa-l-ḥukamāʾ ) that the inscription in Plato’s ring stated: ‘Moving the immobile is easier than stopping what has already been set in motion’. 16 [4.5.3] These are some of the witty sayings and exhortations of Plato collected by al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik – may God bless him – in his book: 17 Habit governs all things. If the wise man avoids people, search for him; if he seeks them, avoid him. He who in wealth is not generous with his friends will be abandoned by them in poverty. When Plato was asked: ‘Why do you not treasure knowledge along with wealth?’; he replied, ‘To strengthen perfection’. When he was asked who was the most reliable man to entrust with the regulation of the city, he replied, ‘The one who regulates himself in a virtuous way’. Someone asked him, ‘Who is safe from vice and dishonourable deeds?’; and he replied, ‘He who lets his intellect be his guardian, his awareness his vizier, good advice his reins, forbearance his commander, adherence to devotion his assistant, fear of God his companion, and awareness of death his intimate friend’. A king is like a powerful river from which smaller rivers derive: if sweet-watered they will have sweet water, if salty they will be salty as well. If you want to prolong pleasure, never exhaust its source: fill it with virtue so that it will last for you. In time of war beware of employing bravery but leaving intellect aside: the intellect sometimes suffices without need of courage, but you will never see courage succeed without intellect. The goal of education is to give men a sense of shame about themselves. My soul aches for three things only: a rich man who becomes poor, a powerful man who falls into disgrace, and a wise man who is mocked by the ignorant. Do not associate with evil-doers: the only benefit you will received from them is that they leave you alone. 18 Do not try to work fast but rather to work well: people will not ask about the time it took you to complete your work, but only about its quality. 19 Do good to a noble man 20 and he will be encouraged to reward you; do good to a vile man and he will be encouraged to ask for more. Wicked men follow immoral people and avoid the virtuous, just as flies are attracted to the filthy parts of the body and leave the rest. Do not underestimate your enemy or adversity will overwhelm you the more so in proportion to the way you assess him. A man is not fully magnanimous until he is a sincere friend of those who oppose him. 21 Seek in this life knowledge and wealth and you will gain ascendancy over all people, for they are either nobles or commoners: the nobles will value you for what you excel in, the commoners for what you have. Whoever aligns the nobility of his origins with the nobility of his soul does right by himself and may truly claim his virtue; whoever neglects his soul by simply relying on the nobility of his ancestors disavows them and does not deserve to be given preference over anyone because of them. Never buy a slave who is governed by his passions, because he will have another master; nor a hot-tempered one, who will resent your ownership; nor one with opinions, for he will employ ruses to deceive you. If you give excessive advice employ the pleasant flattery used by people who deceive: do not let yourself be persuaded by your superiority over your peers or the fruits of your superiority will be spoiled. Do not judge anyone by the status that circumstances gave them, but by their real worth, which is the rank granted to them by nature. In harsh times, virtues are not in demand and become harmful, but vices are a requested and useful commodity, and the fear of the wealthy is worse than that of the poor. The tyrant is at ease so long as he respects the principles of civilisation and the foundations of religious law; but if he takes aim at them, the Master of the World will move against him and he will be annihilated. When the words convey the true intention of the speaker, they direct the listener’s intention; but if words and intention are dissimilar they do not leave the intended impression. The best kings are remembered as just rulers and their virtues taken as a model by his successors. An ignorant man once asked Plato, ‘How can you know so many things?’; and he replied, ‘Because [my lamp] consumes as much oil as you wine’. The eyes of the lover are blind to the defects of the beloved. If you speak to someone more knowledgeable than you, how about: hold back your opinions and don’t bother him with verbiage; if you address someone less knowledgeable make your speech simple so that he may grasp by the end what he has failed to understand at the start. Forbearance should only be attributed to someone who controls his power, and renunciation only to one who relinquishes something after being able to enjoy it. Someone tough in spirit does not succumb to misery. A man with a good character is he who endures those with a bad one. The most noble people are those ennobled by their virtues, not those who use their virtues to be honoured. If the virtues of a man are of his very essence, they ennoble him; if they are accidental, he might use them to be honoured but they do not make him a noble man. A man with a moderate sense of embarrassment refrains from all that might bring him into disrepute. But if it is excessive, he will reject things he needs; and if it falls short he will on most occasions abandon the robes of decency. When your enemy falls under your power, he is no longer one of your enemies but a subordinate. Men ought to look at their faces in the mirror: if beautiful, they will detest spoiling their beauty with wicked acts, if ugly, they will abhor the idea of adding more ugliness. Do not befriend the wicked man, or your nature will become imbued with his evil without you even being aware of it. If your arguments prevail in a discussion with an honourable man, he will show you honour and invest you with dignity; if your arguments succeed against a vile man, he will take you as his enemy and seek to use them against you. He who, while on good terms, praises you for qualities you do not possess, will vilify you when he is resentful for vices that you do not have. Authority is a necessity in this world due to the overwhelming weakness of its people. He who seeks knowledge for its own sake will not be worried by its inability to make him money, but those who seek it for its profits will leave their study for something that brings them gain as soon as fortune abandons their family. You ought to be more fearful about the way you treat your enemy than about the way he treats you. Many a man is counted happy for a good fortune that is actually a trial, and many are envied for a condition that, in fact, is a malady. Men’s passions are roused in the same degree as the passions and desires of their king. With regard to knowledge, the only praiseworthy thing I know is that I do not know anything. 22 Hope is a deceit for souls. Protect the laws that protect you. If you become the intimate friend of a man, you should be the friend of his friend, but not the enemy of his enemy. The advice reveals the nature of the adviser. The intelligent man ought to acquire only that which adds to his qualities, and only serve those who are close to him in character. Most virtues have a bitter inception and sweet consequences, whilst most vices have a sweet inception but bitter consequences. Do not put too much onto the company of those who collect people’s faults, for they will extract information from you about your failings and will tell them to others as they have told you about others. Success intercedes for sinners with the noble. 23 The decisive man ought to prepare himself for business to the extent demanded by reason, but should not rely on those factors that fall beyond his reach and he hopes to achieve, or on those which are the result of habit. These factors are not in his power but rather the outcome of coincidences on which his decisiveness should not rely. Someone asked Plato, ‘Why does a man persevere in amassing wealth even in old age?’. He replied, ‘Because he prefers to leave his wealth to his enemies after his death, rather than needing the help of his friends during his life’. Plato once saw an ignorant physician and said, ‘This one encourages and arouses death’. An excess in advice-giving throws much suspicion on its author. A man ought not to occupy his heart with that which will abandon him; but rather treasure that which remains. Aristotle asked Plato, ‘When does a man know that he has become a wise?’. He replied, ‘When he is not conceited in his opinions, when his tasks are no longer a burden, and when censure does not stir up anger or praise pride’. When he was asked, ‘What should one be wary of?’. He replied, ‘Of the powerful enemy, the troublesome friend, and the wrathful lord’. He was once asked, ‘What is the most profitable thing for men?’; and he replied, ‘To care for his own rectitude more than that of others’. A wicked, learned man rejoices defaming the wise men of the past and is grieved by those who live in his time, because rather than wanting to learn from others he is driven by his ambition for power. The good, learned man is hurt when he loses the experience of any of his peers, because his desire to increase and enhance his knowledge through conversation is greater than his desire for power and command. Censuring the offence of a man who has already been pardoned belittles this gesture, reproof should always precede the pardon of the crime. During your life seek wisdom, wealth and good deeds, because the nobles will like you for the things you master, the commoners for what you possess, and everybody for what you have done. Plato was asked about the world on his deathbed, and he said: ‘I came to this world by compulsion, lived in it in perplexity, and here I am, leaving it unwillingly, and not reckoning anything but my ignorance of it.’ [4.5.4] Plato’s works include: 24 1. The Apology of Socrates ( K. Iḥtijāj Suqrāṭ ʿalā ahl Athīniyah ). 25 2. Phaedo, on the Soul ( K. Fādhun fī l-nafs ). 26 3. The Republic ( K. al-Siyāsah al-madaniyyah ). 27 4. The Spiritual Timaeus ( K. Ṭīmāwus al-rūḥānī ) on the order of the three worlds of the intellect: the world of divinity, the world of reason, and the world of the soul. 28 5. The Physical Timaeus ( K. Ṭīmāwus al-ṭabīʿī ), consisting of four sections dealing with the order of the natural world. Plato wrote these two books for a student named Timaeus and the aim in this book was to describe the whole of the natural world. 29 [Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah] continues: Galen mentions in the second section of his book On the Opinions of Hippocrates and Plato ( K. Fī ārāʾ Abuqrāṭ wa-Aflāṭūn ) 30 that the Timaeus had been commented on by many authors and so much detail that they exceeded the bounds of the discourses on the natural world that it contains; but few of these commentators wanted to discuss these, and those who have done so have misinterpreted what was written in them. Galen wrote a book in four sections explicating the medical content of the Timaeus . 31 6. Platonic Sayings ( K. al-Aqwāl al-aflāṭūniyyah ). 7. Euthyphro ( K. Awthifrun ). 8. Crito ( K. Aqrīṭun ). 32 9. Cratylus ( K. Qrāṭilus ). 33 10. Theaetetus ( K. Thāṭīṭus ). 11. Sophist ( K. Sāfisṭis ). 34 12. Statesman ( K. Fūlīṭīqūs ). 13. Parmenides ( K. Barmīnīdis ). 35 14. Philebus ( K. Filibus ). 15. Symposium ( K. Simbūsīn ). 36 16. Alcibiades i ( K. Alfiyādis al-awwal ). 17. Alcibiades ii ( K. Alfiyādis al-thānī ). 37 18. Hipparchus ( K. Ibarkhus ). 19. Erastai, on Philosophy ( K. Arasṭā fī l-falsafah ). 20. Theages, on Philosophy ( K. Thājīs fī l-falsafah ). 21. Euthydemus ( K. Thūmīdhrus ). 38 22. Laches, on Courage ( K. Lākhīs fī l-shajāʿah ). 23. Lysis ( K. Lūsīs ). 24. Protagoras ( K. Frūṭāghūras ). 25. Gorgias ( K. Ghūrājīs ). 26. Meno ( K. Mānun ). 39 27. Two books called Hippias ( Ibiyā ). 28. Ion ( K. Iyun ). 29. Menexenus ( K. Manaksānus ). 30. Philetus ( K. Fīlaṭūs ). 31. The Philosopher ( K. al-Falsafī ). 40 32. Critias ( K. Aqrīṭiyās ). 33. Minos ( K. Mīnus ). 34. Epinomis ( K. Afīnūmis ). 35. Laws ( K. al-Nawāmīs ). 41 36. Twelve books on philosophy. 42 37. A book on what is compulsory. 43 38. A book on spiritual entities ( al-ashyāʾ al-ʿāliyah ). 39. Charmides, on Chastity ( K. Kharmīdhis fī l-ʿiffah ). 40. Phaedrus ( K. Fadrūs ). 44 41. On Proportions ( K. al-Munāsabāt ). 45 42. On Unity ( K. al-Tawḥīd ). 43. A book on the soul, the intellect, the essence and the accident. 44. On Sense and Pleasure ( K. al-Ḥiss wa-l-ladhdhah ), in one section. 45. On the Education and Instruction of Youth ( K. Taʾdīb al-aḥdāth wa-waṣāyāhum ). 46 46. On the Correction of the Soul ( K. Muʿātabat al-nafs ). 47 47. Principles of Geometry ( K. Uṣūl al-handasah ). 48 Footnotes 1 This biography is present in all three versions of the work. For general information about the reception of Plato in Islam see ei 2 , art. ‘Aflāṭūn’ (R. Walzer). On the biographies of Plato in Arabic sources see Swift Riginos, Platonica , 216–218. On the translation and reception of Platonic works in Islam see see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 848–849. The biographical part (but not the sententiae ) of the chapter on Plato in al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik’s Mukhtār (quoted by iau ) has been translated in Rosenthal, Classical Heritage , 28–29. The main source of information about the life of Plato for Arab scholars was drawn from Theon of Smyrna, who was used by Ibn al-Nadīm and Ibn al-Qifṭī. iau combines this tradition with other sources, notably the apocryphal gnomological part which he takes from al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik, and the list of books, which relies ultimately on Thrasyllus of Mendes (d. ad 36). 2 Cf. Ibn Juljul, Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 23–25. 3 Arabic rūmī faylasūfī yūnānī : the word rūm usually refers to Byzantines, Christians or, more generically, Greek speakers, while yūnānī , based on Ἴωνες (‘Ionians’), usually refers to the ancient Greeks. The opposition between Rūm (Byzantine) and Yūnān (ancient Greeks) is common in polemical and apologetic texts. One of the arguments of al-Jāḥiẓ in his refutation of the Christians is that, although his language was Greek, Aristotle – like all other ancient philosophers – was neither Byzantine nor Christian ( laysa bi-rūmī wa-lā naṣrānī ); they were all ancient Greeks ( hum yūnāniyyūn ); see al-Jāḥiẓ, ‘ Radd ʿalā l-Naṣārā ’, 314–315. Ibn Juljul seems to use the term rūmī as ‘Greek speaker’, meaning that Plato was a Greek speaking author ( rūmī ), but one of the ancient Greeks ( yūnānī ). 4 The term taʾlīf generically means composition. This term was used by the atomists, who conceived of a body as a composite ( muʾallaf ). On these notions in Islamic theology see Frank, ‘Bodies and Atoms’. 5 This statement on Plato’s discovery of the weave or brocade ( dībāj ) is problematic. A similar reference, most likely taken from the same source, can be found in the Ps.-Aristotelian Sirr al-asrār : ‘The excellent Plato learnt the place occupied by the constituent particles according to their different kind when they were given shape according to the compositional proportions; he was then able to know the [divine weave] and all composed forms’ ( Sirr al-asrār 85). In his study of the Hebrew translation of the Sirr al-asrār , Spitzer suggested two possible interpretations for this passage and the term dībāj , which might have referred to the discussion of colours in Timeus 67c–69a; or at some point stood for an astronomical term or device, thus the knowledge of the dībāj being ‘a method of astronomical calculation’; see Spitzer, ‘The Hebrew Translations of the Sod ha-Sodot ’, 42–43. Michel Chase, in turn, argued that these five compositional proportions ‘are none other than the five main consonances or harmonic intervals of Greek music, in accordance with which Plato’s Demiurge constructs the World Soul in the Timaeus ’, and that the use of the term dībāj has its origin in Orphic myths of weaving; see Chase, ‘Der Gottheit lebendiges Kleid’. Although we do not have much evidence of the use of the Arabic translation of the Timaeus , and the extant Arabic translation of Galen’s summary has nothing of this kind, a reference to the five figures of which the world is composed can be found in the tradition of the Placita philosophorum . According to the Arabic version of Aetius’ work (attributed to Plutarch in the Greek tradition), Pythagoras claimed that ‘the world was formed of five solid figures that are called mathematical; the earth stems from the cube, the fire from the pyramid, the air from the octahedron, the water from the icosahedron, and the sphere of the universe from the dodecahedron. In all these, Plato agreed with Pythagoras’; see Daiber, Aetius arabus , 26–27 (Arabic text). Plato addresses this problem in a passage of the Timaeus concerning the Demiurge’s creation of all bodies out of triangles that shaped five perfect forms, the so-called Platonic solids. The Platonic solids are convex polyhedra formed by congruent regular polygons, with the same number of faces meeting at each vertex. Only five polyhedra meet these criteria: tetrahedron, octahedron, icosahedron, hexahedron, and dodecahedron. These solids and their characteristics were well known by the ancient Greeks, and were described in detail by Euclid in the thirtieth book of the Elements , where he states (13.18): ‘no other figure, besides the said five figures, can be constructed which is contained by equilateral and equiangular figures equal to one another’, see Heath, Euclid’s Elements , 507. In the Timaeus Plato derives the four elements of matter from the first four solids (tetrahedron/fire, octahedron/air, icosahedron/water, hexahedron/earth; cf. Tim . 53e–55b). Since the fifth solid was already known in Plato’s time and it conflicted with his cosmological model based on four elements, he explained the existence of this fifth perfect form as follows: ‘And seeing that there still remained one other compound figure, the fifth [i.e. the dodecahedron], God used it up for the Universe as a way of decorating it’ ( Tim . 55c). The Greek reads: ἐπὶ τὸ πᾶν ὁ θεὸς αὐτῇ κατεχρήσατο ἐκεῖνο διαζωγραφῶν. In view of this explanation, the Arabic use of the term dībāj might have originated from a rendition of the Greek verb διαζωγραφέω, ‘paint in diverse colours’, or of a cognate expression used by Plato’s commentators to convey this meaning; likewise, mention of alwān (kinds or colours) and aṣbāgh (colours or pigments) is part of the same allegorical description of the creation of the perfect forms and the natural world by the Demiurge. The metaphoric use of the term weave or fabric to refer to the cosmos is not alien to Muslim authors. Al-Maqdisī, for instance, compares the world with a dībāj when discussing its creation, see al-Maqdisī, K. al-Badʾ wa-l-taʾrīkh , i:69. This notion, though not explicitly brought up, seems also to underlie a passage of the Arabic version of the Timaeus , as quoted by al-Bīrūnī: ‘The creator ( al-bāriʾ ) cut a straight thread ( khayṭ mustaqīm ) into two parts and out of each part he made two circles that intersected in two points; then he divided each one into seven parts, to set the two movements [of the circles] and the orbital movement of the planets’ ( Taḥqīq mā li-l-Hind , 186). 6 This reference to the nature of numbers might also refer to the harmonic proportions and rations that constitute the divisions of the World Soul and are discussed in Tim . 35c–36b. 7 iau reads ‘obstacles’ ( mawāniʿ ); the text here follows the reading of Ibn Juljul’s Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ and the Ps.-Aristotelian Sirr al-asrār (see Badawī, Sirr al-asrār , 75). 8 I.e. the Timaeus . 9 The Arabic title K. al-Siyāsah usually refers to Plato’s Republic (book-list under no. 3); for the K. al-Nawāmīs ( Laws ), see no. 35 in the book-list. 10 This king is Darius ii (r. ca. 423–404). The iau manuscripts transcribe Darius’ sobriquet as yaṭū ( naṭū in al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik); this is a faulty rendition of the Greek Νόθος “the Bastard”. 11 Darius iii (r. 336–332 bc ), who was not the son but the grandson of Darius ii . 12 In his biography of Plato, Ibn al-Qifṭī states: ‘From an early age, Plato was inclined to poetry and learnt a fair number of poems, but when he joined the circle of Socrates he realized that he reproved poetry and poets by arguing: “Poetry is but a product of the imagination that portrays a false image of the world; seeking the truth is a more noble aim”. Then Plato forswore poetry’; see Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 17. Cf. also Fihrist , ed. Tajaddud, 306; ed. Flügel, 245; ed. Sayyid, 155. On other testimonia concerning Plato’s love for poetry see Swift Riginos, Platonica , 43–48. 13 Cf. passages such as Statesman 271d3–272b1, Laws , 713c2–714b1 on the true state of the age of Cronus. 14 All Arabic sources read Timaeus ( Ṭīmāwus ). The Ps.-Pythagorean tract by Timaeus of Locri (cf. the start of Plato’s Timaeus ), On the Nature of the Universe , is regarded today as late Hellenistic in date, but was accepted by ancient and medieval scholars as the source of the Timaeus , whence the belief that Timaeus was Plato’s teacher. 15 Ibn al-Nadīm quotes from Theon: ‘Platon arranged his books to be read in a particular way, with groups of four books, each one of them was called a quartet ( rābūʿ )’, see Fihrist , ed. Tajaddud, 307; the same text occurs in Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 18. On the tetralogic order of the arrangement of the Platonic corpus see Fine, The Oxford Handbook to Plato , 68–69. 16 Cf. Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Ādāb , 46. 17 iau only quotes a small selection from all the sayings in Badawī, Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 128ff. 18 This saying is not present in al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik’s Mukhtār . 19 This saying is not present in al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik’s Mukhtār . 20 Lit. ‘free man’. 21 This saying is not present in al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik’s Mukhtār . 22 This saying is attributed above to Hippocrates, see Ch. 4.1.8.4 no. 42 . 23 Not present in al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik’s Mukhtār . 24 With minor exceptions, iau ’s list follows the ordering of Thrasyllus of Mendes (d. 36 ce ), see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 848–849. For other lists of the works of Plato see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:155–156; Ibn al-Qifṭī, Tāʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 17–18; and Bar Hebraeus, Mukhtaṣar , 90. These three authors follow the order of Theon of Smyrna, who is explicitly referred to as source by Ibn al-Nadīm; the author of the Fihrist complements this list with information provided by other sources – the only one he names is Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī. 25 In his biography of Socrates, iau quotes a fragment the Apology . There is no direct evidence of a full translation of this work into Arabic, but al-Kindī’s What Occurred Between Socrates and the Harranians ( R. Fī mā jarā bayna Suqrāṭ wa-l-Ḥarrāniyyīn ) seems to have been an abridgement of the Apology ; see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 851; and Endress, ‘Building the Library of Arabic Philosophy’, 333. 26 No Arabic translation of this dialogue or of its summary by Galen has survived, but numerous references, such as the narration of Socrates’ death in this chapter, attest that the work was well known and circulated in several versions, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 854–855. 27 Ibn al-Nadīm, who refers to the book simply as K. al-Siyāsah , adds that it was glossed by Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:155. The Republic was one of the best known Platonic dialogues for Arab authors both from direct translations and through Galen’s summary. It is unclear, however, whether the translation of the Republic contained the whole dialogue; only two fragments from two different, literal translations have come down to us. For the extant passages of the Arabic translation see: Klein-Franke, Über die Heiligung , 46–47 (German translation at 79–80); Reisman, ‘Plato’s Republic in Arabic’, 286–292, 296–300. There are also numerous fragments with paraphrases of the contents of the dialogue, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 856–858. 28 There is no solid evidence to claim that this work was translated into Arabic. It was, however, greatly influential due to the Arabic version of Galen’s summary, on which see the next note. On the Arabic tradition of this dialogue see Jonkers, Textual Tradition , 393–396. 29 The tradition of two dialogues is drawn from Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī, the second being a confusion with Galen’s commentary on the medical parts of the Timaeus . Ibn al-Nadīm states that the translation of Timaeus was made by Ibn al-Biṭrīq and Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, and that Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī corrected Ibn al-Biṭrīq’s translation, see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:156. On the Arabic translations of Plato’s Timaeus see Arnzen, ‘Plato’s Timaeus in the Arabic Tradition’. An Arabic translation of Galen’s synopsis of this work has come down to us and has been edited (accompanied with testimonia) as Kraus & Walzer, Galeni Compendium Timaei and in Badawī, Aflāṭūn fī l-Islām , 85–119. For references to translations and paraphrases of the Timaeus , see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 859–861. 30 I.e. De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis , see Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum , no. 33. 31 Fichtner, Corpus Galenicum , no. 396. 32 There is no evidence of a translation into Arabic of this work, but it seems to have been known from late Alexandrian commentators, and al-Kindī’s On Socrates’ Virtue ( R. Fī khabar faḍīlat Suqrāṭ ) seems to have been largely based on it, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 851. and Endress, ‘Building the Library’, 333. 33 This work was known by Arab authors through the synopsis written by Galen, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 851. 34 Ibn al-Nadīm states: ‘I saw a copy of the Sophist in the handwriting of Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī; it was a translation of Isḥāq with the commentary of Olympiodorus’, see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:156; Galen’s summary was also known, but none of these translations have survived, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 858. 35 Ibn al-Nadīm states that this work was commented by Galen, see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:156. The Parmenides was known to Arab authors through Galen’s summary, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 854. 36 Fragments of this dialogue have survived in gnomological works and have been collected and edited in Gutas, ‘Plato’s Symposion ’. 37 Ibn al-Nadīm refers to these two books as Alcibiades, on Beauty ( Alqibādis fī l-jamīl ), see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:155, whose reading we take in the text. 38 Ibn al-Qifṭī refers to this work as Euthydemus, on Wisdom ( K. Awtūdhīmus fī l-ḥikmah ), see Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 18. This work was known by Arab authors through the synopsis written by Galen, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 852. 39 There is no evidence of a translation into Arabic of this dialogue, but the theory of reminiscence discussed in this work was known to authors such as al-Kindī and the Ikhwān al-Ṣafā. This work was known by Arab authors through the synopsis written by Galen, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 853–854. 40 Gutas reads this title as Kitāb ⟨…⟩ al-falsafī , and interprets that it is an erroneous and spurious addition, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 849. 41 Ibn al-Nadīm states that it was translated into Arabic by Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq and Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī, see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:155. All references to Plato’s Laws seem to come from Galen’s summary, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 852–853. For a collection of these quotations see Badawī, Aflāṭūn fī l-Islām , 133–135. The title K. al-Nawāmīs might also refer to two other apocryphal works. One of them, discussing politics and prophecy, is quoted at length by iau in Ch. 6 and has been edited in Badawī, Aflāṭūn fī l-Islām , 197–234. A second work, of magical content and also entitled K. al-Nawāmīs , was translated into Latin as Liber Aneguemis or Liber Vaccae , see Pingree, ‘Plato’s Hermetic Book of the Cow’. 42 This title does not occur in Ibn al-Nadīm’s list. It seems to be a redundant reference to previous dialogues, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 848. 43 This title does not occur in Ibn al-Nadīm’s list. Rosenthal and Walzer, read yuttaqā for yanbaghī , see Alfarabius , 6 (Arabic text). On this basis Gutas translates ‘Sur ce qui mérite la révérence’ and suggests that it is a reference to the content of the Euthyphro , which as known as Περὶ ὁσίου , see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 848. 44 Although some Arabic sources contain passages of this dialogue, they seem to come from doxological works and there is no evidence of any translation of the original work or of its abridgement, see Gutas, ‘Tradition arabe’, 856. This is the last of the genuine works. 45 Ibn al-Nadīm states that he saw the book in the handwriting of Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī, see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:156. 46 See Swain, Bryson , 412–419 for bibliographical details and a translation. 47 A book with a similar title is attributed above to Socrates, see Ch. 4.4.5 no. 2 . 48 Ibn al-Nadīm states that this work was translated by Qusṭā (ibn Lūqā), see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:156. 4.6. Aristotle 1 [4.6.1] Aristotle was the son of Nicomachus of Gerasa, the Pythagorean. The name Nicomachus means ‘victorious over his adversaries’, and Aristotle means ‘of perfect virtue’. According to Abū l-Ḥasan ʿAlī ibn al-Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī al-Masʿūdī Nicomachus was a follower of Pythagoras and the author of a famous book on arithmetic. 2 Sulaymān ibn Ḥassān, known as Ibn Juljul, states in his book: Aristotle was the philosopher of the Greeks par excellence, their wisest man, the most intelligent and talented of them all, their rhetor and physician. He excelled in the art of medicine, but then philosophy took hold of him. 3 [4.6.2.1] In his Epistle to Gallus on the Life of Aristotle , which included notices about Aristotle’s life, his testament, and the list of his known books, Ptolemy says: 4 Aristotle was originally from a city named Stagira, in the land known as Chalcidice which borders on Thrace, close to the cities of Olynthus and Methone. The name of his mother was Phaestis. His father, Nicomachus, was the personal physician of Amyntas, the father of Philip, who was the father of king Alexander. 5 The ancestry of Nicomachus goes back to Asclepius, the father of Machaon, who had a son named also Asclepius. 6 Aristotle’s mother, Phaestis, was also of the offspring of Asclepius. Aristotle was still a young boy when Nicomachus died and was entrusted to Plato by Proxenus, his father’s executor. Some people claim that Proxenus’ decision to leave Aristotle in Plato’s custody was inspired by God in the Pythian Temple; 7 others argue that it was rather due to his friendship with Plato. It is said that Aristotle studied with Plato for twenty years and that, when Plato travelled to Sicily for a second time, Aristotle acted as his successor in the school known as the ‘Academy’. When Plato returned from Sicily Aristotle transferred to the Lyceum where he began a school dedicated to Peripatetic philosophy. When Plato died, Aristotle joined Hermias the Slave, who was ruler of Atarneus. 8 He went back to Athens, which was known as the city of the sages, after Hermias’ death, but King Philip summoned him to Macedonia, and he lived there as a teacher until Alexander began his campaign in Asia. When Aristotle left, Callisthenes took his place in Macedonia. 9 After that, Aristotle then went back to Athens and taught at the Lyceum for ten years until Eurymedon, one of the priests known as hierophants, 10 decided to slander him by accusing him of impiety because he did not worship the idols that were revered at that time. Aristotle himself reports this story in his Epistle to Antipater ( K. ilā Anṭibaṭris ). 11 When Aristotle heard about it, he left Athens for his homeland in Chalcidice because he hated the thought that the Athenians would cause him as much trouble as they had for Socrates, Plato’s master, which led to his execution. Aristotle left before anyone had urged him to flee upon his receipt of the letter of the hierophant defaming him, or before he suffered any harm. Aristotle’s Apology defending himself from the hierophant’s defamation is not authentic, but is a work composed in his style. When Aristotle returned to his homeland, he settled and lived there until he died at the age of sixty-eight years. 12 This fact clearly exposes the falsity of those who claim that he began to study philosophy when he was thirty years old, and that before that time he had only occupied himself with politics owing to his personal interest in improving the situation of the cities. [4.6.2.2] It is said that the people of Stagira took his mortal remains from the place where he had died and brought them to a place named ‘Aristoteleion’, 13 where they used to gather to discuss the most important matters and the issues that most worried them. Aristotle was the one who laid down the laws for the people of Stagira. He had great ascendancy over people and evident proof of that are the honours he received from the kings of his time. His desire to do good and his interest in improving the situation of the people is evident in his epistles and books, in which the reader finds abundant examples of his involvement in the relationships between the kings and their subjects in his time, and in all that could improve their wellbeing and be advantageous to them. On account of all the favours, benefits and other services that he secured for the people, the Athenians assembled and agreed to compose an inscription and engrave it on a stone pillar that was placed in the high citadel of the upper part of the city known as the acropolis. 14 On this pillar they wrote the following: Aristotle of Stagira, the son of Nicomachus, merits this on account of his service doing good and for providing much assistance and favour, and because he gave particular assistance to the people of Athens and interceded for them before the King Philip to improve their situation. The benefits that he attained for the Athenians were so plentiful that their assembly commended him for the goodness he brought and recognized his virtue and leadership. They will preserve and cultivate his memory, and [receive] his descendants as people of honour among them, 15 and provide everything required to satisfy their needs. 16 Only one Athenian named Himerius disagreed about the inscription. After the assembly of Athens had agreed upon this matter he demurred and spoke in opposition. He rushed to the pillar that the Athenians had agreed to inscribe with a eulogy and to erect in the place named the Acropolis 17 and threw it down from its site. He was subsequently seized and killed by Antipater because of that. Later, an Athenian named Stephanus and some other people attached to a pillar a stone plaque on which they had written the same encomium of Aristotle placed in the first pillar, but adding a mention of Himerius and what he did when he threw the pillar down, and stating that he should be shunned and cursed. [4.6.2.3] When Philip died, he was succeeded by Alexander, who left his country to fight other nations and conquered the lands of Asia. Aristotle decided then to adopt a life of retirement and to abandon all his relationships and dealings with kings. He went back to Athens, where he founded the aforementioned centre of learning which was dedicated to Peripatetic philosophy. He was eager to improve the lives of the people and to help the destitute and the needy, to marry the widows and provide sustenance to the orphans, whom he was committed to educating and helping, as well as anybody who wished to acquire knowledge and instruction in any kind of discipline and field. Aristotle helped them to achieve this and set them on their feet, he gave alms to the poor, brought amenities to the cities, and restored the buildings of his hometown, Stagira. 18 He was extremely pleasant and respectful, and received everybody cordially, the humble and the great, the powerful and the weak; there are no words to describe his commitment to his friends. The stories written by his biographers bear testimony to that, and all the accounts on Aristotle’s life are unanimous on this matter. [4.6.3.1] The Emir al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik states in his book The Choicest Sayings and Best Maxims ( Mukhtār al-ḥikam wa-maḥāsin al-kalim ): 19 When Aristotle reached his eighth year, he was taken by his father to Athens, the city known as the city of the sages, and brought to the Lyceum. His father introduced him to poets, rhetoricians, and grammarians, under whom he studied for nine years. They called this teachingsystem‘comprehensive’, 20 which stands for ‘linguistic disciplines’, 21 on account of the fact that everyone needs them, because they are the means and route to every wisdom and virtue, and the way of presenting the findings of every form of learning. At that time, some scholars used to disparage the science of the rhetoricians, language teachers and grammarians and rebuked those who studied it. Epicurus and Pythagoras were among those who postulated that there is no need to engage with linguistic disciplines in order to pursue the study of any science. For them, grammarians were mere school-teachers, poets sources of falsehood and lies, and rhetoricians people of deception, bias and disputation. When Aristotle became aware of this polemic he felt the need to defend and vindicate the necessary role of grammarians, rhetoricians and poets. He claimed that that no discipline can dispense with their knowledge, because articulate speech is a tool proper to their arts, and the superiority of men over beasts rests on their ability to speak. Those who most properly may be considered to be human are those with the greatest ability to speak, those most capable of expressing their own thoughts, those most able to use the right words at the right moment, and those who best choose the words to express themselves in the most concise and appealing manner. Wisdom is the most precious thing and the expression of it rests on proficiency in argument, command of idiom, concision in phraseology, freedom from imbalance and error, from badly formed argumentation, and from the ugliness of stuttering and stammering. Whenever these faults appear, the light of knowledge fades away, duty fails to be performed, needs are unsatisfied, everything becomes confusing for the listener, the meaning is corrupted, and doubts creep in. Once Aristotle had perfected the art of the poets, grammarians and rhetoricians and had full knowledge of it, he pursued other disciplines such as ethics, politics, natural philosophy and mathematics, and metaphysics. At the age of eighteen, he joined Plato and became his student and pupil. [4.6.3.2] Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik also says: 22 Plato would hold a session and be asked to speak; then he would say: ‘When the people arrive’. But as soon as Aristotle came he would say ‘Speak, for the people have arrived’. [Others claim that] Plato might have said instead: ‘As soon as Intellect arrives’; and when Aristotle came he would say: ‘Speak, for Intellect has come’. 23 Al-Mubashshir states: 24 After Aristotle died and his corpse had already decayed, the people of Stagira took his remains and placed his bones into a wooden box that was buried in a place known as the ‘Aristoteleion’. 25 They took him with them and kept him in the place where they used to gather to discuss in assembly their weightiest matters and concerns, for they found comfort by his grave and stayed close to his remains. Whenever a difficult philosophical question or a matter of knowledge arose, they would come to that place and sit there to debate until the matter they had found dubious and obscure was solved and explained. They hoped that, by coming to the place in which the remains of Aristotle were buried, their intellects would become sharper, their understanding sounder, and their minds subtler. But they also sought to honour him after his death, to mourn his departure and to lament their own misfortune for losing the sources of his wisdom. [4.6.3.3] Al-Masʿūdī says in his book on routes and realms ( K. al-Masālik wa-l-mamālik ): 26 In the large city known as Palermo, in the island of Sicily, there is a big congregational mosque, a great temple that the Christians used before as their church. I heard some locals saying that the ‘Wise man of the Greeks’, i.e. Aristotle, rested in a suspended coffin inside that temple that the Muslims had turned into a mosque, and that the Christians used to revere his power and expected to be healed by it, considering the honour and reverence that he had received from the Greeks. The reason for suspending the coffin between heaven and earth was that people used to touch it when they begged to be healed, or prayed for rain or about other serious matters that required them to seek refuge in God Almighty and to turn to Him in dire and dangerous times. and because they would tread on one another. I saw there a large casket that might have belonged to that tomb. [4.6.3.4] Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik says: 27 Kings, sons of kings and other people were students of Aristotle, among them: Theophrastus, Eudemus, king Alexander, Eumenes, 28 Aristoxenus 29 and many other virtuous men famous for their wisdom, distinguished by their knowledge, and well-known by their noble descent. After him, his nephew Theophrastus continued his teachings, took his position and inherited his rank. He had two men who helped and assisted him: one of them was named Eudemus, 30 the other Aristoxenus; 31 they com posed many books on logic and philosophy. Aristotle had a son named Nicomachus the Younger, and also a small daughter; he left behind a great wealth, many male and female slaves and other property. Aristotle was a pale-skinned man, partly bald, of a fair stature, with large bones, small blue eyes, thick beard, aquiline nose, small mouth, and a broad chest. He used to walk fast when he was alone and slow when he was in the company of friends. He studied books constantly, he never talked drivel and he pondered about every single word. He used to bow his head in silence for a while when he had to reply a question, and his answers were laconic. During the day he used to retire to the wilderness and to walk beside rivers. He loved listening to music, and meeting mathematicians ( aṣḥāb al-riyāḍāt ) and dialecticians ( aṣḥāb al-jadal ). He was fair-minded when he debated with opponents, and always acknowledged right and wrong. He was modest in his clothing, and moderate when eating, drinking, having sexual intercourse, and moving around. In his hand he always held an instrument to measure the stars and hours. [4.6.3.5] Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq in his Stories of the Philosophers and Wise Men ( K. Nawādir al-falāsifah wa-l-ḥukamāʾ ) says that the inscription on the ring-stone of Aristotle read: ‘He who denies what he does not know, knows more than he who affirms what he knows’. 32 The shaykh Abū Sulaymān Muḥammad ibn Ṭāhir ibn Bahrām al-Manṭiqī 33 in his Annotations ( Taʿālīq ) states that, ‘Theophrastus was appointed by Aristotle, who lived sixty-one years. As for Plato, he lived a long life’. Ibn al-Nadīm al-Baghdādī, in turn, says in his Catalogue ( K. al-Fihrist ) that ‘Aristotle died when he was sixty-six years old’. 34 And Isḥāq [ibn Ḥunayn] claimed that Aristotle lived sixty-seven years. 35 [4.6.4.1] The Qāḍī Abū l-Qāsim Ṣāʿid ibn Aḥmad ibn Ṣāʿid in his Book on the Categories of the Nations ( K. al-Taʿrīf bi-ṭabaqāt al-umam ): 36 The philosophy of the Greeks reached its zenith with Aristotle, who was the seal of their sages and the master of their scholars. He was the first who separated the art of logical demonstration from other branches of logic by representing it in its three different figures. 37 He turned it into a tool for the speculative disciplines, and for that he is known as the author of the Logic . He wrote noble works on all philosophical disciplines, addressing the general and the particular. The particular works are the treatises that only deal with a single topic, some of the general ones are records for revising what one had learnt from one’s studies, which he wrote in seventy books for Ephorus. 38 Other general works consist of studies focused on three topics: first, philosophical disciplines; second, philosophical practice; third, tools employed in philosophy and other disciplines. [4.6.4.2] The books on philosophical disciplines are divided into those on mathematical disciplines, natural philosophy, and metaphysics. The books on mathematical disciplines are: On Optics ( K. al-Manāẓir ), 39 On Lines ( K. al-Khuṭūṭ ), 40 and Mechanics ( K. Fī l-ḥiyal ). 41 In the works of natural philosophy Aristotle deals with both the generalities that affect all natural entities and the particularities of each one of them. There are several books of natural philosophy. In the Lectures on Physics ( Samʿ al-kiyān ) 42 he enumerates the principles of all natural entities, those things like the principles, those that derive from the principles, and those that resemble the things that derive from them. The principles are matter and form; analogous to the principles – it is not a real principle but close to them – is non-existence; the entities derived from the principles are time and place; and those which resemble what derives from the principles are void, fullness, and infinite. As for the particularities of each natural entity, some of them belong to entities without existence and some to entities which have been brought into existence. The entities that have no existence are discussed in the two first books of On the Heavens and the World ( K. al-Samāʾ wa-l-ʿālam ). 43 The knowledge of the entities brought into existence is both general and particular: to the general knowledge belong changes of state, which are discussed in On Generation and Corruption ( K. al-Kawn wa-l-fasād ), 44 and also the movements, which are studied in the two last books of On the Heavens and the World ( K. al-Samāʾ wa-l-ʿālam ). Particularities are either simple or composed: the simple are discussed in Meteorologica ( K. al-Āthār al-ʿulwiyyah ); 45 as for the compound particularities, some of them belong to the description of the generalities of the compound things, which can be read in the Book on Animals ( K. al-Ḥayawān ), 46 and On Plants ( K. Fī l-nabāt ); 47 and some to the description of the particularities of the compound things, which is discussed in De Anima ( K. al-Nafs ), On Sense and the Sensible ( K. al-Ḥiss wa-l-maḥsūs ), On Health and Disease ( K. al-Ṣiḥḥah wa-l-saqam ), and On Youth and Old Age ( K. al-Shabāb wa-l-haram ). 48 [4.6.4.3] Aristotle’s writings on metaphysics are in the thirteen books of his Metaphysics ( K. Mā baʿd al-ṭabīʿah ). 49 The works of practical philosophy deal with the improvement of ethics and with politics. To ethics are devoted the major and the minor works that he wrote for his son, 50 and the book entitled Eudemian Ethics ( Awdhīmiyā ). 51 Some of his works on politics focus on the politics of the city and some on the administration of the estate. 52 The works discussing the tools used in the philosophical disciplines are the eight books on logic; 53 no one – as far as we know – had written on this topic or collected this information before. Aristotle himself mentions this at the end of the sixth of these books, the Sophistical Refutations (K. Sūfisṭīqā) : For the art of logic and the construction of syllogisms we did not find any previous foundation to build upon but accomplished this after great effort and lengthy exertion. Even though this art has been newly discovered and invented by us, we have fortified its domain and constructed its foundations properly without failing to include the elements that are a necessary part of it, as happened in earlier disciplines. It is complete, with solid, firm bases and properly built underpinnings, sound structures, readily known aims and clear features standing before it like well-arranged pillars and sturdy buttresses. Whoever wishes to study this art in the future ought to forgive the faults that he may find in it, and treasure what he has received from our arduous efforts as a precious gift and a valuable possession, for he who has worked painstakingly merits forgiveness. 54 [4.6.5.1] Abū Naṣr al-Fārābī says: 55 Aristotle divided the study of logic into eight parts, each one of them treated in one book: The first book contains the rules applied to single intelligibles and the terms that denote them; this is known as Categories : al-Maqūlāt in Arabic and al-Qāṭāghūriyās in Greek. 56 The second book deals with the rules of compound propositions, 57 which are compound intelligibles formed by two single intelligibles, and the terms that denote them, which are composed of two single terms. These rules are described in the book known as On Interpretation : al-ʿIbārah in Arabic and Bārīmāniyās in Greek. 58 The third book discusses the rules for statements whereby the syllogisms proper to all five arts are distinguished. 59 They are treated in the book known as Prior Analytics : al-Qiyās ( Syllogism ) in Arabic and Anālūṭīqiyā al-ūlā in Greek. The fourth book deals with the rules whereby the demonstrative statements are examined, and the rules that make philosophy coherent so that all that it undertakes is most complete, virtuous, and perfect. This is the book known as Posterior Analytics : K. al-Burhān ( Book on Demonstration ) in Arabic, and Anālūṭīqiyā al-thāniyah in Greek. 60 The fifth is focused on the rules whereby dialectical statements are examined, and on the quality of dialectical questions and answers and the rules that give unity to dialectics, so that all it undertakes is most complete, excellent, and effective. This book is known as Topics : al-Mawāḍiʿ al-jadaliyyah ( Dialectical Topics ) in Arabic, and Ṭūbīqā in Greek. 61 The sixth book deals with rules which serve distortion and deviation from the truth. It first enumerates all the devices used by those whose aim is misrepresentation and deceit about facts and pronouncements, then it lists what is needed to refute misleading statements which are used by those who slander and misrepresent, and how they can be invalidated, in what circumstances they occur, and how one can be on one’s guard including from making false statements in regard to one’s claims. This is the book known as Sophistical Refutations : Sūfisṭīqā in Arabic, which means ‘wisdom that distorts’. 62 The seventh book is focused on the rules whereby the rhetorical statements may be examined, on the kinds of rhetoric, and the discourses of the orators and rhetoricians. It discusses what is proper to the art of rhetoric, enumerates all the elements that make the art of rhetoric coherent, explains the construction of rhetorical statements and the characteristics of rhetoric in each of its branches, and how it becomes most useful and eloquent. This book is known in Arabic as Rīṭūriyah , 63 which means rhetoric ( khaṭābah ). The eighth book deals with the rules that define poetry, the kinds of constructed poetic utterances, and all the elements in each genre. It also lists all the things that give the art of poetry coherence, discusses the number of classes, the types of poems and poetic utterances, the modes of composition in each of them, the circumstances in which it is practised and is appropriate, and becomes most excellent, understandable, beautiful, and pleasant; and in which cases it should be used in order to be most eloquent and extraordinary. This book is known as Fuwīṭīqā in Greek, i.e. Poetics ( K. al-Shiʿr ). 64 [4.6.5.2] These are all the divisions of logic and the topics included in each part of it. The fourth part 65 enjoys pre-eminence on account of its nobility and importance. Only this fourth part is required to achieve the primary goal of logic, while the relevance of the remaining parts is to this. The three parts that precede it in the order of exposition are merely propaedeutic and introductory, 66 and pave the way to the fourth part. The four remaining parts that follow 67 have two aims: first, each one of these four last parts serves to support and assist the fourth part in more or less the same degree; second, they are used to foster awareness 68 because, were these arts 69 not distinguished from one another in their applications by the specificity of the rules that distinguish them from other rules, no-one could be sure whether they were using the elements of dialectic when seeking truth and certainty without recognizing them as such, and thus might abandon the realm of certainty for the realm of strong speculation; or they might inadvertently use the features of rhetoric and slide into the realm of persuasion; or perhaps, without being aware of it, they might use the tools of sophistry and mistake untruth for truth and believe it; or they might use the features of poetry without recognizing them as poetic, and then base their beliefs on fictions. [4.6.5.3] When using all these discourses, people might be persuaded that they are on the right path to the truth, and believe that they have sought for it and found it, although they have not found any truth at all. They are rather like someone who is ignorant of foodstuffs and drugs and has no ability to separate poisons in their effects so as to identify their characteristic signs with certainty. Without being able recognize them, he cannot be sure whether he is choosing a substance that causes disease or cures him and he therefore suffers harm. The secondary goal is that each of these four arts will provide its essential features, so that someone who wants to become a skilled dialectician will be aware of what he needs to know and will be aware by what standard he can evaluate the effect of his utterances on himself and others in order to see if he is taking a dialectical approach through them. Or, if he desires to be a skilled orator, he will know what he needs to know, and by what standard he may evaluate the effect of his utterances on himself and on others, and to see if in this he is taking a rhetorical or some other kind of approach. Similarly, if he desires to be a skilled poet, he will be able to know what he needs to know, and by what standards he may evaluate the effect of the poem on himself and on others, and to see if he is following the approach of the poets or deviating from it and confusing it with some other approach. And if he wants to acquire the ability to use sophistry on others and not to be subject to it, he will know what he needs to know, and by what standard it is possible to evaluate each word and each opinion so he will see if he is using sophistry in this way or is subject to it and in what context this is happening. [4.6.6.1] Ptolemy says in his Epistle to Gallus on the Life of Aristotle : 70 On his deathbed, Aristotle left the following testament: I hereby appoint Antipater as the permanent executor of all that I leave behind. I stipulate that, until Nicanor 71 arrives, Aristomenes, Timarchus, Hipparchus, 72 and Dioteles be in charge of the required expenses and the necessary maintenance of the people of my house, my maid Herpyllis 73 and the rest of my female and male servants, and all that I leave. If it is possible and feasible for Theophrastus to join them in the administration, let him do that. Upon my daughter reaching puberty, Nicanor shall take care of her 74 and if she dies before marrying or, after marrying, without issue, her possessions shall revert to Nicanor. I stipulate that Nicanor shall take care of the administration of the affairs of my daughter and of my son Nicomachus, with all that it entails according to his preferences and what he considers to be appropriate, as if he were their father or brother. If Nicanor dies before marrying my daughter or, if married, before her having issue, whatever he might have disposed about my inheritance is binding and valid. But if he dies without having left any will, and Theophrastus is willing to do it, I would like him to take care of these affairs in place of Nicanor and administer the inheritance of my children and my properties as Nicanor was supposed to do. In case Theophrastus is not willing to act as administrator, then the aforementioned executors of the testament should be referred to Antipater, whom they ought to consult about the administration of my inheritance, and then act in agreement. [4.6.6.2] The testamentary executors and Nicanor are to take care of Herpyllis, for she deserves that in view of her diligent services and her efforts to please me. They should satisfy all her needs and, if she should wish to marry, not to consent to her marrying anyone but a virtuous man, and to pay her one silver talent, which corresponds to 125 raṭl s and a third, and three maidservants of her choice in addition to her own maid and her male servant. Should she desire to reside in Chalcis, 75 she shall receive accommodation in my estate, in the house that is next to the garden. If she desires to stay in Stagira, she should be provided with accommodation in the house of her choice from among the houses of my family. The executors should take care of her, as mentioned, according to her needs and to what they consider would improve her life and meet her requirements. As for the members of my household and my children, I do not need to dispose anything else. Nicanor ought to take care of Myrmex, the boy, and let him go back to his homeland with all his possessions whenever he desires. My maidservant Ambracis should be emancipated and if, after her manumission, she is still at my daughter’s service when she marries, she should receive 500 drachmas and keep the maidservant that she now has. Thales ought to receive the young maid that we recently acquired, one of our male slaves, and 1000 drachmas. Simon shall be given the price of a slave so that he can buy him for himself, in addition to the slave for whom he has already paid; he should also be paid the additional amount that the testamentary executors consider adequate. When my daughter marries, my slaves Tycho, Philo, and Olympius ought to be manumitted. Olympius’ son shall not be sold, 76 nor any other of my servants, but they shall remain at the service [of the house] until they achieve a proper age, then they ought to be manumitted and rewarded according to their merits. 77 [4.6.7.1] Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq says in his Stories of the Philosophers and Wise Men ( K. Nawādir al-falāsifah ): 78 The assemblies of philosophers originated because the kings of the Greeks and elsewhere used to teach their children wisdom and philosophy and to instruct them in different kinds of literature. For this reason, they painted their temples 79 with all kinds of images so that their hearts would find recreation in them and be inspired by contemplating them. The children used to be educated in houses painted with these images. The Jewish synagogues were painted like this, and also the Christian churches and temples, and the Muslims adorned their mosques so that their hearts would find pleasure in contemplating them and their souls would reflect upon them. Once the sons of the kings had memorized some lessons in philosophy or literature, they used to climb the stairs [of the temple] and sit on one of the daises made of marble which was engraved with images, during festival days when the people of the kingdom used to gather in the temple after finishing prayers and the blessings. The student would then share the knowledge he had learnt, and the literature he had memorized, speaking in the midst of the people attending, and adorned with a crown and jewellery. The teacher used to be commended, honoured and treated with reverence, and the young boy lionized, and accounted wise for his great intellect and understanding. The temples were magnificently prepared, adorned with curtains, lit with lamps and candles, and censed with aromatic oils. The people were dressed up in all kinds of finery. This has continued until our time in the established practices held in the temples of the Sabians, the Zoroastrians, the Jews and the Christians; and the Muslims also have pulpits in the mosques. [4.6.7.2] Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq continues: Plato, the wise master, lived during the reign of Rufistanes, who had a son named Nitaforas. 80 Aristotle was then a young orphan eager to meet and enter the service of Plato. King Rufistanes had built a House of Wisdom and furnished it for his son Nitaforas, and had summoned Plato to serve there as a teacher. Nitaforas was an inconstant young man of limited intellect and poor retention; in contrast, Aristotle was remarkable for his sharp intelligence, sound understanding and expression. Plato taught Nitaforas philosophy and the arts, but what he learnt one day was forgotten the next, and then he was unable to articulate a single word. Aristotle, however, took advantage of all the teachings addressed to Nitaforas, and absorbed and learnt by heart everything he heard without Plato ever being aware of that. He learnt in secret and kept it to himself, not telling his master anything. Then a festival day arrived, the temple was festooned and Nitaforas clothed in fine and luxury clothes. King Rufistanes and the people of the kingdom were present, as were Plato and his pupil. Once the ceremonies were performed, Plato and Nitaforas walked to the place of honour reserved for teaching, which looked over the audience and the kings, but the young Nitaforas was unable to share any wisdom or to say a single word about intellectual matters, and threw himself into Plato’s arms. Plato excused himself before the people because he had not assessed his knowledge and was unaware of the level of his understanding, for he had taken for granted his wisdom and acumen. Then he said: ‘Community of students! Which one of you would like to stand up to share what you have learnt in place of Nitaforas?’ Aristotle stepped forward and said, ‘O master, I will’. But Plato ignored him and did not allow him to speak. When he asked his students again, Aristotle stood up again and said: ‘Teacher of Wisdom, I will show the knowledge that I have learnt from the things you taught Nitaforas’. And Plato said to him: ‘Come up then!’ Aristotle rose to the stand without any preparation and wearing his humble and vulgar clothes, and he spoke like a singing bird about all the kinds of wisdom and arts that he had heard from Plato while he was teaching Nitaforas, without omitting a single word. Then Plato said: ‘O king, this is exactly what I had taught Nitaforas, and Aristotle has grabbed it like a thief and memorized it secretly, without forgetting a single word. What then will be my share of rewards or my loss?’ On such days, the king would nominate his son for the kingship, honour him and elevate his rank, but on this occasion he ordered the adoption of Aristotle as a member of his household, and did not appoint his son as successor. That day everybody left approving Aristotle’s gains and wondering about rewards and losses. [4.6.8] Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq says: This is what I have been able to find of the wise discourse that Aristotle pronounced that day: To our Creator hallowing, exalting, and honouring! Members of this assembly! Knowledge is a gift from the Creator, and wisdom a present from He who bestows and revokes, He who lowers and raises. The degrees of excellence and glory in this world are the result of knowledge, which is the spirit of life, and the matter of the most noble and elevated mind. I am Aristotle, the son of Philip, 81 the orphan servant of Nitaforas, the son of the noble king. I have learnt [Plato’s teachings] by heart and I remember them. Praise and Hallowing to the Instructor of Justice and the Originator of all Causes! O members of the assembly! People distinguish themselves on the basis of their intellects, not by their origins. This is what I have learnt from the wise Plato: philosophy is the chief of all sciences, while arts impregnate the minds and bear the fruits of intellect; penetrative reflection produces far-reaching ideas; moderation eases the way to your goals; love lasts in the hearts with the help of sweet words; compliance helps to accomplish matters; all-round morality improves life and brings perfect joy; silence confers a dignified appearance, but the ability to speak flawlessly elevates status and increases honour; relations depend on fairness; modesty increases love; probity improves actions; virtues invest with authority; justice subdues the enemy; forbearance grants more supporters; hearts are engaged through kindness; altruism is required by the word generous, whilst favours earn the name of honourable; friendship lasts with loyalty; virtues achieve perfection with sincerity; fine considerations are the invention of proverbs; time helps to take decisions; he who acknowledges the deficiencies of the material world deserves more; the passing of time engenders harm; the source of good health is good eating and drinking; the advent of adversities spoils life; being ungrateful for favours necessarily leads to being denied them; those prone to weariness are abandoned; 82 the man of bad morals is a danger for his friend; the pusillanimous person has poor discernment; the miser is contemptible for all his riches, and the generous is honourable despite having few possessions; ambition is an ever-present poverty; resignation is an evident wealth; saying ‘I do not know’ counts for half of all wisdom; a quick answer is an occasion to stumble; the careful consideration of affairs improves the perceptive faculties; exercise sharpens the inborn qualities; education renders descent unnecessary; piety is the cloth of the wise, hypocrisy the garb of the ignorant; the stupid man suffers the torment of his spirit; recklessness with women is proper to idiots; worrying about the past is a waste of time; he who stands up against misfortune endangers himself; desire is the cause of sorrows; patience is the support of resolution, the fruit of joy and the end of suffering; he who befriends an ignorant man deludes himself; he who exposes himself to danger fails; he who knows himself does not go astray among the people; knowledge will hurt you if it surpasses your intellectual capacity; the experienced person is wiser that the physician; whenever your education falls short, remain silent; he who does not benefit from knowledge is not free form the harm of ignorance; someone who acts without haste 83 will not have regrets; the impulsive person enmeshes himself; he who hastens puts himself in trouble; he who thinks carefully is safe; he who reflects collects benefits; he who asks learns; he who takes upon himself what he cannot do will be embarrassed; experience does not have an end, but the intelligent man wants more of it; everybody is governed by the force of habit; everything can be changed except nature; every harm has its remedy except death; he who is known by his wisdom is regarded with admiration. Conciseness is enough to show eloquence; poor understanding by the listener is only thing that damages an eloquent speaker. Whoever finds the garb of certitude will have no need to dispute when he is asked, but he who fails to attain it will succumb to ignorance, and will be lured by vain thoughts and turned away from certainty by passions, for the force of bad habit will set him apart from the virtues of learning. Distress upon the calamities of friends is more praiseworthy than fortitude, but fortitude upon someone’s own tragedy deserves more praise than distress; nothing changes fortune faster than standing up against tyranny; he who seeks to serve the uncultured ruler is no longer safe, but doomed; it is difficult to ascend to a position of authority, but too easy to fall in disgrace. [4.6.9] Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq continues: Sayings of this sort were the first things that the sage would teach his student in his first year, in addition to learning to write Greek, and they subsequently proceeded to learn poetry and grammar, arithmetic, geography, astrology, medicine, music and, only after that were they promoted to the study of logic and, finally, philosophy. These are the disciplines devoted to the most elevated matters, and these ten were studied by pupils for ten years. 84 When the wise Plato saw how well had Aristotle learnt the teachings and lessons addressed to Nitaforas, with such secrecy, retentiveness and natural talent, and that the king had ordered him to adopt him as a member of his household, he decided to also keep Aristotle with him as a student and to instruct him in all the ten disciplines so that he would become a wise philosopher knowledgeable in all the branches of knowledge that we have mentioned. [4.6.10] I – Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah – continue with a saying of Aristotle, which epitomizes the fundaments of the preservation of health, states: ‘I would be surprised to see someone falling ill if he drinks “water of the vine” 85 and eats bread and meat; moves, rests, sleeps and stays awake in the right proportion; regulates his sexual life correctly, and keeps his humours balanced.’ [4.6.11] Here are some of the wise sayings of Aristotle collected by the Emir al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik: 86 Know that nothing is more beneficial for people than their rulers, but only if they are righteous; there is nothing worse for them and their souls than a corrupt one, because the ruler is to his subjects as the soul is to its body, which cannot live without it. Beware of covetousness, for your well-being and that of those with you resides in renunciation. Know that renunciation is achieved through certainty, certainty through patience, and patience through reflection. If you reflect about the material world, you will not find it possible to praise it to the detriment of the afterlife, for this world is the abode of tribulation and the home of misfortune. If you want freedom from want, then seek it through contentment, because someone who does not possess contentment will not be made free from want by wealth, no matter how much there is. Know that one of the signs revealing the vicissitudes of this world and the grief of the life on it is that one part of it does not prosper unless another decays, and that there is no way for people on earth to glory except by humbling others. Know that worldly matters are sometimes gained without decisiveness or religious virtue. Now if you attain your need from it [i.e. the world], though you were aiming wrongly; or if it turns away from you, though you were aiming justly, then you must not be carried away by this and repeat the error or avoid what is right. Do not waste your life on useless things, nor spend your money on anything immoral, nor devote your efforts to undemanding aims, nor occupy your mind with wrongful thoughts, for you ought to protect what you have and your good fortune, especially at that time of your life when everything is profitable. If you need to occupy your soul with pleasures, let them be the conversation with learned men and the study of books of wisdom. You should know that no one is free of fault or virtue. Do not let the defects of a man prevent you from requesting his help where he has no shortcomings; nor let the many virtues of a man persuade you to ask for his help when it comes to something for which he has no means to help. But be also aware that too much help from the wicked will be more harmful for you than lack of help from the good. Justice is God’s scale on earth, may He be exalted; with it He takes from the powerful to the weak, to the truthful from the false. Whoever alters the balance that God has set for His subjects in His scale behaves with the utmost ignorance and makes the most fundamental error towards Him. A learned man recognises an ignorant one because he was once ignorant himself; but an ignorant man does not recognise a learned man because he has never learned. I do not seek knowledge with the aspiration of reaching its furthest point, nor aiming at possessing it all. I only ask for that which cannot be ignored and that which a sensible man cannot properly contradict. Seek the wealth that does not perish, the life that does not change, the power that does not expire, and permanence that does not vanish. Better yourself, and people will follow you. Be merciful and compassionate, and do not let your mercy and your compassion fail those who deserve to be rewarded and have improved themselves with education. Enjoin yourself to uphold the law, because in it resides the perfection of the pious. Seize the opportunity against your enemy and act despite the vicissitudes of time. Do not oppose those who are in the path of truth, do not fight those who adhere to religion. Let religion take the place of your king and he who opposes religion will be his enemy. Never reprove or abase those who uphold the law. Take lessons from those who have passed and do not be a bad example for those who are to come. There is no vainglory in that which perishes, nor wealth in that which does not remain. Treat your weakest enemies as if they were stronger than you, and inspect your army like someone who has suffered a calamity and is in need of their protection. Trait your subjects kindly, like someone whose kingdom has been violated and whose enemies are many. Grant pre-eminence to the pious, the virtuous and the faithful, and in return you will be rewarded with success and distinction in this world. Subdue the licentious, and you will improve your religion and that of your people. Do not be negligent, for negligence leads to remorse. Do not expect safety for yourself until the people are safe from your injustice, and do not punish anyone for something that you would allow for yourself. Learn from those who have preceded you, remember what has passed, keep a healthy life, and you will be successful. Sincerity is the basis of the affairs of all people. Lying is an incurable disease for those afflicted by it. He who constantly thinks about death and the afterlife improves his soul; and whoever stains his soul is detested by his friends. He who searches for the hidden vices of his friends will never have any authority. People desire the demise of those who behave tyrannically with them. People hate the life of those excessive in reproof. He who receives praise after his death is in a better state than someone who receives criticism during his life. He who disputes with the ruler dies before his day. A king who disputes with the common people dishonours himself. Death is the noblest end for a king who has driven himself to ignominy. He who loves the world immoderately dies poor; the contented man dies rich. He who drinks without restrain is a lowlife. He who dies has few who envy him. Wisdom is the nobility of those without noble birth. Ambition carries with it an inexpungible baseness. Vileness destroys nobility and exposes the soul to harm. Bad manners destroy all that the ancestors built. Ignorance is the worst company. Losing one’s face by begging from people is a lesser death. The ruler ought not to take money or goods from the common people, but rather adopt them and welcome them as friends; he should not desire from them honour other than that which he deserves for his good deeds and his virtuous administration. When giving advice to Alexander, Aristotle wrote: ‘The corrupt are easily led by fear; the honest by shame. You should discriminate between both groups: with the former be rough and ruthless, with the latter gracious and beneficent’. He also told him: ‘Let your anger be moderate, neither merciless nor pusillanimous: the former is proper to beasts, the latter proper to children’. He also wrote to him: ‘The deeds that bring honour to kings are three: virtuous laws, celebrated conquests, and the cultivation brought to barren lands’. A concise speech encloses hidden meanings. Seeking those who avoid you is dishonourable, avoiding those who seek you shows lack of ambition. Calumny fills hearts with hate; he who confronts you [with slander] has in fact calumniated you, but he who conveys slander [about someone else] to you also slanders you. Since the ignorant is his own enemy, how can anyone befriend him? A happy man is someone who learns from others. Aristotle said to his friends: ‘Let your main concern be the exercise of your souls; as for the bodies, take care of them in the necessary measure, and abstain from pleasures because they enslave the weak soul; but they have no power over strong ones’. We love the truth and we love Plato, but when they differ, truth is more deserving of our love. 87 Loyalty is the result of nobility. 88 The tongue of the ignorant is the key that opens the door to his destruction. Necessity opens the door to stratagems. Silence is better than being inarticulate. Status grows through bestowing favours. 89 Modesty renders a wealthy life perfect. Authority comes with heavy burdens. An honest way of life reduces examples of disgrace. Perfect your virtue by abandoning that which does not concern you. Calumny engenders nastiness. Aristotle once saw a young man who despised learning and told him: ‘If you do not have patience for the toils of learning, you will have to bear with patience the miseries of ignorance’. When one of the students of Aristotle vilified another student, he asked: ‘Do you want us to accept what you have said about him if we accept what he said about you?’. ‘No’, he replied. And Aristotle said: ‘Refrain from doing evil and it will evade you’. When Aristotle saw a convalescent patient eating excessively because he believed that this would make him stronger, he said: ‘The increase of strength does not depend on the amount of food that the body receives, but on the amount that it accepts’. Experience is enough to acquire education, and the vicissitudes of time suffice to learn your lessons. Aristotle was once asked: ‘What is that which you should not say even if it is true?’ He replied: ‘You should never praise yourself’. When he was asked: ‘Why do the wise men treasure money?’ He replied: ‘So that they would not need to occupy a place that they do not deserve’. Men are tested when they are angered, not when they are pleased; when they are powerful, not when they are abased. Pleasing all people is an impossible goal, but do not worry about the anger of those who are pleased with tyranny. Men are superior to animals for their ability to speak and their intelligence; someone who neither speaks nor understands will be reduced to the animal condition. Do not drink immoderately because it alters your mind and impairs your discernment. After answering a question to one of his students Aristotle asked: ‘Have you understood?’ ‘Yes’, answered the student. But he insisted: ‘You do not seem to have understood’. ‘How can you know that?’, said the student. And Aristotle replied: ‘I do not see you happy, and happiness is a sign of understanding’. The best things are the newest, except for friendships: the best of them are the oldest. Everything has a special quality; that of the mind is the ability to make good choices. One does not deserve blame for not answering a question until it becomes clear that it has been asked properly: a good question leads to a good answer. Hasty speech always leads to mistakes. A small benefit from something known is enough to turn someone away from something that he does not know. He who has tasted the sweetness of an action bears patiently the bitterness of its pursuit; he who has seen the utility of knowledge will seek to increase it. Fighting evil with evil is pain, fighting evil with good is virtue. Let your writings be the best reading, and what you keep in your memory be the best thing to write. He wrote once to Alexander: ‘If God grants you the victory you want, be merciful as He wishes’. No boastful man 90 can be praised, no choleric man is happy, no honourable man is envious, no greedy man is rich, no weary man lasts as a friend, 91 no one gains friendship with haste and then has regrets. In most people, reason succumbs to passion, because they live with passion from childhood while reason only comes with maturity. Their souls receive passions like an old friend, but reason is for them a stranger. One day, when Alexander had finished his lessons, Aristotle called him and asked about politics concerning the common people and the elites. He answered all the questions correctly, but Aristotle gave him a good beating nonetheless. When asked why he had done it, Aristotle replied: ‘This young man is being prepared for kingship, and I wanted to make him savour the taste of injustice so that he will prevent any oppression upon his people’. [4.6.12] At his deathbed, Aristotle disposed that he would be buried in an octagonal mausoleum. In each of the eight sides some words comprising the principles on which the wellbeing of people reside were to be written. These eight sayings were displayed as follows: 92 figure 4.1 The eight sayings that Aristotle directed be placed on the sides of his octagonal mausoleum. [4.6.13.1] Among Aristotle’s famous works Ptolemy lists the following: 93 1. Protrepticus to Philosophy ( K. yaḥuḍḍu fīhi ʿalā l-falsafah ), in three books. 94 2. Sophist ( Sūfisṭis ), in one book. 95 3. Rhetoric ( K. Fī ṣināʿat al-rīṭūrī ), in three books. 96 4. On Justice ( K. Fī l-ʿadl ), in four books. 97 5. On the Exercise and Education that Improve the State of Men’s Souls ( K. al-Riyāḍah wa-l-adab al-muṣliḥayn li-ḥālāt al-insān fī nafsihi ), in four books. 98 6. On Inborn Nobility ( K. Fī sharaf al-jins ), in five books. 99 7. On Poets ( K. Fī l-shuʿarāʾ ), in three books. 100 8. On Sovereignty ( K. Fī l-mulk ), in six books. 101 9. On the Good ( K. Fī l-Khayr ), in five books. 102 10. Archytas ( K. Arkhūṭas ), in three books. 11. On Whether Lines Are Divisible or Not ( K. Fī l-khuṭūṭ hal hiya munqasimah aw lā ), in three books. 103 12. On the Character of Justice ( K. Fī ṣifat al-ʿadl ), in four books. 104 13. On Difference and Divergence ( K. Fī l-tabāyun wa-l-ikhtilāf ), in four books. 105 14. On Passionate Love ( K. Fī l-ʿishq ), three books. 106 15. On Whether Forms Have Existence or Not ( K. Fī l-ṣuwar hal lahā wujūd aw lā ), in three books. 107 16. Epitome of Plato’s Opinions ( K. Fī ikhtiṣār qawl Falāṭun ), in two books. 17. Epitome of Plato’s Opinions on the Government of Cities ( K. Fī ikhtiṣār aqāwīl Falāṭun fī tadbīr al-mudun ), in five books. 108 18. Epitome of Plato’s Opinions from his Book on Politics ( K. Fī ikhtiṣār aqāwīl Falāṭun fī kitābihi fī l-siyāsah ), in two books. 109 19. On Pleasure ( K. Fī l-ladhdhah ), in two books. 110 20. On Movements ( K. Fī l-ḥarakāt ), in eight books. 111 21. Mechanical Problems ( K. Fī l-masāʾil al-ḥiyaliyyah ), in two books. 112 22. On the Art of Poetry according to the Pythagorean School ( K. Fī ṣināʿat al-shiʿr ʿalā madhhab Fūthāghūras ), in two books. 23. On the Spirit ( K. Fī l-rūḥ ), in three books. 113 24. Problems ( K. Fī l-masāʾil ), in three books. 114 25. On the River Nile of Egypt ( K. Fī Nīl Miṣr ), in three books. 115 26. On Animals’ Adoption of Shelters to Hide In ( K. Fī ittikhādh al-ḥayawān al-mawāḍiʿ li-yaʾwiya fīhā wa-yakmun ), in one book. 27. Tract on all the Arts ( K. Fī jawāmiʿ al-ṣināʿāt ), in one book. 116 28. On Affection ( K. Fī l-maḥabbah ), in three books. 117 29. Categories ( K. Qāṭīghūriyās ), in one book. 118 30. De Interpretatione ( K. Bārimīniyās ), in one book. 119 31. Topica ( K. Ṭūbīqā ), in eight books. 120 32. Analytica Priora ( K. Anūlūṭīqā ), which is the Book on Deductive Reasoning ( al-Qiyās ), in two books. 121 33. Analytica Posteriora ( K. Afūdhūqṭīqā ), which is the Book on Demonstration ( al-Burhān ), in two books. 122 34. Sophistical Refutations ( K. Fī l-sūfisṭāʾiyyah ), in one book. 123 35. Magna Moralia ( K. Fī l-maqālāt al-kibār fī l-akhlāq ), in two books. 124 36. Eudemian Ethics ( K. Fī maqālāt al-ṣighār fī l-akhlāq ), dedicated to Eudemus, in eight books. 125 37. On the Government of Cities ( K. Fī tadbīr al-mudun ), in eight books. 126 38. On the Art of Poetry ( K. Fī ṣināʿat al-shiʿr ), in two books. 127 39. Rhetoric ( K. Fī ṣināʿat al-rīṭūrī ), in three books. 128 40. Physics ( K. Fī samʿ al-kiyān ), in eight books. 41. De Caelo et Mundo ( K. Fī l-samāʾ wa-l-ʿālam ), in four books. 129 42. De Generatione et Corruptione ( K. Fī l-kawn wa-l-fasād ), in two books. 130 43. Meteorologica ( K. Fī l-āthār al-ʿulwiyyah ), in four books. 131 44. De Anima ( K. Fī l-nafs ), in three books. 132 45. On Sense and the Sensible ( K. al-Ḥiss wa-l-maḥsūs ), in one book. 133 46. On Memory and Sleep ( K. Fī l-dhikr wa-l-nawm ), in one book. 47. On the Movements and Anatomy of Animals ( K. Fī ḥarakāt al-ḥayawān watashrīḥihā ), in seven books. 134 48. Natures of Animals ( K. Fī ṭabāʾiʿ al-ḥayawān ), in ten books. 135 49. On Vital Organs ( K. Fī l-aʿḍāʾ allatī bihā al-ḥayāh ), in four books. 136 50. Generation of Animals ( K. Fī kawn al-ḥayawān ), in five books. 137 51. On the Movement of Terrestrial Animals ( K. Fī ḥarakāt al-ḥayawānāt al-kāʾinah ʿalā al-arḍ ), in one book. 138 52. On the Length and Brevity of Life ( K. Fīṭūl al-ʿumr wa-qiṣarihi ), in one book. 53. On Life and Death ( K. Fī l-ḥayāh wa-l-mawt ), in one book. 54. On Plants ( K. Fī l-nabāt ), in two books. 139 55. Metaphysics ( K. Fīmā baʿd al-ṭabīʿah ), in thirteen books. 140 56. Problems on Matter ( K. Fī masāʾil hayūlāniyyah ), in one book. 57. Problems on Physics ( K. Fī masāʾil ṭabīʿiyyah ), in four books. 58. Classifications ( K. Fī l-qisam ), which contains sixteen books dealing with the categories of time, the categories of the soul and impulses, the matter of the agent, the object, and the act, and love, and the classes of animals; and the matter of the good and the bad, and the movements, and the classes of created beings. 141 59. On Plato’s Classifications ( K. Fī qisam Falāṭun ), in six books. 60. On the Classification of the Six Conditions Governing Speech ( K. Fī qismat al-shurūṭ allatī tushtaraṭu fī l-qawl ), composed in three books. 61. Refutation of Those who Claim that the Premises of the Antithesis Are Taken From the Same Utterance ( K. Fī munāqaḍat man yazʿumu bi-an tuʾkhadha muqaddamāt al-naqīḍ min nafs al-qawl ), in thirty nine books. 142 62. On the Counter-argument Named Enstasis ( K. Fī l-nafy yusammā īsṭāsis ), in thirteen books. 143 63. On Theses ( K. Fī l-mawḍūʿāt ), in thirty-four books. 64. On Theses Concerning Passionate Love ( K. Fī mawḍūʿāt ʿishqiyyah ), in one book. 144 65. On Theses Concerning Physics ( K. Fī mawḍūʿāt ṭabīʿiyyah ), in one book. 145 66. Inventory of Theses ( K. Fī thabat al-mawḍūʿāt ), in one book. 146 67. On Definitions ( K. Fī l-ḥudūd ), in sixteen books. 147 68. On Things that Support a Definition ( K. Fī l-ashyāʾ al-taḥdīdiyyah ), in four books. 148 69. On the Definition of Topics ( K. Fī taḥdīd ṭūbīqā ), in one book. 149 70. On Establishing Definitions of Topics ( K. Fī taqwīm ḥudūd ṭūbīqā ), in three books. 150 71. On the Theses with which Definitions Are Established ( K. Fī l-mawḍūʿāt tuqawwamu bihā al-ḥudūd ), in two books. 151 72. On Criticisms of Definitions ( K. Fī munāqaḍat al-ḥudūd ), in two books. 152 73. On the Art of Definition as Used by Theophrastus in the Analytica Priora ( K. Fī ṣināʿat al-taḥdīd allatī istaʿmalahā Thāwfrasṭus li-anālūṭīqā al-ūlā ), in one book. 153 74. On Establishing Definition ( K. Fī taqwīm al-taḥdīd ), in two books. 75. Problemata ( K. Fī l-masāʾil ), in twenty-eight books. 154 76. On Introductions to Problems ( K. Fī muqaddamāt al-masāʾil ), in three books. 155 77. On Routine Problems for Use by Students ( K. Fī l-masāʾil al-dawriyyah allatī yastaʿmiluhā al-mutaʿallimūn ), in four books. 156 78. Precepts ( K. Fī l-waṣāyā ), in four books. 157 79. Memoranda ( K. Fī l-tadhkirāt ), in two books. 158 80. On Medicine ( K. Fī l-ṭibb ), in five books. 159 81. On Diet ( K. Fī tadbīr al-ghidhāʾ ), in one book. 160 82. On Agriculture ( K. Fī l-filāḥah ), in ten books. 161 83. On Liquids ( K. Fī l-ruṭūbāt ), in one book. 84. On Pulse ( K. al-nabḍ ), in one book. 85. On Common Phenomena ( K. Fī l-aʿrāḍ al-ʿāmmiyyah ), in three books. 86. Meteorologica ( K. Fī l-āthār al-ʿulwiyyah ), in two books. 162 87. On Reproduction in Animals ( K. Fī tanāsul al-ḥayawān ), in two books. 88. Another work on reproduction in animals, in two books. 89. On Premises ( K. Fī l-muqaddamāt ), in twenty-three books. 163 90. Another work on other principles, in seven books. 91. On the Constitutions of the Cities and the Number of Nations ( K. Fī siyāsat al-mudun wa-ʿadad al-umam ), in which he deals with one hundred and seventy-one large cities. 164 92. Varied Memoranda ( K. Fī tadhkirāt ʿiddah ), in sixteen books. 165 93. Another work of the same sort, in one book. 94. On Epicheiremes ( K. Fī l-munāqaḍāt ), in one book. 166 95. On Correlation ( K. Fī l-muḍāf ), in one book. 167 96. On Time ( K. Fī l-zamān ), in one book. 168 [4.6.13.2] Some works comprising several volumes that I [i.e. Ptolemy] found in the library of Apellicon 169 include: 97. Another book on memoranda. 98. A large work with a number of epistles in eight books. 170 99. On the Laws of the Cities ( K. Fī sunan al-mudun ), in two books. 171 100. Epistles found by Andronicus, 172 in twenty parts. 101. Several books including memoranda, the names of which are listed in Andronicus’ index of the works of Aristotle. 102. Questions on the Obscure Verses in Homer’s Poetry ( K. Fī Masāʾil min ʿawīṣ shiʿr Ūmīrus ), in ten books. 103. Interesting Topics in Medicine ( K. Fī maʿānī malīḥah min al-ṭibb ). 173 Ptolemy states: ‘These are all the works by Aristotle that I have seen, but others have seen additional books’. [4.6.13.3] I – Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah – continue: I have come across many other books by Aristotle that were not listed by Ptolemy, including: 104. Physiognomics ( K. al-Firāsah ). 174 105. On Politics ( K. al-Siyāsah al-madaniyyah ). 106. On Practical Politics ( K. al-Siyāsah al-ʿamaliyyah ). 107. Questions on Wine and Inebriation ( Masāʾil fī l-khamr wa-l-sukr ), consisting of twenty-two questions. 108. On the Oneness of God ( K. Fī l-tawḥīd ), written in the style of Socrates. 109. On Youth and Old Age ( K. al-shabāb wa-l-haram ). 175 110. On Health and Disease ( K. al-ṣiḥḥah wa-l-saqam ). 111. On Infection ( K. Fī l-iʿdāʾ ) 112. On Sexual Intercourse ( K. Fī l-bāh ). 113. An epistle by Aristotle to his son. 114. His testament to Nikanor. 176 115. On Movement ( K. al-Ḥarakah ). 116. On the Virtue of the Soul ( K. Faḍl al-nafs ). 177 117. On Atomic Mass ( K. Fī l-ʿiẓam alladhī lā yatajazzaʾ ). 178 118. On Transformation ( K. al-Tanaqqul ). 119. Golden Epistle ( al-Risālah al-Dhahabiyyah ). 179 120. Epistle to Alexander on the Disposition of Royal Power ( Risālah ilā al-Iskandar fī tadbīr al-mulk ). 180 121. On Beings and Natures ( K. al-Kiyānāt wa-l-ṭabīʿiyyāt ). 122. On the Causes of the Stars ( K. Fī ʿilal al-nujūm ). 181 123. On Rain Stars ( K. al-Anwāʾ ). 182 124. On Wakefulness ( R. Fī l-yaqaẓah ). 183 125. Description of Stones and their Benefits, and the Cause of the Creation of Celestial Bodies ( K. Naʿt al-aḥjār wa-manāfiʿihā wa-l-sabab fī khalq al-ajrām al-samāwiyyah ). 184 126. A letter to Alexander on spiritual matters and their effect in each clime. 127. Ismāṭālīs , which he dedicated to Alexander. 185 128. Epistle on the Natures of the World ( R. Fīṭabāʾiʿ al-ʿālam ), dedicated to Alexander. 129. The Book of Iṣṭimākhīs ( K. Iṣṭimākhīs ), composed when Alexander wanted to go to Asia Minor. 186 130. Mechanics ( K. al-Ḥiyal ). 187 131. On Mirrors ( K. al-Mirʾāh ). 132. On Sovereignty ( K. al-Qawl ʿalā al-rubūbiyyah ). 188 133. Natural Problems ( K. al-masāʾil al-ṭabīʿiyyah ), also known as Why is that? ( Mā bāl ), 189 in seventeen books. 134. Metaphysics ( Māṭāfūsīqā ), in twelve books. 190 135. Book of Animals ( K. al-Ḥayawān ), in nineteen books. 136. Description of animals that lack verbal skills and the benefits, disadvantages, etc., of these. 137. Exposition of the Pure Good ( K. Īḍāḥ al-khayr al-maḥḍ ). 191 138. Book of Pickaxes ( K. al-Malāṭīs ). 192 139. On Bloody Expectoration ( K. Fī nafth al-dam ). 140. On Minerals (K. al-Maʿādin) . 141. The Unique Book ( K. al-Yatīm ), which was written for Alexander the King and deals with the conqueror and the conquered, the seeker and the sought. 142. The Secret of the Stars ( K. asrār al-nujūm ). Footnotes 1 On this biography and its relationship with other Arabic lives of Aristotle see Gutas, ‘The Arabic Lives of Aristotle’. For a commented paraphrase of the different sections of iau ’s biography see Düring, Aristotle , 213–231. On the relationship between the Greek, Syriac and Arabic versions of Aristotle’s vita see Baumstark, Aristoteles bei den Syrern , 1–132. 2 Cf. al-Masʿūdī, al-Tanbīh , 116. 3 Cf. Ibn Juljul, Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 25. 4 The original Greek of Ptolemy’s Vita Aristotelis is lost (though survives in epitomes ed. in Dürling), but the Arabic translation has survived in the unicum ms Aya Sofya 4833. The identity of its author, referred to as Ptolemy al-Gharīb in Arabic sources, is unknown. On the figure of Ptolemy see Chroust, Aristotle , 1–15; Gutas, ‘The Spurious and the Authentic’, 15–36. These passages correspond to ms Aya Sofya 4833, ff. 10b–13a. 5 That is, the Macedonian kings Amyntas iii (d. 370 bc ), Philip ii (382–336 bc ) and Alexander the Great (356–323 bc ). 6 Asclepius is the mythical god of medicine; his son Machaon was portrayed as an outstanding physician in Greek literature. 7 I.e. the Delphic oracle. 8 A parallel text in al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik reads Atarneus ( ʾ-t-r-n-y-w-s ). The transcription of this name in iau and in the extant manuscript of Ptolemy’s Epistle to Gallus is respectively ʾ-w-r-l-y-s and ʾ-w-l-s . The text seems to be corrupted at this point and it is possible that this might have been a transcription of the name of Hermias’ former master, Eubulus of Bithynia, whom Hermias is said to have murdered in order to become ruler of Atarneus. Hermias invited Aristotle to his court and married him to his niece, Pythias: Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Pythias’ (J. Engels). 9 Callisthenes of Olynthus is the historian who accompanied Alexander in his campaign in Asia; he was related to Aristotle and worked with him; Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Callisthenes [1]’ (E. Badian). 10 In Arabic: kamariyyīn , a likely borrowing from the Aramaic ܐ犯ܡ熏ܟ or the Hebrewרמכ (‘idol priest’). Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Eminent Philosophers 5.5 gives two names: Eurymedon or, following Favorinus, Demophilus. 11 According to a hostile tradition recorded by Diogenes Laertius, the impiety consisted in offering sacrifice to his mistress, who was a concubine belonging to Hermias (cf. above). Diogenes and Eusebius ( Preparation for the Gospel 15.2.8) name different sources. 12 On the Ps.-Aristotle’s Apology , see Ford, Aristotle as Poet , 60–68. 13 Cf. below Ch. 4.6.3.2 . 14 In Arabic aʿlā al-madīnah , ‘the summit of the city’. The text refers to the erection of a stēlē , an upright monument of stone which bore a commemorative or honorific inscription. 15 The text seems to be corrupted at this point, and this sentence is partially missing in Ptolemy’s Vita Aristotelis . The translation is conjectural. 16 A plausible historical context to understand the story of the erection of a stēlē in honour of Aristotle is the negotiation of the city with the king before the battle of Chaeronea in 338 bc , see Chroust, Aristotle , 138–139. 17 In Arabic aʿlā al-madīnah , ‘the summit of the city’. 18 Part of this passage from Ptolemy’s account is also extant in Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist , ed. Flügel, i:247; ed. Sayyid, 2/1:158. 19 Cf. Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 187 and also a very close rendition of this passage in Muntakhab Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , 40. 20 In Arabic al-muḥīṭ , perhaps a recollection of the Greek idea of an engkuklios paideia . 21 In Arabic ʿilm al-lisān . 22 Cf. Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 180. 23 This is a widespread anecdote. The author of the abridgement of the Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah states that Plato used to call Aristotle ‘Intellect’ or ‘Brains’ ( al-ʿaql ), see Mukhtaṣar Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah , 6. Also Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī, cf. Ṭabaqāt al-umam , 24; and Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 28. 24 Cf. Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 182. 25 Arisṭūṭālīsī , as above. Greek sources dependent on Ptolemy report at Stageira an Aristoteleia festival and an Aristoteleion at his tomb ‘where they gathered for assemblies’ ( Vita Marciana 17–18 ed. Düring). 26 iau ’s attribution is mistaken: this passage is verbatim from Ibn Ḥawqal, Kitāb Ṣūrat al-arḍ , i:118–119. Although Routes and Realms was a common title for geographical works, none of the works of al-Masʿūdī bears it. Cf. Ch. 5.1.21.1 . 27 Cf. Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 183. 28 All manuscripts read ʾ-r-m-ī-n-w-s . This is a slight corruption of Eumenes (which we read in the Arabic), a scholar and chancellor of Philip and Alexander the Great, see Brill’s New Pauly art. ‘Eumenes [1]’ (A. Mehl), though he is not attested as a pupil elsewhere. 29 The Arabic reads ʾ-s-kh-ū-l-ū-s , which is most likely a defective transcription of Aristoxenus, Aristotle’s pupil, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Aristoxenus [1]’ (F. Zaminer). 30 The Arabic has Eumenes ( ʾ-ū-m-ī-n-ū-s ; cf. above), but this should refer to Aristotle’s pupil and editor of his works Eudemus of Rhodes, who continued the Peripatetic tradition after Theophrastus. See Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Eudemus [3]’ (H. Gottschalk). 31 The Arabic reads ʾ-s-kh-ū-l-ū-s , cf. above. 32 Cf. Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, K. Ādāb , 46. 33 Al-Sijistānī al-Manṭiqī is the putative author of the Ṣiwān al-ḥikmah . See his biography at Ch. 11.7. 34 See Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist , ed. Tajaddud, 309; ed. Sayyid, 2/1:159. 35 The reference to Isḥāq is taken from Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist , Sayyid, 2/1:160. 36 Cf. Ṣāʿid al-Andalusī, Ṭabaqāt al-umam , 24. 37 This refers to the arrangement of the three figures ( ashkāl ) that form the syllogism: two premises and a conclusion. Cf. e.g. al-Khwārazmī, Mafātīḥ al-ʿulūm , 148–149. 38 The Arabic reads ʾ-w-f-ā-r-s , which appears to refer to the historian contemporary of Aristotle, Ephorus, who according to Plutarch, refused Alexander’s invitation to join him on his Asian campaign, see: Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Ephorus’ (K. Meister). There is, however, no proof that Aristotle drew on Ephrorus for any historical information or even met him. On the record books ( tadhākir, tadhkirāt ), see below titles n. 79 and 92. There may a recollection here of the Aristotelian distinction between ‘exoteric’ (public/popular) and ‘esoteric’ (specialized academic presentations for use within his school), the latter category forming the corpus that survives to us. 39 This work is not included in the lists of Aristotle’s books provided below. 40 This might correspond to the Ps.-Aristotelian, On Whether Lines are Divisible or Not ( K. Fī l-khuṭūṭ hal hiya munqasimah aw lā ), listed below under title no. 11. 41 See below under no. 130. 42 Below under title no. 40. Also known as Lectures on Nature ( al-Samāʿ al-ṭabīʿī ). 43 See below the list of books under no. 41. 44 See below under no. 42. 45 See below under no. 43. 46 See below under no. 135. 47 See below under no. 54. 48 See, respectively, nos. 44, 45 (with note), 110, 109. 49 See below under no. 55. 50 I.e. the Magna Moralia (below under no. 35) and the Nicomachean Ethics , which is not included in the list of books. On the Arabic translations of the Nicomachean Ethics and its reception see Zonta, ‘Les Éthiques’. For an edition of the Arabic version see: Ullmann, Nikomachische Ethik . 51 See below under no. 36. 52 The tract on the administration of the manzil (house, estate) is not included in the list of books provided below; on this Ps.-Aristotelian Oikonomika (as it is called in Greek; in Arabic K. Tadbīr al-manzil ), see Peters, Aristoteles Arabus , 62 (no. 8). Politics : title no. 105. 53 I.e. the six books of the Organon including two books each for Prior and Posterior Analytics . 54 This is an expanded paraphrase of the end of the Sophistical Refutations (184b), where Aristotle hails his role as the inventor of the art of syllogistic reasoning and asks pardon for incompleteness and gratitude for achievement. 55 Cf. al-Fārābī, Iḥṣāʾ , 44–46. 56 Title no. 29. 57 Cf. Iḥsāʾ , 45: simple statements ( al-aqāwīl al-basīṭah ). 58 I.e. Περὶ Ἑρμηνείας . Title no. 30. 59 I.e philosophy, dialectics, sophistic, rhetoric, poetry. Title no. 32. 60 Title no. 33. 61 Title no. 31. 62 Title no. 34. 63 The edition of al-Fārābī’s Iḥṣāʾ al-ʿulūm has the title Rīṭūrīqā . Title no. 39. 64 Title no. 38. 65 I.e. the rules on demonstration discussed in the Analytics . 66 I.e. those addressed in books one to three of the Organon . 67 I.e. those addressed in the books five to eight of the Organon . 68 mss ABGa have the variant taḥdīd (to provide definition), which is also possible in context. 69 I.e. dialectic, sophistry, rhetoric, and poetics. 70 The Arabic text of the testament copied from Ptolemy’s Vita Aristotelis has survived in the unicum ms Istanbul Aya Sofya 4833, and has also been transmitted by Ibn al-Nadīm, see Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:159–160. For a Greek version of the text, see Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Eminent Philosophers 5.11–16. 71 Nicanor of Stagira was a commander under Alexander the Great, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Nicanor [5]’ (E. Badian). 72 Hipparchus was a student of Aristotle, see Brill’s New Pauly , art. ‘Hipparchus [4]’, (H. Gottschalk). 73 Diogenes Laertius 5.1: ‘he also had a son called Nicomachus by his concubine Herpyllis’. 74 The Arabic text suggests he should be her guardian; the Greek states that Nicanor should marry her. 75 Kh-l-q-ī-s ; this implies that there were ties between the cities of Chalcidice in the north Aegean and Chalcis on the island of Euboea, which founded many of them (but not Stagira). 76 In the version transmitted by Diogenes Laertius, Olympius’ son shall also be manumitted; Lives of the Eminent Philosophers 5.15. 77 On the different versions of Aristotle’s last will and testament see Chroust, Aristotle , ch. 15. 78 Cf. Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, Ādāb , 51. 79 Literally ‘houses of gold’ ( buyūt al-dhahab ), a term likely inspired by the legend of the ‘Golden House’ in the introduction to the Ps.-Aristotelian De mundo , which was well known in Arabic. For an edition of the Arabic version of this work see Brafman, ‘The Arabic “De Mundo”’. A reference to the gatherings of philosophers in the ‘golden house’ can also be found in the correspondence between Aristotle and Alexander, see Maróth, Correspondence , 148. 80 This story has no historical basis and the names of the king and his son are fictional with vocalization exempli gratia . The Arabic rendition of these names is R-w-f-s-ṭ-ā-n-s or R-wq-s-ṭ-ā-n-y-s , and N-ṭ-ā-f-w-r-s . The same account, followed by a collection of aphorisms, can be found in the apocryphal correspondence between Aristotle and Alexander, see Maróth, Correspondence , 137–142. 81 The reading of this name is conjectural, although it could correspond to a Greek Φίλων rather than Φίλιππος, cf. Ḥunayn’s Fīlūnīs (which also occurs in the Hebrew translation of Ḥunayn’s treatise, see Loewenthal, Sinnsprüche , 9). 82 Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq adds at this point an aphorism missing both in iau and Mubashshir ibn Fātik: ‘Weariness is a fault of character, not the consequence of being tired’. 83 All manuscripts and al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik read mantaʾayyada , ‘someone who is helped’, but in this context the reading of Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, man ittaʾada , is preferable. 84 This categorization of sciences into ten disciplines is an oddity in Arabic literature, as Ritter and Pressner pointed out in their translation of the Picatrix , where they refer to a similar tenfold classification made in this work as ‘ein Unikum’; see Ritter and Pressner, Picatrix , 349 n. 1. A reference to the ‘ten sciences’ (without further discussion) also occurs in the anonymous Book of Curiosities , see Rapoport & Savage-Smith, Egyptian Guide , 173. 85 I.e. wine. On this expression see e.g. al-Thaʿālibī, Thimār al-qulūb , 567: Māʾ al-karm: qad aktharū fī dhikrihī , with an anonymous verse (in fact by Abū Nuwās) in praise of wine and its drinkers, with mock etymology: fa-inna l-karma min karamin wa-jūdin | wa-māʾu l-karmi li-l-rajuli l-karīmī . 86 Cf. Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 185–222. 87 This is a variant of the amicus Plato maxim that can be traced to the Nicomachean Ethics , 1096a14–17. For the Arabic see Akasoy & Fidora Arabic Version of the Nicomachean Ethics , 125, with the corrections of Ullmann, Nikomachische Ethik , ii:127. 88 According to the version preserved by al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik: ‘Loyalty is characteristic of nobility’ (Badawī, al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik , 202). 89 Cf. al-Thaʿālibī, al-Tamthīl wa-l-muḥāḍarah , 137, where the saying is attributed to the Sasanian Qubād. 90 Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik (p. 203) reads ‘dissolute man’ ( fajūr ). 91 Al-Mubashshir ibn Fātik reads ‘no weary person is trustworthy’ (p. 203). A variant of this saying occurs in al-Adabal-ṣaghīr , attributed to Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ, with the variant ‘no weary man has friends’, see Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ, Adab , 50. 92 For a manuscript illustration of this design, see Fig. 4.4 in Ignacio Sánchez’s essay ‘The Textual and Manuscript Tradition of Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah’s ʿUyūn al-anbāʾ fī ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ ’ in Vol. One. Aristotle’s ‘virtuous circle’ appears in Ibn Juljul ( Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 26) with clear textual parallelisms to iau ’s text, but without the graphic representation. See also Sirr al-asrār , 126–127. 93 This list of works is divided into two parts. The first is taken from Ptolemy’s Vita and based on the catalogue of Andronicus (see below, title no. 101); the second part contains a number of Ps.-Aristotelian works added by iau himself. On the bio-bibliographical Aristotelian tradition see Düring, Aristotle ; Moraux, Listes . On the Arabic bibliographical tradition, see Müller, ‘Das arabische Verzeichniss der Aristotelischen Schriften’; Peters, Aristoteles Arabus . For the Greek edition of Aristotle’s works see the standard text of Bekker, Aristotelis Opera with the volume of fragments by Gigon, Aristotelis opera , which includes Düring’s partial translation of iau ’s biography of Aristotle (iii:36–38) and the list of books translated by Steinschneider (iii:39–45). 94 Most scholars argue that Ptolemy shows confusion between the Protrepticus and the On Philosophy (περὶ φιλοσοφίας), which was in three books (Diogenes Laertius, 5.22), whereas the evdience for the Protrepticus points to one book, and thus translate title 1 by both Greek titles (e.g. Gigon, p. 39). Cf. Laurenti, ‘Aristotele’, 395–409. For a project aimed at reconstructing the Protrepticus , see http://www ​.protrepticus.info . 95 See Laurenti, ‘Aristotele’, 421–424. 96 This title may correspond to the dialogue also known as Gryllos . See Laurenti, ‘Aristotele’, 414–418. For Aristotle’s Rhetoric , see below no. 39. 97 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī dhiqāʾūsūnīs (περὶ δικαιοσύνης). See Laurenti, ‘Aristotele’, 383–389. 98 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī fādiyas (περὶ παιδείας). See Laurenti, ‘Aristotele’, 465–468. 99 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī awghāniyas (περὶ εὐγενείας). See Laurenti, ‘Aristotele’, 454–456. 100 See Laurenti, ‘Aristotele’, 389–395. 101 iau reads ‘on sects’ ( milal ) instead of ‘on sovereignty’ ( mulk ). Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī fāsilīs (περὶ βασιλείας). See Laurenti, ‘Aristotele’, 460–462. 102 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī aghāthū (περὶ ἀγαθοῦ). 103 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī ṭūn aṭūmun ghramūn (περὶ τῶν ἀτόμων γραμμῶν). This Ps.-Aristotelian work is known in Latin as De lineis insecabilibus , Mertier, ‘Aristote’, 493–495. 104 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī dīqāʾun (περὶ δικαίων). See Laurenti, ‘Aristotele’, 383–389. 105 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek fārī diyāfūras (περὶ διαφοράς). According to Ptolemy al-Gharīb, it consisted of two books. 106 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title aruṭūqūn (ἐρωτικῶν). See Laurenti, ‘Aristotele’, 425–427. 107 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek fārī īdūlun (περὶ εἰδῶν). 108 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title falāṭūnus fūlīṭas (Πλάτωνος πολιτείας). 109 iau reads: ‘ Epitome of Plato’s Opinions on Pleasure from his Book on Politics ( K. Fī ikhtiṣār aqāwīl Falāṭun fī l-ladhdhah fī kitābihi fī l-siyāsah ), in two books’. This title is neither in the manuscript containing Ptolemy’s Vita nor in the pinax copied by Ibn al-Qifṭī and is clearly the result of contamination with the next title in the list. 110 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārīīdūʾāsmāṭā ; the transcription is corrupted and, according to Düring, this should be read as περὶ ἡδονῆς. 111 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī qīnīsāʾus (περὶ κινήσεως). 112 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title mīkhānīqā frūblīmāṭā (μηχανικὰ προβλήματα). Mertier, ‘Aristote’, 491–493. 113 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī bnawmaṭā (περὶ πνεύματος). 114 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title brūblīmāṭā (προβλήματα). 115 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī tū nīl (περὶ τοῦ Νείλου). 116 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī takhnūn (περὶ τεχνῶν). 117 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī fīliyas (περὶ φιλίας). 118 On the Arabic translations of this work see Elamrani-Jamal, ‘ Catégories ’. 119 See Hugonnard-Roche, ‘ De Interpretatione ’. 120 See A. Elamrani-Jamal, ‘Les Topiques ’. 121 See Hugonnard-Roche, ‘Les Premieres Analytiques ’. 122 See A. Elamrani-Jamal, ‘Les Seconds Analytiques ’. 123 The Sophistical Refutations have survived in Arabic in three different translations. On the transmission and translation of this work, see Hugonnard-Roche, ‘Les Réfutations sophistiques ’. 124 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title īthīqūn māghālun (Ἠθικῶν μεγάλων). 125 iau ’s title reads: Minor Ethical Treatises (i.e. not the Magna Moralia ); Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title īthīqūn awdhīmus (Ἠθικῶν Εὐδημείων). No full translation of this work into Arabic has come down to us – if it was ever made – but a fragment ascribed to the Eudemian Ethics is quoted in an epistle on the soul written by al-Fārābī, see Peters, Aristoteles Arabus , 5. For Eudemus, see n. 30 . 126 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fūlīṭīqūn (πολιτικῶν). There is no notice of full translations of Aristotle’s Politics into Arabic, although authors such al-Fārābī seem to have had access to this work. On the reception of Politics in the Muslim world see Pines, ‘Aristoteles’ Politics ’, and Peters, Aristoteles Arabus , 52. 127 See Hugonnard-Roche, ‘La Poétique ’. 128 For the Arabic translations and commentaries and their editions see Aouad, ‘La Rhétorique ’; Vagelpohl, Aristotle’s Rhetoric . 129 See Hugonnard-Roche, ‘ De Caelo ’. 130 See Rashed, ‘ De Generatione et Corruptione ’. 131 See Schoonheim, ‘ Météorologiques ’, and Petraitis, The Arabic Version of Aristotle’s Meteorology . On the reception of this work see Lettinck, Aristotle’s Meteorology . Note the doublet with no. 86. 132 See, Elamrani-Jamal, ‘ De Anima ’, and Arnzen, ‘ De Anima ’; cf. also Lyons, Themistius’ Commentary . 133 De Sensu et Sensato . The Arabic title al-Ḥiss wa-l-maḥsūs could refer both to the short tract On Sense and the Sensible , or to the collection in which it is included, the Parva Naturalia , composed of seven works. Since the work listed here consists of a single book, it is clear that it refers to the tract and not to the entire collection. The first six books at least of Parva Naturalia were translated into Arabic, but only fragments of a very periphrastic version have come down to us. On the Arabic tradition of this work see Hansberger, ‘ Kitāb al-Ḥiss wa-l-maḥsūs ’, and Di Martino, ‘ Parva Naturalia ’. Cf. nos. 109, 124, and no. 4 in the works of Theophrastus ( Ch. 4.7 ). 134 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title qīnīstaʾus ṭīn zawʾun anāṭumun (κινήσεως τῶν ζῴων ἀνα-τομῶν). This title might correspond to two Aristotelian works De motu animalium and De partibus animalium ; on the Arabic tradition of these see Kruk, ‘La zoologie aristotélicienne’. 135 The Latin Historia Animalium . See Kruk, ‘La zoologie aristotélicienne’. 136 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek zawāyqūn mūriyūn (ζῴων μορίων). 137 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī zwā ghanāsāʾus (περὶ ζῴων γενέσεως). On the Greek version of this work see Pellegrin, ‘Corpus biologique’, 481(E). For an edition and study of the Arabic version see Brugman & Drossaart Lulofs, Aristotle. Generation of Animals . 138 This is the De Incessu Animalium . Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title fārī būriyas (περὶ πορείας); it seems that this text was not translated into Arabic. On the Greek version of this treatise see Pellegrin, ‘Corpus biologique’, 480–481(D). 139 See Hugonnard-Roche, ‘Pseudo-Aristote De Plantis ’. 140 Martin, ‘La Métaphysique ’; Martini Bonadeo, ‘La Métaphysique . Tradition syriaque et arabe’; Peters, Aristoteles Arabicus , 12–14 (no. 2). Cf. also below title no. 134. 141 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title dhiyārāsīs (διαιρέσεις). 142 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek afīghrāmāṭā (ἐπιχειρήματα). 143 Cf. the volume ἐνστάσεις in one book or three, Diogenes 5.23, cf. 5.43. 144 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title thāsīs arūṭīqā (θέσεις ἐρωτικαί). 145 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek thāsīs fūsīqā (θέσεις φυσικαί). 146 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title thāsāʾun angharā (θέσεων ἀναγραφή). 147 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek awrā (ὅροι). 148 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title awrisṭā (ὁροιστικά). 149 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title birūs awrus ṭūbīqūn (πρὸς ὅρους τοπικῶν). This is presumably either the title ὅροι πρὸ τῶν τοπικῶν in 7 books (Diogenes Laertius 5.23) or the τοπικῶν πρὸς τοὺς ὅρους in 2 books (Diogenes 5.24; but see title no. 72). 150 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title birūs ṭus awrismus (πρὸς τοὺς ὁρισμούς). Presumably the same as the ὅρισμοι in 2 books recorded by Diogenes 5.24. 151 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title birūs awrus thāsīs abīkhrīmāṭā (πρὸς ὅρους θέσεων ἐπιχει-ρηματικῶν). 152 Perhaps the τοπικῶν πρὸς τοὺς ὅρους α’ β’ (Diogenes 5.24), if this is to be translated ‘Two Books of Topics Relating to the Definitions’. 153 On Theophrastus’ work see Gutas, ‘Life, Works and Sayings of Theophrastus’, 81 (no. 3). 154 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title brūblīmāṭā (προβλήματα). 155 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek brūblīmāṭun bruwāghrāwā (προβλημάτων προαγορευομένων). 156 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title brūblīmāṭā anquqaliyā (προβλήματα ἐγκυκλίων). 157 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek barnghalmāṭā (παραγγέλματα). 158 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title ībumnīmāṭā (ὑπομνήματα). 159 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title brūblīmāṭā qāṭ?dī iyāṭrīqā . This must be the (προβλήματα) ἰατρικά recorded by Diogenes 5.25; the middle word is unclear. 160 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek bārī diyātāṭis (περὶ διαίτης). 161 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title ghārīqūn (γεωργικῶν). 162 Note the doublet, no. 43, which has four books. 163 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title brūṭāsīs (προτάσεις). 164 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek būlīṭiyā (πολιτείαι). Note the doublet, no. 99. 165 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title ībūmnīmāṭā (ὑπομνήματα). 166 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek abīkhīryāmāṭun (ἐπιχειρήματων). 167 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title bārī ṭus sī , maybe a faulty transcription of περὶ τοῦ πρός τι. 168 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek bārī khrūnū (περὶ κρόνου). 169 Apellicon of Teos (or Athens) bought the works of Aristotle and Theophrastus from the family to whom Theophrastus had bequeathed them. He fought against Rome in the Mithridatic war and his library was confiscated by the Roman general Sulla and taken to Rome. See below nos. 100, 101. 170 Ptolemy ms Aya Sofya A4833 adds that they were collected by Artemon; see Goulet, ‘Artémon’. ‘Epistles’ here and in the next entry may refer to treatises rather than letters, but Aristotle did write formal addresses to a number of individuals (Diogenes 5.27). 171 Ibn al-Qifṭī gives the Arabic title On the Laws of Cities ( K. Fī sunan al-mudun ), and the Greek title būlīṭiyā (πολιτείαι). A doublet of no. 91. 172 Andronicus of Rhodes (fl. ca. 60 bc ) was the editor of Aristotle’s works after the library of Apellicon had been brought to Rome (cf. above on Apellicon of Teos). His edition was crucial for the survival of the Aristotelian corpus and his catalogue is the basis of Ptolemy’s. Cf. nos. 100–101. 173 Ibn al-Qifṭī adds the Greek title iyāṭrīqīs , i.e. the Περὶ ἰατρικῆς. 174 Ibn al-Nadīm lists this work in the section on occult sciences, stating that this is a false attribution ( Fihrist , ed. Flügel, 314). iau refers to a translation of it in his biography of Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq ( Ch. 8.29.22 title no. 105 ). This translation has survived and been edited in: Ghersetti, Il Kitāb Arisṭāṭalīs . See also Bertier, ‘ Opuscules ’; and on the Arabic tradition see Thomann, ‘La Tradition Arabe de la Physiognomonie d’Aristote’. 175 De Iuventute et Senectute ; this is one of the seven short works that compose the Parva Naturalia ; see no. 45. 176 This is the text reproduced above. 177 This title could correspond to the Ps.-Aristotle, De virtutibus et vitiis , which is referred to in some Arabic sources as K. Faḍāʾil al-nafs . On this work see Cacouros, ‘ De virtutibus et vitiis ’. 178 Lit. ‘the mass that is not divisible into parts.’ 179 Most commonly known as De Mundo . On this apocryphal work from the period of the early Roman empire, see Raven, ‘ De Mundo . Tradition syriaque et arabe’; and the essays collected in Thom, Cosmic Order . 180 This title may correspond to the Ps.-Aristotle K. al-Siyāsah known in Latin as De regimine , see Peters, Aristoteles Arabus , 59 (n. 3). This letter has been edited several times, for a recent edition, English translation, and study of the work see Swain, Themistius, Julian and Greek Political Theory , 108–122, 180–207. 181 This title might correspond to the geological treatise known as De Causis proprietatum elementorum , an apocryphal treatise of Arabic origin, see Peters, Aristoteles Arabus , 57–58. 182 In Arabic lore, the anwāʾ were stars connected with the occurrence of rain, winds and tempests. This title might be related to the apocryphal The Situation of Names and Winds , since this work is a short extract from a lost Περὶ σημείων , which according to Proclus, In Timaeum vol. 3 p. 151 ed. Diehl, was a work by Theophrastus concerned with prognostication and ‘heavenly matters’. 183 This is likely to be the work known in Latin as De Somno et Vigilia , one of the seven short works of the Parva Naturalia , on which see title no. 45. 184 This most likely corresponds to the Ps.-Aristotle De Lapidibus , on which see Zonta, ‘ De Lapidibus ’. 185 This apocryphal epistle is listed in the Fihrist section of Hermetical works and is also referred to as K. al-Salmāṭīs , for Arabic editions see Peters, Aristoteles Arabus , 58 (n. 3). it might also correspond with Ps.-Aristotle K. al-Isṭamāṭīs , on which see Ullmann, Die Natur und Geheimwissenschaften , 374, Burnett, ‘Arabic, Greek and Latin Works’, and Burnett, ‘Hermann of Carinthia and the Kitāb al-Isṭamāṭis ’. 186 This tract, suggesting that it is based on a Greek word like στοῖχειον (in the sense ‘sign of the Zodiac’), στοιχειωματικός = ‘caster of nativities’, is another apocryphal work of Hermetic content; see Peters, Aristoteles Arabus , 58 (n. 3), and Ullmann, Die Natur und Geheimwissenschaften , 375. For a discussion of the reception of this work see Burnett, ‘Arabic, Greek and Latin Works’. 187 No Arabic translation of this work has come down to us, but it is mentioned in some secondary sources and was probably used in al-Khāzinī’s Mīzān al-ḥikmah ; see Peters, Aristoteles Arabus , 61 (n. 5). 188 This is the so-called Theology of Aristotle, in fact an Arabic periphrastic translation of Plotinus’ Enneads iv , v and vi , which was falsely attributed to Aristotle. The title of this work was also K. al-Uthūlūjiyyah , using the transliteration of the Greek word, of which rubūbiyyah (sovereignty) is an Arabic interpretation. Ibn Juljul also uses the title K. al-Rubūbiyyah , see Ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ , 25. On this work see Aouad, ‘La Théologie d’Aristote ’; Peters, Aristoteles Arabus , 72–74 (n. 15). 189 Cf. the Greek διὰ τί used to introduce the topics in the surviving Problems , which is preserved in thirty-eight books. 190 Cf. above, title no. 55. 191 This is the book rendered into Latin as the Liber de Causis or Liber Aristotelis de expositione bonitatis purae ; it also bore the Arabic title K. Fī Kalām maḥḍ al-khayr . On this work see D’Ancona & Taylor, ‘ Liber de Causis ’. 192 Yet another Hermetical work of Arabic origin, see Peters, Aristoteles Arabus , 58 (n. 3). 4.7. Theophrastus 1 Theophrastus was the nephew of Aristotle and one of his students. He enjoyed the legacy that Aristotle left for them and, after his death, he took up his role as teacher. The books of Theophrastus include: On the Soul ( K. al-Nafs ), in one book. 2 Meteorology ( K. al-āthār al-ʿulwiyyah ), in one book. 3 On Signs ( K. al-Adillah ) The Sense and the Sensible ( K. al-Ḥiss wa-l-maḥsūs ), in four books. 4 Metaphysics ( K. mā baʿd al-ṭabīʿah ), in one book. 5 On the Causes of Plants ( K. Asbāb al-nabāt ). 6 Commentary on [Aristotle’s] Categories ( Tafsīr Qāṭīghūriyās ), which is considered a false attribution. 7 Epistle to Democritus on the Oneness of God ( K. ilā Dimuqrāṭ fī l-tawḥīd ). 8 Physical Problems ( K. Fī l-masāʾil al-ṭabīʿiyyah ). 9 Footnotes 1 This biography is present in all three versions of the text. iau does not refer to the source from which he takes the information about Theophrastus, but the text reproduces almost verbatim the entry on this author in Ibn al-Nadīm’s Fihrist , cf. Fihrist , ed. Tajaddud, 312, ed. Sayyid 2/1:172. On the Arabic tradition on Theophrastus see: Gutas, ‘The Life, Works and Sayings of Theophrastus’; and Fortenbaugh et al., Theophrastus, Life and Theophrastus, Sources . 2 No Arabic translation has come down to us, but it was used by Qusṭā ibn Lūqā in his On the Difference between the Spirit and the Soul , see Gutas, ‘The Life, Works and Sayings of Theophrastus’, 81 (no. 6). 3 On this work see Gutas, ‘The Life, Works and Sayings of Theophrastus’, 81 (no. 5). 4 Cf. no. 45 in the list of Aristotle’s books. 5 For a study and edition of the Arabic version of this work see Gutas, Theophrastus on First Principles . 6 This treatise, surviving in Greek, was translated into Arabic by Ibrāhīm ibn Bakkūsh, see Gutas, ‘The Life, Works and Sayings of Theophrastus’, 82 (no. 8). 7 See Gutas, ‘The Life, Works and Sayings of Theophrastus’, 81 (no. 1). 8 Gutas suggests that, judging by the title, this work might be a false attribution of a work of alchemical content, see Gutas, ‘The Life, Works and Sayings of Theophrastus’, 82 (no. 12). This might also refer to Democritus the Atomist, see Diogenes L. 5.27 Πρὸς Δημοκρίτον . 9 This work was translated into Arabic by Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī, see Gutas, ‘The Life, Works and Sayings of Theophrastus’, 82 (no. 9). 4.8. Alexander of Aphrodisias, from Damascus 1 [4.8.1] Alexander lived in the time of the Diadochi, 2 after the death of Alexander. He was the contemporary of Galen, whom he met. He used to call him ‘mule head’, 3 for they often engaged in altercations and controversies. Alexander was a philosopher well-versed in all disciplines and particularly gifted in natural philosophy. He held a public seminar where he used to teach, and he wrote numerous commentaries on the works of Aristotle, which were in high demand and profitable to engage with. Abū Zakariyyā Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī says: 4 Alexander wrote a commentary on the entire book of the Physics ( as-Samāʿ al-Ṭabīʿī ), and I have also seen his commentary on De Demonstratione ( K. al-Burhān ). Both books were part of the inheritance left by Ibrāhīm ibn ʿAbd Allāh, the Christian translator, and were offered to me for one hundred and twenty dinars. I tried to collect the money, but when I came back to purchase them I saw that the two commentaries had been sold to a Khurāsānī, together with other books, for three thousand dinars. Someone else said that all these books were sold and taken away, but Abū Zakariyyā claimed that he had asked Ibrāhīm ibn ʿAbd Allāh for the texts of the Sophistical Refutations, Rhetoric , and Poetics , which he had purchased for fifty dinars. He did not sell the books afterwards and they were burned when he died. 5 [4.8.2] Alexander of Aphrodisias’ writings include: Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories ( Tafsīr K. Qāṭīghūriyās li-Arisṭūṭālīs ). 6 Commentary on Aristotle’s On Interpretation ( Tafsīr Bārīmīniyās li-Arisṭū-ṭālīs ). 7 Commentary on Aristotle’s Prior Analytics ( Tafsīr K. Anūlūṭīqā al-ūlā ), in which he commented as far as the figures of predication ( al-ashkāl al-ḥamliyyah ). He has two commentaries on this work, one better than the other. 8 Commentary on Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics ( Tafsīr K. Anūlūṭīqā al-thāniyah ). Commentary on Aristotle’s Topics ( Tafsīr Ṭūbīqā li-Arisṭūṭālīs ). The extant parts of this work are part of his commentary on the first book, and his commentary on books five, six, seven and eight. Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics ( Tafsīr al-samāʿ al-ṭabīʿī li-Arisṭūṭālīs ). Commentary on part of the first book of Aristotle’s On the Heavens [i.e. De Caelo et Mundo ] ( Tafsīr K. al-samāʾ wa-l-ʿālam li-Arisṭūṭālīs ). Commentary on Aristotle’s On Generation and Corruption (Tafsīr K. al-kawn wa-l-fasād li-Arisṭūṭālīs) . Commentary on Aristotle’s Meteorology (Tafsīr K. al-āthār al-ʿulwiyyah li-Arisṭūṭālīs) . On the Soul ( K. al-Nafs ), in one book. On the Conversion of Premises ( K. Fī ʿaks al-muqaddamāt ). 9 On Providence ( M. Fī l-ʿināyah ). 10 On the Difference between Material and Genus ( M. Fī l-farq bayna l-hayūlā wa-l-jins ). 11 Refutation of Those Who Claim Everything Comes to Be from Something ( M. Fī l-radd ʿalā man qāla innahu lā yakūnu shayʾ illā min shayʾ ). 12 On the Fact that Vision does not Occur by Rays Emanating from the Eye, and Refutation of Those Who Hold the Theory of Emanation ( M. Fī anna alabṣār lā yakūn bi-shuʿāʿāt min al-ʿayn wa-l-radd ʿalā man qāla bi-inbithāth al-shuʿāʿ ). 13 On Colour and its Nature According to the Opinion of the Philosopher [i.e. Aristotle] ( M. Fī l-lawn wa-mā huwa ʿalā raʾy al-faylasūf ). 14 On Difference, Especially According to Aristotle ( M. Fī l-faṣl khāṣṣatan mā huwa ʿalā raʾy Arisṭūṭālīs ). 15 On Melancholy [?] ( M. Fī l-Mālīkhūliyā ). 16 On Genera and Species ( M. Fī l-ajnās wa-l-anwāʿ ). Refutation of the Eighth Book of Galen’s On Demonstration ( M. Fī l-radd ʿalā Jālīnūs fī l-maqālah al-thāminah min kitābihi fī l-burhān ). Refutation of Galen’s Rebuttal of Aristotle Thesis that Every Mobile is moved by a Mover ( M. Fī l-radd ʿalā Jālīnūs fīmā ṭaʿana ʿalā qawl Arisṭūṭālīs inna kull mā taḥarraka fa-innamā yataḥarraku ʿan muḥarrik ). 17 Refutation of Galen’s Thesis on the Possible ( M. Fī l-radd ʿalā Jālīnūs fī māddat al-mumkin ). 18 On the Divisions of the Bodies ( M. Fī l-fuṣūl allatī tuqassamu bihā al-ajsām ). On the Intellect According to Aristotle ( M. Fī l-ʿaql ʿalā raʾy Arisṭūṭālīs ). 19 On the World and Which Parts Need the Assistance of Other Parts for Their Existence and Continuity ( R. Fī l-ʿālam wa-ayy ajzāʾihi taḥtāj fī thabātihā wa-dawāmihā ilā tadbīr ajzāʾ ukhrā ). 20 On the Oneness of God ( K. al-tawḥīd ). On the Principles of Everything According to Aristotle ( M. Fī mabādiʾ al-kull ʿalā raʾy Arisṭūṭālīs ). 21 On the Opinions of the Philosophers on the Oneness of God ( K. Ārāʾ al-falāsifah fī l-tawḥīd ). On the Origination of Forms Ex Nihilo ( M. Fī ḥudūth al-ṣuwar min lā shayʾ ). 22 On the Foundation of Common Things ( M. Fī qiwām al-umūr al-ʿāmmiyyah ). 23 Commentary on What Aristotle Said about the Method of Division According to Plato ( M. Fī tafsīr mā qālahu Arisṭūṭālīs fī ṭarīq al-qismah ʿalā raʾy Aflāṭūn ). 24 On the Fact that Qualities are not Corporeal ( M. Fī anna al-kayfiyyāt laysat ajsāman ). On Free Will ( M. Fī l-istiṭāʿah ). 25 On the Contraries and How they are they the Principle of Everything According to Aristotle ( M. Fī l-aḍdād wa-annahā awāʾil al-ashyāʾ ʿalā raʾy Arisṭūṭālīs ). 26 On Time ( M. Fī l-zamān ). On Matter and How it is Effected and Generated ( M. Fīal-hayūlā wa-annahā maʿlūlah mafʿūlah ). On the Fact that One Force Receives Simultaneously [Two] Contraries, According to Aristotle ( M. Fī anna al-quwwah al-wāḥidah taqbalu l-aḍdād jamīʿan ʿalā raʾy Arisṭūṭālīs ). 27 On the Difference between Matter and Genus ( M. Fī l-farq bayna l-māddah wa-l-jins ). 28 On Matter, Non-Existence and Existence ( M. Fī l-māddah wa-l-ʿadam wa-lkawn ). Answer to the problem posed by some ancients which enabled them to refute Aristotle’s theory on existence in his Physics (Samʿ al-Kiyān) . On General and Universal Things and How they are not Existent Essences ( M. Fī l-umūr al-ʿāmmiyyah wa-l-kulliyyah wa-annahā laysat aʿyānan qāʾimah ). 29 Refutation of Those Who Claim that Genera are Composed by Forms, though Forms are Separated from Them ( M. Fī l-radd ʿalā man zaʿama anna al-ajnās murakkabah min ṣuwar idhā kānat al-ṣuwar tanfaṣilu minhā ). On the Fact that the Parts into Which a Particular Genus is Divided are Not Necessarily to be Located Within the Same Genus that They Divide, but rather it is Possible that More than One Genus is Divided by Parts That are not Subsidiary to Others ( M. Fī anna l-fuṣūl allatī bihā yanqasimu jins min al-ajnās laysa wājib ḍarūrah an takūna innamā tūjadu fī dhālika al-jins waḥdahu alladhī iyyāhu tuqassimu bal qad yumkinu an yuqassama bihā ajnās akthar min wāḥid laysa baʿḍuhā murattaban taḥta baʿḍ ). 30 On Extracts from the book of Aristotle entitled in Greek Theology, which means the Discourse on the Oneness of God Almighty ( M. Fīmā istakhrajahu min kitāb Arisṭūṭālīs alladhī yudʿā bi-l-rūmiyyah Thūlūjiyyā wa-maʿ-nāhu al-kalām fī tawḥid Allāh taʿālā ). 31 On the Fact that Every Separate Cause is Present in Every Single Thing, and not Only in One ( R. Fī anna kull ʿillah mubāyinah fa-hiya fī jamīʿ al-ashyāʾ wa-laysa fī shayʾ min al-ashyāʾ ). 32 On the Establishment of Immaterial Spiritual Forms ( M. Fī ithbāt al-ṣuwar al-rūḥāniyyah allatī lā hayūlā lahā ). 33 On the Diseases of the Cardia ( M. Fī l-ʿilal allatī taḥduthu fī fam al-ma-ʿidah ). 34 On Genus ( M. Fī l-jins ). 35 A tract discussing a section of the third book of Aristotle’s On the Soul ( Fī l-nafs ). 36 On the Force that the Movement of a Noble Body Exerts upon Bodies Subject to Generation and Corruption ( R. Fī l-quwwah al-ātiyah min ḥarakat al-jism al-sharīf ilā l-ajsām al-wāqiʿah taḥta l-kawn wa-l-fasād ). 37 Footnotes 1 This biography is present in all three versions of the text. iau does not refer to the source from which he takes the information about Alexander of Aphrodisias. The text reproduces verbatim part of Ibn al-Nadīm’s entry on this author, cf. Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist (Sayyid), 2/1:174–175. The list of books, however, does not entirely correspond to the one given by Ibn al-Nadīm; the titles and the information about the commentaries on the books of the Organon are taken from Ibn al-Nadīm’s entry on Aristotle ( Fihrist , ed. Tajaddud, 309, Sayyid 2/1:161–163). The rest of the books come from a different source; there are some similarities in the arrangement and the wording of the titles with Ibn al-Qiftī, though he only lists eleven items ( Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 54–55). On Alexander of Aphrodisias see Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’ 125–139 (including the question of ‘from Damascus’); Fazzo, ‘Alexandros d’Aphrodisias’; and ei 2 , art. ‘al-Iskandar al-Afrūdīsī’ (G. Strohmaier). 2 In Arabic mulūk al-ṭawāʾif , i.e. factional or petty kings. A marginal gloss in ms A states: ‘They are called the petty kings because Alexander, who ruled over the entire world, appointed delegates and governors in every land. When he died all of them, one way or another turned their governorates into petty kingdoms of which they became kings; that is why they are called petty kings’. 3 A marginal gloss in ms A states: ‘Alexander of Aphrodisias nicknamed Galen “mule head” because of the strength of Galen’s head when debating and disputing. But it is also said that he had a big head’. 4 Cf. Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 52. Abū Zakariyyā Yaḥyā ibn ʿĀdī (d. 363/974) was a Christian philosopher, translator, and commentator on the works of Aristotle; Ibn al-Nadīm used his library to collect information for his Fihrist . On this author see ei 2 , art. ‘Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī’ (G. Endress). 5 Cf. Ibn al-Qifṭī, Taʾrīkh al-ḥukamāʾ , 52. 6 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 129 (no. 6). The Arabic version of this treatise has not survived. 7 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 130 (no. 7). 8 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 128 (no. 1). Apparently restricted to Bk 1 of Analytica Priora . 9 This work was also known as Maqālah fī inʿikās al-muqaddamāt . See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 136 (no. 28). Edition in Badawī, Commentaires , 55–80. 10 Edition and study in Ruland, Die arabische Fassungen . 11 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 133 (no. 19, o). Cf. no. 38. 12 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 137 (no. 35). 13 This treatise is part of the second book on the soul commonly known as Mantissa , see Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 135 (no. 21, b); and Gätje, Studien zur Überlieferung der aristotelischen Psychologie , 140–172. 14 See Gätje, Die arabische Übersetzung der Schrift des Alexander von Aphrodisias über die Farbe . 15 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 136 (no. 29). 16 Unidentified. All manuscripts with iau ’s work read al-mālīkhūliyā , as does the Fihrist , which also has the variant al-manākhūliyā . Ibn al-Qifṭī however reads al- thawlūjiyyā , ‘theology’. 17 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 136 (no. 25). There is an English translation of this work: Rescher & Marmura, Refutation of Galen . 18 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 136 (no. 27). 19 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 134 (no. 21). 20 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 133 (no. 19, m). 21 This is a commentary on the Ps.-Aristotelian work known in Latin as De principiis universitatis ; see Peters, Aristoteles Arabus , 66 (no. 12). The Arabic version of Alexander of Aphrodisias’ work has been edited in Badawī, Arisṭū ʿinda al-ʿArab , 353–380 and Genequand, On the Cosmos . 22 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 138 (no. 49). 23 Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 138 (no. 53). 24 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 138 (no. 14). 25 Edition and study in Ruland, Die arabische Fassungen . 26 This might correspond to the work edited by Badawī with the title Maqālah Fī anna almukawwan idhā ⟨istaḥāla⟩ istaḥāla min ḍiddihi ayḍan ʿalā raʾy Arisṭūṭālis , see Arisṭū ʿinda al-ʿArab , 286–288. 27 For an edition of an extant fragment from the Arabic version see Badawī, Atisṭū ʿinda al-ʿArab , 284–285. 28 Cf. no. 13. 29 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 132 (no. 19, a). Edition and study in Ruland, Zwei arabische Fassungen ; also Badawī, Arisṭū ʿinda al-ʿArab , 279–280. 30 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 137 (no. 34). 31 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 133 (no. 19, h). 32 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 137 (no. 36). 33 This is, in fact, a collection of propositions by Proclus, see Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 139 (no. 61). For an edition of the extant Arabic text see Badawī, Arisṭū ʿinda al-ʿArab , 291–292. 34 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 138 (no. 50). 35 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 138 (no. 51). 36 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 138 (no. 52). 37 See Goulet & Aouad, ‘Alexandros’, 133 (no. 19, k). Copyright 2020 by the Editors. Published by Koninklijke Brill nv , Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag. Koninklijke Brill nv reserves the right to protect the publication against unauthorized use. This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc 4.0 License, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. Monographs, or book chapters, which are outputs of Wellcome Trust funding have been made freely available as part of the Wellcome Trust's open access policy Bookshelf ID: NBK621342 DOI: 10.1163/9789004410312_043 Contents < Prev Next > Share Views PubReader Print View Cite this Page Sánchez I, Swain S. Greek Physicians to Whom Hippocrates Transmitted the Art of Medicine. In: Sánchez I, Joosse NP, Watson Aet al., authors; Savage-Smith E, Swain S, van Gelder GJ, editors. A Literary History of Medicine: The ʿUyūn al-anbāʾ fī ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ of Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿah [Internet]. Leiden (NL): Brill; 2019. CHAPTER 4. doi: 10.1163/9789004410312_043 PDF version of this title (5.8M) In this Page Hippocrates Empedocles Pythagoras Socrates Plato Aristotle Theophrastus Alexander of Aphrodisias, from Damascus Other titles in this collection Wellcome Trust–Funded Monographs and Book Chapters Recent Activity Clear Turn Off Turn On Greek Physicians to Whom Hippocrates Transmitted the Art of Medicine - A Literar... Greek Physicians to Whom Hippocrates Transmitted the Art of Medicine - A Literary History of Medicine Your browsing activity is empty. Activity recording is turned off. Turn recording back on See more... Follow NCBI Twitter Facebook LinkedIn GitHub NCBI Insights Blog Connect with NLM Twitter Facebook Youtube National Library of Medicine 8600 Rockville Pike Bethesda, MD 20894 Web Policies FOIA HHS Vulnerability Disclosure Help Accessibility Careers NLM NIH HHS USA.gov