A Student Like Me: Black Student Achievement Moderates the Relationship Between Teacher-Student Racial Matching and the Occupational Wellbeing of Black Teachers in the United States.

A Student Like Me: Black Student Achievement Moderates the Relationship Between Teacher-Student Racial Matching and the Occupational Wellbeing of Black Teachers in the United States - PMC Skip to main content An official website of the United States government Here's how you know Here's how you know Search Log in Primary site navigation Search Log in Search PMC Full-Text Archive Search in PMC Journal List User Guide As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Inclusion in an NLM database does not imply endorsement of, or agreement with, the contents by NLM or the National Institutes of Health. Learn more: PMC Disclaimer | PMC Copyright Notice Teach Teach Educ . Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2026 Jun 1. Published in final edited form as: Teach Teach Educ. 2025 Mar 21;159:105010. doi: 10.1016/j.tate.2025.105010 A Student Like Me: Black Student Achievement Moderates the Relationship Between Teacher-Student Racial Matching and the Occupational Wellbeing of Black Teachers in the United States Jendayi B Dillard-Cooke 1 , Kristen C Mosley 2 , Christopher J McCarthy 2 , Germine H Awad 3 Author information Article notes Copyright and License information 1 Hofstra University, Department of Psychology 2 University of Texas at Austin, Department of Educational Psychology 3 University of Michigan, Department of Psychology ✉ Corresponding Author: Jendayi B. Dillard, jendayi.b.dillard@hofstra.edu Issue date 2025 Jun. PMC Copyright notice PMCID: PMC12052336  NIHMSID: NIHMS2067939  PMID: 40331016 The publisher's version of this article is available at Teach Teach Educ Abstract While research suggests that teacher-student racial congruence, or match between teachers’ and students’ racial identifications, can play a significant role in White teachers’ occupational wellbeing, findings have been inconsistent for Black teachers in the United States. To address this gap, we examined associations between school demographic, student equity factors, and occupational wellbeing for Black secondary school teachers. We found that inequity in Black students’ reading and mathematics achievement moderated the relationship between teacher-student racial congruence and Black teachers’ job satisfaction and risk for stress. Findings suggest stakeholders should consider the interconnections between minoritized teachers and students when advancing policy initiatives. Keywords: Teacher stress, Academic Inequity, Occupational Health, Racial Congruence Introduction Racialized academic disparities and the mechanisms which drive them are of particular concern to educational researchers and stakeholders. One mechanism used to craft more equitable learning environments is the recruitment and retention of teachers from minoritized backgrounds ( The Education Trust, n.d. ). Unfortunately, teachers from racially and ethnically minoritized groups frequently contend with challenges not shared by their racial and ethnic majority peers ( Rosen & Lengyel, 2023 ). These teachers are therefore particularly susceptible to recruitment and retention struggles internationally (e.g., Ingersoll & May, 2011 ; See, 2023 ). This trend holds true for Black and African American teachers in the United States, for whom the rate of turnover in 2012 was close to 50% higher than that of non-Black teachers ( Carver-Thomas & Darling-Hammond, 2017 ). Black teachers in the US report experiencing racialized microaggressions in schools ( Brown, 2019 ), which is in turn associated with decreases in job satisfaction and instances of detachment-style coping ( DeCuir-Gunby & Gunby, 2016 ). These trends indicate a need to examine the occupational wellbeing of Black teachers, especially that of Black teachers recruited into schools with higher representation of racial and ethnic minority students. While research has generally suggested a positive association between racial congruence–i.e., the match between individuals’ racial identifications–and occupational wellbeing for some teachers (e.g., Fitchett et al., 2020 ; Mueller et al., 1999 ; Renzulli et al., 2011 ), findings have been highly inconsistent for Black teachers. Additionally, research in this area has been largely unidimensional, only accounting for teacher-student relationships. Other factors, including teacher-teacher racial congruence, teacher-principal racial congruence, and racialized academic inequities within the school, are likely to play a role in teachers’ occupational wellbeing, given prior work which connects these factors to teacher perceptions of work relationships (e.g., Brezicha & Fuller, 2019 ; Bristol, 2020 ) and teacher turnover (e.g., Goff et al., 2018 ; Strunk & Robinson, 2006 ). These relationships may in turn influence the ways in which teachers appraise classroom demands and resources, their job satisfaction, and their experience of work-related fatigue. With these considerations in mind, the current study examines how racialized achievement inequities and racial congruence between teachers and their students, fellow teachers, and principals are associated with Black teachers’ occupational health and wellbeing; specifically, we consider how achievement inequities are related to racial congruence and teacher occupational wellbeing. We employ QuantCrit, an integration of quantitative analyses and Critical Race Theory ( Garcia et al., 2018 ), as a framework in order to examine these relationships without losing sight of the context in which they occur. Vulnerability to Stress: Color-Conscious Consideration of Demands and Resources Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) Transactional Model of Stress asserts that when presented with a potentially threatening stimulus or event, individuals go through a cognitive appraisal process to evaluate the potential demands and relevant available resources. When an individual appraises that demands outweigh available resources, they are more likely to experience a stress response. The term “risk for stress” is used with respect to teachers to acknowledge that teacher appraisals about their work environment make teachers more susceptible to experiencing a physiological and psychological stress response (McCarthy et al., 2021). The Transactional Model of Stress holds true for teachers, who report lower job satisfaction and higher vocational concerns when appraising more occupational demands compared to resources ( Lambert et al., 2015 ), but research indicates that racial and ethnic minority teachers around the world face challenges unique to the context and culture of their home country ( Arar & Tlili, 2024 ). Outlaw (1993) expanded the Transactional Model of Stress to consider the role of racism as a stressor for African Americans and theorized that racism poses a unique demand for African Americans in the United States, necessitating specific coping resources. Similarly, research on teachers in the US suggests that there are racial differences in the relationship between teachers’ appraisal process and associated stress response, especially as it relates to perceptions of racial congruence in schools ( McCarthy et al., 2021). Rather than drawing on colorblind conceptualizations of school-related resources and demands, this research suggests a need to critically consider the role of race when examining Black teachers’ appraisals of resources and demands. To address this need, we drew upon QuantCrit as the current study’s methodological framework. While scholars have long criticized quantitative research methodologies as oppressive and essentializing, when used appropriately, quantitative methods can be an effective tool for social justice-oriented scholarship ( Cokley & Awad, 2013 ). QuantCrit ( Gillborn et al., 2018 ) provides a set of guiding principles for conducting critical, race-conscious research utilizing quantitative research methods which include: (1) the centrality of racism, (2) numbers are not neutral, (3) categories are neither ‘natural’ nor given: for ‘race’ read ‘racism,’ (4) voice and insight: data cannot ‘speak for itself,’ and (5) using numbers for social justice. Within the current study, the principles of QuantCrit have several important implications. Primarily, they validate the need for research which centers the experiences of Black and African American teachers in US schools. Previous research on this topic has frequently utilized comparative frameworks, evaluating the perceptions and experiences of Black and African American teachers in comparison to that of White teachers. While this methodological approach is often seen as necessary to examine racial disparities in teacher wellbeing, it also centers the experiences of White teachers as the default “normal” ( Hall et al., 2016 ). Absent a QuantCrit (or other critical) framework, these paradigms may lead to interpretations that essentialize Black experiences as being indicative of characteristics of Black people. Additionally, the current study endeavors to foreground the dominating effect of racism in the experience of racial and ethnic minorities. Underlying structural inequities such as discriminatory discipline practices and inequitable access to housing and food security play a significant role in determining who does and does not have access to participate and succeed in educational spaces ( Merolla & Jackson, 2019 ). These inequities have a profound impact on both previous literature and current findings. Further, while prior and current research examines the experiences of Black or African Americans, this designation does not capture this group’s vast diversity of experience or the many ways in which other social identities may intersect with participants’ race/ethnicity. Just as minority teacher populations in Germany have expressed a need to be recognized as a heterogeneous group with diverse needs ( Rosen & Lengyel, 2023 ), it is important to understand confounding or moderating factors which may play a role in Black teachers’ experiences in the classroom. These ideas will be explored further in the limitations and future directions section and are posited here to demonstrate how the use of QuantCrit not only amplifies the current study, but also paves the way for continuously improved and refined research in this area. In exploring color-conscious contributors to workplace demands and resources, we employed theories in social and organizational psychology to form a foundation for hypothesized role of racial congruence between Black secondary teachers with students, colleagues, and administrators. Individuals show a preference for others that they perceive as similar to themselves, compared to others who they perceive as dissimilar ( Byrne, 1971 ; Reis & Sprecher, 2009 ), a trend which extends to perceived demographic similarities ( Abbasi et al., 2023 ). For Black teachers, this means that environments with more Black teachers, students, or principals should be perceived more favorably, offering more opportunities for positive relationships, peer support, and collaboration. Simultaneously, research continues to expose the reality of systemic and institutional racism embedded within educational systems within the US and internationally. Racial microaggressions, bias, and discrimination directed at Black teachers and their students pose unique demands for which there are frequently no relevant and available resources. Importantly for the current study, deep disparities in academic performance for Black students in the United States may serve a dual threat for Black teachers, first as a job-related demand indicating increased need to support students academically (i.e., increase classroom differentiation, organize and offer tutoring sessions, coordinate support with parents, etc.), and second as an identity-related threat indicating inequitable treatment of Black individuals in the workplace (i.e., lowered expectations of or discriminatory actions toward Black individuals, stereotype threat, etc.). It is unclear how these unique demands interact with the potential resources of racial congruence to influence Black teachers’ occupational wellbeing. Racial Congruence and Teachers’ Occupational Health As described previously, there has been a wealth of scholarly work dedicated to exploring the connection between teacher-student racial congruence and academic disparities experienced by Black students in the United States. Unfortunately, there also has been a comparative lack of research into the associations between teacher-student racial matching and teachers ’ occupational health and wellbeing, especially for Black teachers. Without a sufficient understanding of Black teachers’ experiences of stress and wellbeing in different demographic environments, school and district leadership cannot readily identify and address teachers in need of additional support. We drew upon the occupational health psychology to conceptualize teacher’s welfare as encompassing a range of indicators and outcomes of stress ( McIntyre et al.,2017 ). The three constructs used in this study were risk for stress, job satisfaction, and workplace fatigue. As noted above, the term “risk for stress” is used when transactional theory is applied to teachers, and refers to whether they are appraising their classroom demands as exceeding resources, which can result in the physiological, cognitive, and emotional components of the stress response (McCarthy et al., 2021). The term ‘risk for stress’ therefore captures an individual’s susceptibility to experiencing stress symptoms due to their pattern of stress appraisals ( Lazarus & Folkman, 1984 ; Fitchett et al., 2018 ). When teachers appraise as adequately resourced (lower risk for stress), they are more likely to report higher job satisfaction, another indicator of occupational health used in this study that is positively associated with teacher retention ( Liu & Ramsey, 2008 ) and students’ academic success ( Banerjee et al., 2017 ). Conversely, teachers high in risk for stress have reported less classroom control ( Fitchett et al., 2018 ), and increased experience of burnout symptoms ( McCarthy et al., 2016 ). Burnout symptoms include emotional exhaustion and detachment from work and is more prevalent among teachers than other human service workers ( Van Droogenbroeck et al., 2014 ). Teachers do not need to meet the criteria for syndromic burnout in order to suffer reduced occupational health ( Maslach et al., 2001 ) and several items used in this study from the National Teacher and Principal Survey (NTPS) were identified as thematically consistent with, but not identical to, burnout. Thus, the more global and less clinical term “workplace fatigue” was used in this study to refer to emotional exhaustion and detachment from work, which in turn is associated with higher intentions to leave both their current teaching position and the teaching profession ( McCarthy et al., 2016 ; Lambert et al., 2019 ). Just as racial congruence has been shown to influence Black and African American students’ academic wellbeing, racial congruence has been implicated as an influential factor in Black and African American teachers’ occupational wellbeing. Unfortunately, while research consistently documents positive associations between teacher-student racial congruence and occupational health for White teachers (e.g., Mosley et al., 2022 ; Mueller et al., 1999 ; Renzulli et al., 2011 ), findings have been less consistent for teachers of color, notably Black and African American teachers. In a highly influential study, Mueller et al. (1999) found that Black teachers in racially congruent and incongruent schools did not significantly differ in their reported job satisfaction. Renzulli et al., (2011) reported similar findings, that Black teachers working in schools where the majority of students were Black reported similar levels of job satisfaction as teachers in schools serving other compositions of students. On the other hand, several studies suggest that racial congruence may be a positive influence on Black teachers’ occupational health. Strunk and Robinson (2006) analyzed nationally representative data on US teachers’ employment decisions and found that Black teachers were significantly less likely to leave schools serving higher proportions of Black students. Martinez (2020) found that the proportion of Black students in a school were positively associated with Black teachers’ perceptions of student problems until Black students comprised about 45% of students. After this point, increases in the proportion of Black students in a school were associated with decreases in Black teachers’ perceptions of problem behaviors. Still other studies have suggested that racial congruence could have a negative influence on Black teachers’ occupational health. Black kindergarten teachers teaching in majority White classrooms have reported significantly higher job satisfaction compared to Black teachers in majority Black classrooms ( Stearns et al., 2014 ). Similarly, Dillard and colleagues (2023) analyzed nationally representative data and found that even controlling for several teacher-, classroom-, and school-level covariates, Black teachers teaching in racially congruent contexts reported higher risk for stress, lower job satisfaction, and higher workplace fatigue compared to Black teachers in racially incongruent schools. The inconsistent nature of these findings indicates a distinct need for further investigation of the relationship between racial congruence and occupational health for Black teachers. Further, the wide variation in findings suggest a need to investigate a wider range of phenomena which may work in connection with teacher-student racial congruence to provide a more complete and accurate picture of Black teachers’ occupational wellbeing in a variety of school contexts. Additional Factors Influencing Black Teachers’ Wellbeing While a wealth of congruence research has focused on the role of racial congruence between teachers and their students, research suggests that congruence with other important members of the school environment may also play a role in Black teachers’ occupational wellbeing. Most notable among these is racial congruence between teachers and their principal and teachers and their colleagues. As with research on teacher-student racial congruence, research on the role of teacher-principal racial congruence on teachers’ occupational wellbeing is mixed. Teachers in Wisconsin from minoritized racial groups were less likely to search for a new job, more likely to apply for an available position, and more likely to be hired in schools led by principals from minoritized racial groups, compared with minoritized teachers in schools led by a White principal ( Goff et al., 2018 ). Further, racial match between teachers and principals is associated with higher perceptions of trust in the principal for elementary, middle, and high school teachers ( Brezicha & Fuller, 2019 ). On the other hand, Fairchild and colleagues (2012) found that racial congruence between teachers and principals was not related to teachers’ job satisfaction. Viano and Hunter (2017) extended this work and found that while racial congruence between teachers and principals was initially associated with increased teacher job satisfaction, this relationship has attenuated over subsequent years to the point of non-significance. This finding remained true when analyzing Black teachers only. Racial congruence between teachers and their colleagues may also play a role in Black teachers’ occupational wellbeing. Isolation in the workplace plays a significant role in underrepresented individuals’ experience. For example, isolated women are more likely to feel excluded and scrutinized by colleagues and to feel forced into stereotypically feminine roles in the workplace ( Kanter; 1977 ). Racially isolated Black teachers may suffer similar outcomes. Black teachers report fewer instances of peer collaboration as the proportion of White teachers in a school increases ( Guthrie, 2021 ) and are less likely to leave teaching positions as the proportion of Black teachers in a school increases ( Strunk & Robinson, 2006 ). Similarly, isolated Black teachers describe feelings of disconnectedness from colleagues, while those less isolated report feelings of connectedness and camaraderie with peers ( Bristol, 2020 ). Further, Black teachers in schools in which the majority of teachers were White reported relying on fellow Black teachers for social and emotional support ( Nelson, 2019 ). In addition to and in conjunction with teacher-teacher racial congruence, hostile racial environments also likely play a role in Black teachers’ occupational wellbeing. Black teachers have highlighted the prevalence of bias, stereotyping, and microaggressions in the workplace, often perpetuated by White colleagues ( Kohli, 2018 ), experiences of which have been negatively associated with teachers’ job satisfaction ( DeCuir-Gunby & Gunby, 2016 ). For example, Black male teachers described being pushed into roles as disciplinarians by peers and administrators, especially for Black male students ( Bristol & Mentor, 2018 ), and isolated Black male teachers were more likely to report that their race caused their co-workers to be afraid of them compared with less isolated colleagues ( Bristol, 2018 ). In their Racial/Ethnic Coping Appraisal and Socialization Theory (RECAST), Coleman and Stevenson (2013) propose that the racial socialization within the school environment is an essential component of a teacher’s appraisal process when confronted with racially stressful encounters. Authors found that Black faculty reported significantly greater stress, less trust, and less sense of belonging than their White counterparts in schools staffed primarily with White teachers. These findings implicate the schooling environment in which Black teachers conduct their work, which to date has remained predominantly composed of White teachers. In the current study, we theorize that inequities leading to academic underachievement for Black students serve as a dual demand for Black teachers, first as an indicator of lack of job-related resources or an abundance in job-related demands (i.e., lack of adequate resources, need for on-on-one tutoring, etc.) and second as a signal of a racially hostile or unsupportive environment. While authors are unaware of research which reports the experiences or perceptions of teachers of color as it relates to racialized achievement disparities, research does suggest that disparities in academic performance for racial and ethnic minority students is correlated with and likely caused by attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors which likely have a direct, negative impact on teachers of color. In an extensive review of the literature, Turetsky et al. (2021) concluded that teachers’ endorsement of biased beliefs about ability and inherent group differences and subsequent inequitable treatment of minoritized students contributed to educational inequity in the United States and internationally. In a similar vein, Valencia (2015) cites deficit thinking, the belief or perspective that racial or ethnic minority students who underperform academically do so because of deficiencies in their culture, family, or background, as a major theoretical contributor towards enduring educational disparities in the United States. While not empirically assessed, it is clear how teachers of color would be negatively affected by these beliefs and practices. Hearing colleagues express a belief that Black parents are negligent or deficient or that Black students are violent or incapable is likely to produce the same sense of threat, alienation, and distress in Black teachers as we would expect in Black students. Current Study To address the gaps in existing literature described above, the current study forwarded the following research questions: Research Question 1: How are teacher-student racial congruence, teacher-teacher racial congruence, teacher-principal racial congruence, and school-level systemic inequity (as measured by math and reading achievement) for Black secondary students in Texas associated with Black secondary school teachers’ job satisfaction, workplace fatigue, and risk for experiencing stress, controlling for school size and school-level eligibility for free and reduced-price lunch programs? Research Question 2: How do teacher-student racial congruence, teacher-teacher racial congruence, and teacher-principal racial congruence interact with school-level math and reading achievement for Black secondary students to predict Black secondary school teachers’ job satisfaction, workplace fatigue, and risk for experiencing stress, controlling for school size and school-level eligibility for free and reduced-price lunch programs? Methods To investigate these questions, data from the 2015-2016 National Teacher and Principal Survey (NTPS), the 2015-2016 Common Core of Data (CCD), and publicly available data from the Texas Education Agency (TEA) were analyzed. The NTPS, overseen by the National Center for Education Statistics within the US Department of Education, is a nationally representative survey of US teachers and principals investigating these individuals’ work-related attitudes and perspectives ( National Center for Education Statistics, 2021a ). Variables related to teacher demographics and teacher occupational wellbeing for full-time secondary school teachers in Texas were analyzed. Publicly available data collected by the Texas Education Agency was also utilized. This data, again, includes school-level demographics for full-time secondary school teachers in Texas and school-level standardized assessment data, disaggregated by grade level and by student race/ethnicity. Data related to mathematics and reading standardized assessment achievement rates and teacher demographics was analyzed. Finally, information from the CCD ( National Center for Education Statistics, 2021b ) was utilized. For the purposes of this study, variables related to school-level demographic information and school identification (i.e. state and national ID numbers) were used to facilitate data merging. Again, while the NTPS data set provides a nationally representative sample of teachers, the need to merge data collected from NTPS, CCD, and state-specific agency (i.e., TEA) in order to connect teacher well-being, teacher and student demographic, and student standardized assessment data necessitates a more focused sample and would be unnecessarily time-consuming to replicate across all states. In addition, Texas had the second highest state-level enrollment of US K-12 students during the 2015-2016 school year (~5 million students), further supporting the use of this large subsample of US students and teachers. Participants Teachers who self-identified as Black or African American, were “regular, full time”, who worked with secondary grades (grades 6-12) in Texas, and for whom relevant school-level data was available were included in the analysis. Given our use of school-level (rather than teacher-level) data, we chose to focus analyses on secondary teachers, who typically teach multiple classes of students within the same school and therefore have a higher level of exposure to the school population at large compared to elementary school teachers. Additionally, teachers working in special education schools or alternative schools were excluded from analysis. A final sample of 110 1 teachers were successfully merged across all data sources (NTPS, TEA, and CCD). Of the 110 teachers included in analyses, 60.5% self-identified as female, 35.1% as new teachers, with 3 years or fewer of experience, and 71.9% received an alternative teaching certification, a non-traditional method of teacher licensure for those without an undergraduate degree in education. Additionally, 36.0% of teachers held an advanced degree and 56.1% were high school teachers. Measures Racial Congruence Teacher-student and teacher-teacher racial congruence was operationalized as the proportion of self-identified Black or African American students and teachers, respectively, reported in a teacher’s school. Higher proportions of Black students or Black teachers indicated higher teacher-student or teacher-teacher racial congruence, respectively. Teacher-principal racial congruence was a dichotomous variable. Teachers were considered congruent if the principal self-identified as Black or African American. For the current study, classroom-level teacher-student racial congruence data was unavailable. As a result, we instead estimated the extent of teacher-student racial congruence based on the school-level counts of Black students. These school-level estimates are especially relevant to teachers at the secondary level, who typically interact with a larger portion of students and teachers as multiple classes allow teachers to work with more students and opportunities to collaborate across subject area and grade level allows teachers to work with more colleagues. Analysis at the school level is also relevant for educational stakeholders interested in applying these findings in their own schools or school districts, where school-level data is readily available and interpretable. Achievement Inequity Achievement inequity was operationalized as the proportion of Black students in a school who did not pass their state standardized Math or Reading assessment. The term “achievement inequity” was chosen to reflect the myriad of systemic educational inequities that consistently disadvantage Black American students including, for example, inequitable access to highly qualified and experienced teachers, inequitable funding of schools and school districts, and low expectations and deficit thinking patterns from teachers and administrators ( Flores, 2007 ; Valencia, 2015 ). Through this term, we hope to center these circumstances in conversations about racial disparities in education. While measures of inequity traditionally necessitate comparison to dominant groups, we center academic performance, or lack thereof, of Black students in an effort to avoid comparative multicultural research paradigms which often seek to understand Black experiences only in comparison to White experiences. In terming this variable, we do not claim that high or low performance by Black students on standardized assessments is the definitive measure of inequity in US schools, but rather to frame underperformance as strong evidence for the presence of inequitable policies, practices, attitudes, or actions. To create the Math Achievement Inequity (MAI) variable, the proportion of Black students who were graded “Level I - Unsatisfactory” on a Math 6, Math 7, Math 8, and/or Algebra I assessment were averaged together for each school. For the Reading Achievement Inequity (RAI) variable, the proportion of Black students who were graded “Level I - Unsatisfactory” on a Reading 6, Reading 7, Reading 8, English I, and/or English II assessment was averaged together. Higher proportions of Black students who did not pass their state math or reading assessment indicated increases in MAI or RAI Job Satisfaction The Job Satisfaction scale was constructed by taking the mean of 3 National Teacher Principal Survey (NTPS) items (McCarthy et al., 2021). Teachers rated their agreement with scale items on a Likert-type scale from 1 to 4. Scale items were recoded such that higher scores indicate higher reported job satisfaction. Items include “I am generally satisfied with being a teacher at this school,” “The teachers in this school like being here; I would describe us as a satisfied group,” and “I like the way things are run at this school.” Cronbach’s alpha for the job satisfaction scale in this sample was 0.815. Workplace Fatigue The Workplace Fatigue scale was constructed by taking the mean of 5 NTPS items (McCarthy et al., 2021). Teachers rated their agreement with scale items on a Likert-type scale from 1 to 4 and scale items were recoded such that higher scores indicate higher reported workplace fatigue. Example items include “The stress and disappointments involved in teaching at this school aren’t really worth it,” and “I think about staying home from school because I’m just too tired to go.” Cronbach’s alpha for the workplace fatigue scale in this sample was 0.799. Risk for Stress Following the protocol established by McCarthy et al. (2016) for the CARD, an Appraisal Index was calculated for this study to assess teachers’ risk for experiencing occupational stress. As was done by McCarthy et al. using the CARD, the appraisal index was created by calculating a difference score between teachers’ appraised demands and resources. The Appraised Demands scale was constructed by taking the mean of 12 NTPS items found to be thematically similar to the CARD Demands scale (McCarthy et al., 2021). Teachers rated their agreement with scale items on a Likert-type scale from 1 to 4 and scale items were recoded such that higher scores indicate higher appraised workplace demands. Example items include “(To what extent is) student absenteeism (a problem in this school)?” and “(To what extent is) lack of parental involvement (a problem in this school)?” Cronbach’s alpha for the appraised demand scale in this sample was 0.863. The Appraised Resources scale was constructed by taking the mean of 10 NTPS items found in previous research to be thematically similar to the CARD Resources scale (McCarthy et al., 2021). Teachers rated their agreement with scale items on a Likert-type scale from 1 to 4 and scale items were recoded such that higher scores indicate higher appraised workplace resources. Example items include “Necessary materials such as textbooks, supplies, and copy machines are available as needed by the staff,” and “I am given the support I need to teach students with special needs.” Cronbach’s alpha for the appraised demand scale in this sample was 0.866. The Appraisal Index was constructed by subtracting participants’ mean Appraised Resources from their mean Appraised Demands (McCarthy et al., 2021). In the resulting scale, positive scores (i.e., demands higher than resources) indicate high risk for experiencing occupational stress, while negative scores (i.e., resources higher than demands) indicate low risk for experiencing occupational stress. This Appraisal Index score differs from scale scores used in previous literature in that no additional scaling procedures were conducted on the resulting values (McCarthy et al., 2021). School Size and Free and Reduced-Price Lunch Given the limited sample size, we were unable to control for a wide range of potentially confounding factors. School size and student socio-economic status were selected based on previous literature linking these variables to teachers’ occupational wellbeing ( Bottiani et al., 2019 ; Green-Reese et al., 1991 ) and which suggests that these variables are differentially experienced by teachers in racially and ethnically congruent vs. incongruent settings ( Lambert et al., 2021 ). School size was assessed using a single item from the NTPS School Survey. School size was reported as a Likert type variable ranging from 1 (less than 150 students) to 12 (2,000 or more students). Proportion of students eligible for free and reduced-price lunch was used as a proxy for school-level student SES and assessed using data from the CCD. Data Analysis Research Question 1 assessed the extent to which teacher-student racial congruence, teacher-teacher racial congruence, teacher-principal racial congruence and math or reading inequity predict Black secondary school teachers’ occupational wellbeing in Texas, controlling for school size and the proportion of free and reduced-price lunch eligible students in school. To answer this question, we regressed teachers’ reported job satisfaction, workplace fatigue, and appraised risk for stress on the proportion of Black students in school, the proportion of Black teachers in school, and the proportion of Black students who did not pass their state math assessment using the “lmtest” ( Zeileis & Hothorn, 2002 ) package in R 4.3.0 ( R Core Team, 2021 ). Cluster-robust standard errors were used to account for the possibility of inflated Type I error rate due to the nested nature of the data (i.e., teachers nested within schools; McNeish et al., 2017 ; Pituch & Stevens, 2016 ). Separate equations were modeled for each measure of teachers’ occupational wellbeing and for math vs. reading assessment performance. Research Question 2 explored the potential interactive effect that these demographic and equity factors may have on Black secondary teachers in Texas’ occupational wellbeing. To address this question, we regressed measures of teachers’ occupational wellbeing on pairwise interactions among demographic variables and assessment inequity variables using the “lmtest” ( Zeileis & Hothorn, 2002 ) package in R 4.3.0 ( R Core Team, 2021 ). Separate equations were modeled for job satisfaction, workplace fatigue, and appraised risk for stress and for math and reading assessments. Results Descriptive Analyses Table 1 presents the means, standard deviations, and bivariate correlations for the variables of interest. One finding of particular interest was that MAI, or the proportion of Black students in a school who did not pass their state Math assessment, ranged from 0.35 to 1, with a mean of .71, while RAI, the proportion of Black students who did not pass their state Reading assessment, ranged from .37 to 1, with a mean of 0.67. This implies that no Black teacher present in the sample taught in a school where less than 35% and 37% of Black students failed their state mathematics and reading assessment respectively, while on average, teachers saw about 70% of Black students fail these assessments. Table 1. Means, standard deviations, bivariate correlations, and reliability estimates among teacher sample M (SD) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1. Teacher-Student Racial Match 0.27 (0.21) – 2. Teacher-Teacher Racial Match 0.26 (0.22) .88 *** – 3. Teacher-Principal Racial Match a 0.28 (0.45) .47 *** .46 *** – 4. Math Achievement Inequity (MAI) 0.71 (0.16) .16 .12 .14 – 5. Reading Achievement Inequity (RAI) 0.67 (0.14) .18 .32 ** .18 .67 *** – 6. Job Satisfaction 3.01 (0.68) −.17 −.20 * −.34 −.10 .004 .82 7. Workplace Fatigue 2.11 (0.77) .07 .10 .23 * .11 .02 −.61 *** .80 8. Modified Appraisal Index −0.59 (0.99) .16 .27 ** .29 ** .20 * .14 −.72 *** .48 *** – 9. Workplace Demands 2.48 (0.59) .07 .20 * .22 * .31 ** .23 * −.52 *** .37 *** .88 *** .86 10. Workplace Resources 3.07 (0.55) −.22 * −.27 ** −.30 ** −.02 .004 .73 *** −.46 *** −.85 *** −.50 *** .86 11. Free or Reduced-Price Lunch 0.64 (0.23) .38 *** .59 *** .33 ** .07 .35 *** −.06 .07 .23 * .30 ** −0.08 – 12. School Size 9.38 (2.3) −.25 ** −.27 ** −.25 ** −.05 −.35 *** −.07 .08 .23 * .24 * −0.15 −.25 ** Open in a new tab SOURCES: US Department of Education, National Teacher and Principal Survey (NTPS) and Common Core of Data (CCD) survey; Texas Education Agency, STAAR Aggregate Data Note . Cronbach’s alpha is displayed on the diagonal for relevant measures. a Correlations for Teacher-Principal match reflect Spearman’s Rho, all others reflect Pearson’s correlations. * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p< 0.001 Bivariate correlations among these variables indicate a strong, positive correlation between the proportion of Black teachers and the proportion of Black students in school ( r (110) = 0.88, p < 0.001). Of particular interest to this study, there was a moderate, positive correlation between teachers’ appraised demands and MAI ( r (110) = 0.31, p = 0.001) and RAI ( r (110) = 0.23, p = 0.013). In schools where higher proportions of Black students did not pass the standardized math or reading assessments, teachers were more likely to appraise occupational demands as higher. Predictors of Occupational Wellbeing for Black Teachers Regression results for Research Question 1 are displayed in Tables 2 and 3 . When accounting for MAI (see Table 2 ), having a Black principal negatively predicted job satisfaction ( t = −4.03, p < 0.001) and positively predicted workplace fatigue ( t = 2.79, p = 0.006) and risk for stress ( t = 3.59, p < 0.001). Black teachers in schools with Black principals reported less job satisfaction, more workplace fatigue, and more risk for experiencing occupational stress. Additionally, the proportion of Black teachers in school ( t = 2.90, p = 0.005), MAI ( t = 2.39, p = 0.02), and school size ( t = 3.95, p < 0.001) positively predicted risk for stress, while the proportion of Black students in school negatively predicted risk for stress ( t = −2.01, p = 0.047). Teachers in schools with higher proportions of Black teachers and higher MAI reported increased risk for experiencing occupational stress, while teachers in schools with higher proportions of Black students reported lower risk for experiencing occupational stress. Table 2. Regression Analyses of Teachers’ Job Satisfaction, Workplace Fatigue, and Risk for Stress, accounting for systemic inequity in math Predictor Job Satisfaction Workplace Fatigue Risk for Stress b ß SE 95% CI b ß SE 95% CI b ß SE 95% CI Intercept 3.75 *** 3.02 4.49 1.17 ** 0.43 0.32 2.02 −3.39 *** 0.54 −4.44 −2.32 Teacher-Student Racial Match 0.64 0.20 0.67 −0.69 1.97 −0.63 −0.17 0.60 −1.82 0.56 −1.68 * −0.36 0.83 −3.33 −0.02 Teacher-Teacher Racial Match −1.00 −0.32 0.72 −2.42 0.42 0.58 0.17 0.63 −0.66 1.82 2.20 ** 0.49 0.76 0.69 3.70 Teacher-Principal Racial Match −0.51 *** −0.34 0.13 −0.76 −0.26 0.46 ** 0.27 0.16 0.13 0.78 0.62 *** 0.28 0.17 0.28 0.96 Math Achievement INequity (MAI) −0.36 −0.08 0.37 −1.09 0.38 0.50 0.11 0.38 −0.24 1.25 1.15 * 0.19 0.48 0.20 2.10 School Size −0.05 −0.17 0.03 −0.10 0.001 0.05 0.16 0.03 −0.01 0.11 0.16 *** 0.37 0.04 0.08 0.24 Free and Reduced-Price Lunch 0.36 0.12 0.30 −0.23 0.96 −0.03 −0.01 0.33 −0.70 0.63 0.29 0.07 0.49 −0.68 1.25 Open in a new tab SOURCES: US Department of Education, National Teacher and Principal Survey (NTPS) and Common Core of Data (CCD) survey; Texas Education Agency, STAAR Aggregate Data * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001 Table 3. Regression Analyses of Teachers’ Job Satisfaction, Workplace Fatigue, and Risk for Stress, accounting for systemic inequity in reading Predictor Job Satisfaction Workplace Fatigue Risk for Stress b ß SE 95% CI b ß SE 95% CI b ß SE 95% CI Intercept 3.40 *** 0.42 2.57 4.23 1.428 * 0.55 0.33 2.53 −3.34 *** 0.66 −4.65 −2.02 Teacher-Student Racial Match 0.61 0.19 0.69 −0.76 1.97 −0.51 −0.14 0.62 −1.74 0.72 −1.24 −0.27 0.89 −3.01 0.53 Teacher-Teacher Racial Match −1.01 −0.33 0.73 −2.46 0.44 0.50 0.14 0.64 −0.77 1.77 1.80 * 0.40 0.86 0.09 3.50 Teacher-Principal Racial Match 0.51 *** −0.34 0.13 −0.76 −0.26 0.45 ** 0.27 0.15 0.15 0.76 0.62 ** 0.28 0.19 0.24 1.00 Reading Achievement Inequity (RAI) 0.15 0.03 0.39 −0.63 0.92 0.10 0.02 0.55 −1.00 1.19 0.93 0.14 0.65 −0.36 2.22 School Size −0.05 −0.16 0.03 −0.10 0.005 0.05 0.16 0.03 −0.01 0.12 0.18 *** 0.40 0.04 0.09 0.26 Free and Reduced-Price Lunch 0.34 0.11 0.30 −0.26 0.93 −0.02 −0.01 0.35 −0.71 0.67 0.25 0.06 0.47 −0.69 1.19 Open in a new tab SOURCES: US Department of Education, National Teacher and Principal Survey (NTPS) and Common Core of Data (CCD) survey; Texas Education Agency, STAAR Aggregate Data * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001 When accounting for RAI (see Table 3 ), having a Black principal again negatively predicted job satisfaction ( t = −4.00, p < 0.001) and positively predicted workplace fatigue (t = 2.95, p = 0.004) and risk for stress ( t = 3.20, p = 0.002). Teachers in schools with Black principals reported less job satisfaction and more workplace fatigue. Additionally, the proportion of Black teachers in school ( t = 2.09, p = 0.040) and school size ( t = 4.27, p < 0.001) positively predicted risk for stress. Teachers in larger schools and in schools with larger proportions of Black students reported higher risk for experiencing occupational stress. These findings, however, are proven to be misleading given the following findings from research question 2. Moderating Effects Regression results for Research Question 2 are displayed in Tables 4 and 5 . First, the results including MAI are discussed ( Table 4 ), and then the results including RAI are discussed ( Table 5 ). Accounting for MAI, we found that the interaction between MAI and teacher-student racial congruence significantly predicted job satisfaction ( b = −9.51, p < 0.01) and risk for stress ( b = 12.16, p < 0.001). Table 4. Regression Analyses of Teachers’ Job Satisfaction and Risk for Stress, accounting for systemic inequity in math Predictor Job Satisfaction Workplace Fatigue Risk for Stress b ß SE 95% CI b ß SE 95% CI b ß SE 95% CI Intercept 2.86 *** 0.51 1.85 3.87 1.45 * 0.62 0.21 2.69 −1.68 * 0.66 −3.00 −0.37 Teacher-Student Racial Match 6.96 ** 2.15 2.51 1.97 11.94 −5.09 * −1.40 2.54 −10.11 −0.06 −9.90 *** −2.12 2.67 −15.20 −4.60 Teacher-Teacher Racial Match −4.39 * −1.41 2.10 −8.56 −0.22 3.29 0.94 2.10 −0.87 7.46 4.79 * 1.07 2.05 0.72 8.86 Teacher-Principal Racial Match −0.16 0.11 0.54 −0.90 1.22 1.00 0.59 0.57 −0.12 2.12 0.60 −0.27 0.59 −1.78 0.58 Math Achievement Inequity (MAI) 0.75 0.18 0.59 −0.42 1.92 0.19 0.04 0.77 −1.34 1.72 −1.01 −0.16 0.73 −2.46 0.45 Teacher-student racial match × MAI −9.51 ** −2.42 4.22 −17.88 −1.13 6.63 1.50 4.17 −1.64 14.9 0 12.16 ** 2.14 4.40 3.43 20.89 Teacher-teacher racial match × MAI 5.94 1.55 3.66 −1.31 13.20 −4.13 −0.96 3.54 −11.14 2.89 −5.14 −0.93 3.76 −12.59 2.31 Teacher-principal racial match × MAI −0.92 −0.46 0.85 −2.61 0.77 −0.85 −0.38 0.93 −2.70 0.99 1.60 0.55 1.08 −0.54 3.73 School Size −0.04 −0.14 0.03 −0.09 0.01 0.05 0.14 0.03 −0.01 0.10 0.15 *** 0.34 0.04 0.07 0.23 Free and Reduced-Price Lunch 0.25 0.09 0.29 −0.32 0.83 −0.04 −0.01 0.34 −0.71 0.64 0.42 0.10 0.48 −0.53 1.36 Open in a new tab SOURCES: US Department of Education, National Teacher and Principal Survey (NTPS) and Common Core of Data (CCD) survey; Texas Education Agency, STAAR Aggregate Data * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001 Table 5. Regression Analyses of Teachers’ Job Satisfaction and Risk for Stress, accounting for systemic inequity in reading Predictor Job Satisfaction Workplace Fatigue Risk for Stress b ß SE 95% CI b ß SE 95% CI b ß SE 95% CI Intercept 2.47 *** 0.50 1.47 3.46 1.83 * 0.71 0.41 3.24 −1.51 * 0.73 −2.96 −0.06 Teacher-Student Racial Match 5.72 * 1.77 2.85 0.08 11.36 −4.56 −1.26 2.74 −10.00 0.87 −10.01 ** −2.15 3.42 −16.80 −3.23 Teacher-Teacher Racial Match −1.79 −0.58 4.03 −9.78 6.20 2.70 0.77 3.47 −4.18 9.58 2.24 0.50 4.20 −6.08 10.56 Teacher-Principal Racial Match −0.32 −0.21 0.51 −1.32 0.69 0.66 0.39 0.69 −0.72 2.04 0.01 −0.01 0.78 −1.56 1.53 Reading Achievement Inequity (RAI) 1.41 ** 0.30 0.51 0.41 2.42 −0.44 −0.08 0.87 −2.17 1.29 −1.54 * −0.22 0.76 −3.05 −0.03 Teacher-student racial match × RAI −7.73 −1.87 4.31 −16.27 0.81 6.08 1.31 3.88 −1.60 13.77 13.28 ** 2.22 4.87 3.63 22.94 Teacher-teacher racial match × RAI 1.623 0.42 5.72 −9.72 12.98 −3.32 −0.76 4.80 −12.83 6.20 −1.67 −0.30 5.62 −12.82 9.48 Teacher-principal racial match × RAI −0.05 −0.02 0.92 −1.88 1.78 −0.42 −0.18 1.12 −2.65 1.80 0.49 0.16 1.43 −2.34 3.32 School Size −0.05 −0.16 0.03 −0.11 0.01 0.05 0.16 0.03 −0.01 0.12 0.17 *** 0.40 0.04 0.09 0.26 Free and Reduced- Price Lunch 0.34 0.12 0.26 −0.18 0.86 −0.04 −0.01 0.36 −0.75 0.67 0.27 0.06 0.38 −0.49 1.02 Open in a new tab SOURCES: US Department of Education, National Teacher and Principal Survey (NTPS) and Common Core of Data (CCD) survey; Texas Education Agency, STAAR Aggregate Data * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001 Accounting for MAI, the proportion of Black students in school positively predicted job satisfaction ( t = 2.77, p = 0.007), while the proportion of Black teachers in school was a negative predictor ( t = −2.09, p = 0.039). There was a significant interaction between the proportion of Black students in school and MAI ( t = −2.25, p = 0.027). To probe this interaction, simple slopes analysis was conducted, as suggested by Aiken and West (1991) . When MAI was low, or one standard deviation below the sample mean, the proportion of Black students present in school was a significant, positive predictor of teachers’ job satisfaction ( b = 1.76, t = 2.06, p = 0.04). This means that for teachers in schools where a relatively high proportion of Black students passed their state math assessment, higher proportions of Black students in a school were associated with higher reported job satisfaction. Subsequent Johnson-Neyman analysis ( Johnson & Fay, 1950 ) found that this association became more positive and more significant as MAI decreased. When MAI was high, or one standard deviation above the mean, the proportion of Black students in school was not a significant predictor of teachers’ job satisfaction ( b = −1.31, t = −1.24, p = 0.26). Results from Johnson-Neyman analysis found that while this association did become more significant as MAI increased, significance was not reached at the threshold of the moderator (i.e., 100% of Black students failing the standardized math assessment). The results of this interaction decomposition are presented in Figure 1 . Figure 1. Open in a new tab Teachers’ Job Satisfaction as a Function of the Proportion of Black students in School and Mathematics Achievement Inequity (MAI) Note . High MAI denotes one standard deviation above the mean for mathematics achievement inequity, while low MAI denotes one standard deviation below the mean for mathematics achievement inequity. For teachers’ risk for experiencing stress, the proportion of Black teachers in school ( t = 2.34, p = 0.021) and school size ( t = 3.77, p < 0.001) were positive predictors while the proportion of Black students was a negative predictor ( t = −3.70, p < 0.001). There was again a significant interaction between the proportion of Black students in a school and MAI ( t = 2.76, p = 0.007). This interaction was again probed through an analysis of simple slopes. For teachers in schools low (i.e., one standard deviation below the sample mean) in MAI the proportion of Black students in school was a significant negative predictor of teachers’ appraised risk for experiencing stress ( b = −3.26, t = −2.93, p < 0.001). For teachers in schools high in MAI, the proportion of Black students in school was not a significant predictor of a teachers’ appraised risk for experiencing stress ( b = 0.67, t = 0.44, p = 0.66). Johnson-Neyman analysis again found that this association became more significant as MAI increased, but well beyond the threshold of the moderator. Results of this interaction decomposition are presented in Figure 2 . Figure 2. Open in a new tab Teachers’ Appraised Risk for Stress as a Function of the Proportion of Black students in School and Mathematics Achievement Inequity (MAI) Note . High MAI denotes one standard deviation above the mean for mathematics achievement inequity, while low MAI denotes one standard deviation below the mean for mathematics achievement inequity. Finally, accounting for RAI, we found that the interaction between RAI and teacher-student racial congruence significantly predicted job satisfaction ( b = 5.72, p < 0.05) and risk for stress ( b = −10.01, p < 0.01). The proportion of Black students in school ( t = −2.93, p = 0.004) and RAI ( t = −2.03, p = 0.045) negatively predicted risk for experiencing stress, while school size ( t = 3.91, p < 0.001) positively predicted risk for experiencing stress. There was a significant interaction between the proportion of Black students in school and RAI ( t = 2.73, p = 0.007). This interaction was again probed through an analysis of simple slopes. For teachers in schools low (i.e., one standard deviation below the sample mean) in RAI, the proportion of Black students in school was a significant negative predictor of teachers’ appraised risk for experiencing stress ( b = −2.98, t = −2.28, p = 0.02). For teachers in schools high in RAI, the proportion of Black students in school was not a significant predictor of a teachers’ appraised risk for experiencing stress ( b = 0.83, t = 0.70, p = 0.49). Johnson-Neyman analysis again found that this association became more significant as RAI increased, but well beyond the threshold of the moderator. Results of this interaction decomposition are presented in Figure 3 . Figure 3. Open in a new tab Teachers’ Appraised Risk for Stress as a Function of the Proportion of Black students in School and Reading Achievement Inequity (RAI) Note . High RAI denotes one standard deviation above the mean for reading achievement inequity, while low RAI denotes one standard deviation below the mean for reading achievement inequity. Discussion Previous research on the associations between racial demography and occupational wellbeing for teachers in the US has frequently either centered the experiences of White teachers or adopted a comparative or group differences approach, both of which lead to problematic outcomes. In many cases, efforts to consider “all teachers” without a thoughtful and intersectional accounting of marginalized identities frequently result in the centering of majority teachers’ experiences and circumstances. These patterns of decentering minoritized teachers in the study of racial congruence and teacher outcomes have likely contributed to the inconclusive findings for teachers of color. The current study aimed to address these limitations by applying QuantCrit to examine the experiences of Black teachers’ occupational health. We found that achievement inequity moderated the relationship between teacher-student racial congruence and measures of occupational wellbeing for Black secondary teachers. Specifically, when fewer Black students failed their state mathematics assessment, teachers reported higher job satisfaction and lower risk for occupational stress as teacher-student racial congruence increased. Similarly, when fewer Black students failed their state reading assessment, teachers reported higher job satisfaction as teacher-student racial congruence increased. These findings extend our understanding of important contextual factors that influence occupational wellbeing for teachers from historically marginalized racial and ethnic groups. For teachers who identify supporting underserved children and communities (i.e., “making a difference” for students) as a key motivation for entering the teaching profession ( Cormier, 2020 ; Gordon, 1993 ; Williams et al., 2009 ), perceiving that historically underserved students’ needs are not being met could trigger feelings of unfulfillment, disappointment, or pressure to provide these students with extra support. Prevalent notions of inherent deficits in marginalized student populations ( Valencia, 2020 ) and academic opportunity gaps that result may serve as a stressor for minoritized teachers both as an indicator of a racially hostile or unsafe environment and as an indicator of a low resource, high demand school environment. The same factors that constitute a stressful and highly demanding work environment for teachers (i.e., high student misbehavior, lack of necessary materials, high teacher dissatisfaction) constitute a stressful and ineffective learning environment for students. Therefore, when achievement inequity is low, the positive relational effects of teacher-student racial congruence may more strongly influence teachers’ appraisals of their demands and resources, and their assessment of their satisfaction. Conversely, when achievement inequity is high, the presence of more Black students in need of support may function as an additional demand for teachers instead of a resource. These findings are largely in line with previous literature. McKinney de Royston and colleagues (2021) found that Black teachers in the US saw Black students as needing care and protection from radicalized harm in school settings and emphasized the responsibility they felt to provide this care to Black students. Similarly, Basit and Santoro (2011) found that ethnic minority teachers in Britain and Australia were expected to be “cultural experts” within their schools to teachers’ mixed reactions. While engaging in this type of labor may be fulfilling for racially and ethnically minoritized teachers who enter the profession with altruistic intentions, these added roles can also induce additional strain. Duncan (2019) found that Black American teachers who attempted to intervene on perceived racial hostility and injustices towards students were subjected to additional roles, additional work, and strained relationships with colleagues. Duncan compared these teachers to shields used in battle, saying “just as a shield bears the brunt of violence directed toward the person behind the shield, these teachers were subjected to and worked to interrupt their White colleagues’ racism because of the racial justice-oriented work they did on behalf of their students (p. 210).” In other words, fulfilling this role came at the cost of teachers’ occupational wellbeing. These findings emphasize not only the importance of including such factors in future work, but also of considering the invisible demands racially and ethnically minoritized teachers frequently take on in the US school system and internationally to provide students with culturally-responsive support. Finally, we found that increases in teacher-teacher racial congruence were associated with decreases in occupational wellbeing, even accounting for the moderating effect of achievement inequity. This finding is inconsistent with previous literature which suggests that turnover for Black teachers decreased as the proportion of Black teachers in a school increased ( Strunk & Robinson, 2006 ) and that Black teachers with no other Black colleagues were more likely to report feeling isolated and disconnected from fellow teachers ( Bristol, 2020 ). Similarly, we found that in main effects models, teacher-principal racial congruence was negatively associated with teachers’ job satisfaction and positively associated with workplace fatigue and risk for experiencing stress. After assessing for interactions, this relationship became non-significant. The above finding is partially in conflict with prior literature. Grissom and Keiser (2011) found that after disaggregating by race, teacher-principal racial congruence was associated with increased teacher satisfaction for African American teachers. Further, Black teachers reported more support in the workplace and Black male teachers reported higher satisfaction when working in schools with congruent principals ( Viano et al., 2023 ). On the other hand, Viano and Hunter (2017) found that while teacher-principal racial congruence was positively associated with teacher satisfaction, this relationship became weaker over time and was attenuated when considering Black teachers, and teachers not in the South. Research on more downstream effects similarly suggests no significant relationship between teacher-principal racial congruence and teacher attrition for all teachers ( Nguyen, 2021 ) and for Black female teachers ( Campoli & Conrad-Popova, 2017 ). These conflicting findings may be the result of non-random sorting of Black teachers into schools. Research suggests that Black teachers are more likely to be employed in schools with more Black students and lower student SES (McCarthy et al., 2019; Ingersoll & May, 2011 ) and Black principals are more likely to lead schools with more students of color and higher proportions of free and reduced-price lunch eligible students ( Jang & Alexander, 2022 ). Black teachers within these schools would be more likely to experience teacher-teacher and teacher-principal racial congruence, but also would be more likely to be exposed to contextual variables associated with a challenging working environment. Previous research has also found evidence that Black teachers are more likely to teach students with previous discipline experiences ( Lindsay & Hart, 2017 ). Such intentional sorting within schools may influence the experience of Black teachers, specifically by adding more work-related demands for which relevant resources are unavailable. A second reason for contradictory findings related to teacher-teacher racial congruence may be the nature of the secondary data utilized for this study. NTPS items used to assess teachers’ job satisfaction and risk for experiencing stress largely centered on experiences and circumstances related to students, parents, and administration. Research, however, indicates that teacher-teacher racial congruence primarily serves as a source of social support, camaraderie, and connectedness for Black teachers ( Bristol, 2020 ; Guthrie, 2021 ; Nelson, 2019 ). Only two items from the modified appraisal index address these factors, and do so in a fairly surface-level manner (i.e., “Most of my colleagues share my beliefs and values about what the central mission of the school should be,” and “There is a great deal of cooperative effort among the staff members”). Taken together, this research suggests that the negative relationship between teacher-teacher and teacher-principal racial congruence and occupational health for Black teachers in the US may result because of the higher likelihood of Black teachers and principals working in less resourced, more demanding schools, and the inability of the modified appraisal index to account for variations in social support and beneficial work relationships with fellow teachers. Future research should make use of more targeted measurement instruments or qualitative methods of inquiry to more accurately understand the role that teacher-teacher racial congruence plays in Black teachers’ occupational health. Limitations and Future Directions One significant challenge present in the current study is the nature of the secondary data utilized. While the National Teacher and Principal Survey, Common Core of Data, and other state data sources offer high quality data on a scale much larger than could easily be collected by individual researchers, these datasets were not constructed with our investigation in mind. While suitable proxies for the constructs of interest were identified, the operationalization of these variables present limitations. For example, when measuring teacher job satisfaction and workplace fatigue, the current study was limited to the evaluation of three and five items, respectively, to capture these complex and multifaceted constructs. Future work would benefit from expanded evaluation of teacher outcomes by the NTPS. We were further limited by the manner in which the NTPS, CCD and Texas Education Agency determine teachers’ and students’ racial identification. Though specific reporting guidance does not seem to be available online, reporting guidance for other NCES data collection projects instruct that all individuals who self-identify as “Hispanic” should be reported as “Hispanic,” even if they identify as other races as well ( National Center for Education Statistics, n.d. ). Under this system, Afro-Latinx students would be reported as Hispanic, and would not be reflected in counts of Black students. In the same vein, it is important to acknowledge the diversity of Black teachers and their experiences. The work-related demands and resources experienced by Black teachers can be influenced by any one of a multitude of different intersecting identities including the teacher’s skin tone, gender identity, sexual orientation, or SES. Future work may overcome this limitation by conducting a primary data collection which employs more robust means of measuring racial and ethnic identification ( Awad et al., 2022 ) and by utilizing mixed methods aimed at further exploring the broad diversity of experiences among Black teachers. The current study was also limited by the number of Black secondary school teachers who met inclusion criteria in these data sources. This restricted sample size impacted our ability to conduct analyses which accounted for the nonrandom sorting of Black teachers into schools. Access to a larger sample size would enable the exploration of a larger range of fixed effects, which would serve to further disentangle the effects of racial congruence and other school contextual factors for Black teachers. We also note that while the NTPS is nationally representative, sampling strategies do not ensure a representative sample at the state level. The representativeness of our sample was further compromised when applying inclusion criteria and negotiating the merging of data across multiple data sources. Overall, we caution readers against causal interpretations in this preliminary and exploratory study, and emphasize the need for research that continues to advance our understanding of these nuanced and complex relationships. Finally, when assessing achievement inequity, students’ scores on standardized tests were used as proxies for academic achievement in mathematics and reading. Given ever-fluctuating policy on state standardized testing requirements and expectations, particularly considering the COVID-19 pandemic, the use of standardized test scores is not without controversy. However, given the role of testing scores in school environments, we felt this was the best proxy for determining how teachers themselves might see achievement inequity in the school context. Schools and school districts must navigate competing demands of maintaining high test scores in order to comply with state standards and funding requirements, while also ensuring that students have access to well-rounded and rigorous curricula. In these settings, discussion of standardized assessment scores are ubiquitous, especially for teachers. There are several ways that future research can build upon the results found in the current project. First, future research should incorporate qualitative and mixed methods research designs to explore the underlying mechanisms that may further explain our findings. While previous qualitative research has explored Black teachers’ general experiences in schools that primarily serve students of color, no research has specifically explored Black teachers’ perceptions and experiences working with students and other teachers whose racial identification reflects their own. Black teachers may reveal insights into their reality in schools with different demographic makeups that are not readily accessible in quantitative research designs. Further, while achievement inequity was modeled as a direct predictor of teachers’ occupational wellbeing in the current study, future research may also explore achievement inequity as a mediating variable for other school-level environmental factors or explore its unique contribution over and above these variables. Given forecasts that academic opportunity gaps have worsened over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic ( Dorn et al., 2020 ; Francis & Weller, 2022 ), there is an increased need to understand how these inequities are associated with wellbeing for both students and their teachers. Conclusion The purpose of this project was to expand the understanding currently reflected in research literature of the student- and teacher-centered outcomes associated with teacher-student racial congruence in schools. For Black secondary school teachers in Texas, interactions among teacher-student racial congruence and systemic inequity were associated with job satisfaction and risk for experiencing occupational stress. Notably, in schools in which large proportions of Black students did not pass standardized state assessments, increases in the proportion of Black students in a school were associated with decreases in occupational health among Black teachers. The findings in this study contribute to research in teaching and teacher education practice by highlighting a unique mechanism through which teachers from racially and ethnically minoritized backgrounds may experience additional work-related stress. As researchers in the US ( Ingersoll & May, 2011 ), Britain ( See, 2023 ), and Australia (Rice et al., 2023) have highlighted, there is a lack of diversity within the teaching population, which is especially concerning when juxtaposed against the diversity of student populations. The current research should urge stakeholders to more carefully consider the beliefs, motivations, and expectations underlying initiatives to increase teacher diversity as well as the supports put in place to ensure the success of minoritized teachers and their students.. The student outcome benefits associated with teacher-student racial congruence have frequently been positioned as a central justification for increasing representation among minoritized teachers in the US and internationally. Unfortunately, when school and district leadership employ diversity initiatives with the singular goal of improving school performance metrics, there are risks. As findings from this study indicate, targeted recruitment of Black teachers into schools in which Black students experience academic opportunity gaps funnels Black teachers into environments that are especially threatening to their occupational health, which in turn likely contributes to retention issues amongst teachers of color. For racially and ethnically minoritized teachers, these findings suggest that these teachers indeed experience different and additional workplace demands which influence experiences of occupational wellbeing. Further, the highly demanding nature of these environments put stakeholders at risk of falling short of expectations that recruitment initiatives will “fix” performance concerns and subsequently introducing or reinforcing the idea that diversity in the teaching force is not a worthwhile aim, enhancing backlash against diversity initiatives. The findings of this research suggest one mechanism through which school systems in the US and internationally might improve occupational wellbeing for minoritized teachers include expanded and targeted resources which address and support historically marginalized student populations. As systemic inequities persist, teachers who share marginalized status with their students may be increasingly expected or feel internal pressure to step up and provide resources at the individual level. There is a need for institutional policies aimed and meeting students’ needs for food security, housing security, access to healthcare, etc., and specifically, a need for these resources to be implemented systematically for all students. The availability of these resources will work not only to take this responsibility off of individual teachers and parents, but to promote equity for oppressed communities overall. Further, as stakeholders continue to investigate methods to increase the recruitment and retention of diverse teachers, practitioners should continue to critically examine underlying motivations for promoting these policies. While educational stakeholders have a responsibility to investigate and take advantage of teacher-student racial congruence as a manner of promoting equitable outcomes for students from minoritized racial and ethnic groups, there is an equal responsibility to ensure equitable treatment of Black teachers and other teachers of color. Philip and Brown (2020) cautioned that if applied without careful consideration and care, movements to recruit and retain teachers of color to combat achievement disparities can promote essentialist views of people of color. These views can in turn lead to school environments in which teachers of color are stereotyped and tokenized. Similarly, Brown (2014) noted that efforts to bring more teachers of color into the classroom, absent parallel movements to interrogate systemic bias, privilege, and power, unfairly burden individual teachers of color with fixing inequities enacted by the systems in which they operate. Demographic factors play a significant role in teachers’ occupational wellbeing Black students’ performance is associated with Black teachers’ job stress Black students’ performance is associated with Black teachers’ job satisfaction Funding: This work was partially supported by the National Institutes of Health R01MD014145-04S1. Footnotes Publisher's Disclaimer: This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final form. Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain. 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