The History of Rome, Books 09 to 26

*        *        *        *        * 31 The consuls adjusting the provinces between them, the Samnites fell by lot

to Junius, the new war of Etruria to Aemilius. In Samnium the Samnites had blockaded

and reduced by famine Cluvia, a Roman garrison, because they had been unable

to take it by storm; and, after torturing with stripes, in a shocking manner,

the townsmen who surrendered, they had put them to death. Enraged at this cruelty,

Junius determined to postpone every thing else to the attacking of Cluvia; and,

on the first day that he assaulted the walls, took it by storm, and slew all

who were grown to man's estate. The victorious troops were led from thence to

Bovianum; this was the capital of the Pentrian Samnites, by far the most opulent

of their cities, and the most powerful both in men and arms. The soldiers, stimulated

by the hope of plunder, for their resentment was not so violent, soon made themselves

masters of the town: where there was less severity exercised on the enemy; but

a quantity of spoil was carried off, greater almost than had ever been collected

out of all Samnium, and the whole was liberally bestowed on the assailants.

And when neither armies, camps, or cities could now withstand the vast superiority

of the Romans in arms; the attention of all the leading men in Samnium became

intent on this, that an opportunity should be sought for some stratagem, if

by any chance the army, proceeding with incautious eagerness for plunder, could

be caught in a snare and overpowered. Peasants who deserted and some prisoners

(some thrown in their way by accident, some purposely) reporting to the consul

a statement in which they concurred, and one which was at the same time true,

that a vast quantity of cattle had been driven together into a defile of difficult

access, prevailed on them to lead thither the legions lightly accoutred for

plunder. Here a very numerous army of the enemy had posted themselves, secretly,

at all the passes; and, as soon as they saw that the Romans had got into the

defile, they rose up suddenly, with great clamour and tumult, and attacked them

unawares. At first an event so unexpected caused some confusion, while they

were taking their arms, and throwing the baggage into the centre; but, as fast

as each had freed himself from his burden and fitted himself with arms, they

assembled about the standards, from every side; and all, from the long course

of their service, knowing their particular ranks, the line was formed of its

own accord without any directions. The consul, riding up to the place where

the fight was most warm, leaped from his horse, and called "Jupiter, Mars, and

the other gods to witness, that he had come into that place, not in pursuit

of any glory to himself, but of booty for his soldiers; nor could any other

fault be charged on him, than too great a solicitude to enrich his soldiers

at the expense of the enemy. From that disgrace nothing could extricate him

but the valour of the troops: let them only join unanimously in a vigorous attack

against a foe, already vanquished in the field, beaten out of their camps, and

stripped of their towns, and now trying their last hope by the contrivance of

an ambuscade, placing their reliance on the ground they occupied, not on their

arms. But what ground was now unsurmountable to Roman valour?" The citadel of

Fregellae, and that of Sora, were called to their remembrance, with many other

places where difficulties from situation had been surmounted. Animated by these

exhortations, the soldiers, regardless of all difficulties, advanced against

the line of the enemy, posted above them; and here there was some fatigue whilst

the army was climbing the steep. But as soon as the first battalions got footing

in the plain, on the summit, and the troops perceived that they now stood on

equal ground, the dismay was instantly turned on the plotters; who, dispersing

and casting away their arms, attempted, by flight, to recover the same lurking-places

in which they had lately concealed themselves. But the difficulties of the ground,

which had been intended for the enemy, now entangled them in the snares of their

own contrivance. Accordingly very few found means to escape; twenty thousand

men were slain, and the victorious Romans hastened in several parties to secure

the booty of cattle, spontaneously thrown in their way by the enemy. 32 While such was the situation of affairs in Samnium, all the states of Etruria,

except the Arretians, had taken arms, and vigorously commenced hostilities,

by laying siege to Sutrium; which city, being in alliance with the Romans, served

as a barrier against Etruria. Thither the other consul, Aemilius, came with

an army to deliver the allies from the siege. On the arrival of the Romans,

the Sutrians conveyed a plentiful supply of provisions into their camp, which

was pitched before the city. The Etrurians spent the first day in deliberating

whether they should expedite or protract the war. On the day following, when

the speedier plan pleased the leaders in preference to the safer, as soon as

the sun rose the for battle was displayed, and the troops marched out to the

field; which being reported to the consul, he instantly commanded notice to

be given, that they should dine, and after taking refreshment, then appear under

arms. The order was obeyed; and the consul, seeing them armed and in readiness,

ordered the standards to be carried forth beyond the rampart, and drew up his

men at a small distance from the enemy. Both parties stood a long time with

fixed attention, each waiting for the shout and fight to begin on the opposite

side; and the sun had passed the meridian before a weapon was thrown by either

side. Then, rather than leave the place without something being done, the shout

was given by the Etrurians, the trumpets sounded, and the battalions advanced.

With no less alertness do the Romans commence the fight: both rushed to the

fight with violent animosity; the enemy were superior in numbers, the Romans

in valour. The battle being doubtful, carries off great numbers on both sides,

particularly the men of greatest courage; nor did victory declare itself, until

the second line of the Romans came up fresh to the front, in the place of the

first, who were much fatigued. The Etrurians, because their front line was not

supported by any fresh reserves, fell all before and round the standards, and

in no battle whatever would there have been seen less disposition to run, or

a greater effusion of human blood, had not the night sheltered the Etrurians,

who were resolutely determined on death; so that the victors, not the vanquished,

were the first who desisted from fighting. After sunset the signal for retreat

was given, and both parties retired in the night to their camps. During the

remainder of the year, nothing memorable was effected at Sutrium; for, of the

enemy's army, the whole first line had been cut off in one battle, the reserves

only being left, who were scarce sufficient to guard the camp; and, among the

Romans, so numerous were the wounds, that more wounded men died after the battle

than had fallen in the field. 33 Quintus Fabius, consul for the ensuing year, succeeded to the command of the

army at Sutrium; the colleague given to him was Caius Marcius Rutilus. On the

one side, Fabius brought with him a reinforcement from Rome, and on the other,

a new army had been sent for, and came from home, to the Etrurians. Many years

had now passed without any disputes between the patrician magistrates and plebeian

tribunes, when a contest took its rise from that family, which seemed raised

by fate as antagonists to the tribunes and commons of those times; Appius Claudius,

being censor, when the eighteen months had expired, which was the time limited

by the Aemilian law for the duration of the censorship, although his colleague

Caius Plautius had already resigned his office, could not be prevailed on, by

any means, to give up his. There was a tribune of the commons, Publius Sempronius;

he undertook to enforce a legal process for terminating the censorship within

the lawful time, which was not more popular than just, nor more pleasing to

the people generally than to every man of character in the city. After he frequently

appealed to the Aemilian law, and bestowed commendations on Mamercus Aemilius,

who, in his dictatorship, had been the author of it, for having contracted,

within the space of a year and six months, the censorship, which formerly had

lasted five years, and was a power which, in consequence of its long continuance,

often became tyrannical, he proceeded thus: "Tell me, Appius Claudius, in what

manner you would have acted, had you been censor, at the time when Caius Furius

and Marcus Geganius were censors?" Appius insisted, that "the tribune's question

was irrelevant to his case. For, although the Aemilian law might bind those

censors, during whose magistracy it was passed,--because the people made that

law after they had become censors; and whatever order is the last passed by

the people, that is held to be the law, and valid:--yet neither he, nor any

of those who had been created censors subsequent to the passing of that law,

could be bound by it." 34 While Appius urged such frivolous arguments as these, which carried no conviction

whatever, the other said, "Behold, Romans, the offspring of that Appius, who

being created decemvir for one year, created himself for a second; and who,

during a third, without being created even by himself or by any other, held

on the fasces and the government though a private individual; nor ceased to

continue in office, until the government itself, ill acquired, ill administered,

and ill retained, overwhelmed him in ruin. This is the same family, Romans,

by whose violence and injustice ye were compelled to banish yourselves from

your native city, and seize on the Sacred mount; the same, against which ye

provided for yourselves the protection of tribunes; the same, on account of

which two armies of you took post on the Aventine; the same, which violently

opposed the laws against usury, and always the agrarian laws; the same, which

broke through the right of intermarriage between the patricians and the commons;

the same, which shut up the road to curule offices against the commons: this

is a name, more hostile to your liberty by far, than that of the Tarquins. I

pray you, Appius Claudius, though this is now the hundredth year since the dictatorship

of Mamercus Aemilius, though there have been so many men of the highest characters

and abilities censors, did none of these ever read the twelve tables? none of

them know, that, whatever was the last order of the people, that was law? Nay,

certainly they all knew it; and they therefore obeyed the Aemilian law, rather

than the old one, under which the censors had been at first created; because

it was the last order; and because, when two laws are contradictory, the new

always repeals the old. Do you mean to say, Appius, that the people are not

bound by the Aemilian law? Or, that the people are bound, and you alone exempted?

The Aemilian law bound those violent censors, Caius Furius and Marcus Geganius,

who showed what mischief that office might do in the state; when, out of resentment

for the limitation of their power, they disfranchised Mamercus Aemilius, the

first man of the age, either in war or peace. It bound all the censors thenceforward,

during the space of a hundred years. It binds Caius Plautius your colleague,

created under the same auspices, with the same privileges. Did not the people

create him with the fullest privileges with which any censor ever was created?

Or is yours an excepted case, in which this peculiarity and singularity takes

place? Shall the person, whom you create king of the sacrifices, laying hold

of the style of sovereignty, say, that he was created with the fullest privileges

with which any king was ever created at Rome? Who then, do you think, would

be content with a dictatorship of six months? who, with the office of interrex

for five days? Whom would you, with confidence, create dictator, for the purpose

of driving the nail, or of exhibiting games? How foolish, how stupid, do ye

think, those must appear in this man's eyes, who, after performing most important

services, abdicated the dictatorship within the twentieth day; or who, being

irregularly created, resigned their office? Why should I bring instances from

antiquity? Lately, within these last ten years, Caius Maenius, dictator, having

enforced inquiries, with more strictness than consisted with the safety of some

powerful men, a charge was thrown out by his enemies, that he himself was infected

with the very crime against which his inquiries were directed;--now Maenius,

I say, in order that he might, in a private capacity, meet the imputation, abdicated

the dictatorship. I expect not such moderation in you; you will not degenerate

from your family, of all others the most imperious and assuming; nor resign

your office a day, nor even an hour, before you are forced to it. Be it so:

but then let no one exceed the time limited. It is enough to add a day, or a

month, to the censorship. But Appius says, I will hold the censorship, and hold

it alone, three years and six months longer than is allowed by the Aemilian

law. Surely this is like kingly power. Or will you fill up the vacancy with

another colleague, a proceeding not allowable, even in the case of the death

of a censor? You are not satisfied that, as if a religious censor, you have

degraded a most ancient solemnity, and the only one instituted by the very deity

to whom it is performed, from priests of that rite who were of the highest rank

to the ministry of mere servants. [You are not satisfied that] a family, more

ancient than the origin of this city, and sanctified by an intercourse of hospitality

with the immortal gods, has, by means of you and your censorship, been utterly

extirpated, with all its branches, within the space of a year, unless you involve

the whole commonwealth in horrid guilt, which my mind feels a horror even to

contemplate. This city was taken in that lustrum in which Lucius Papirius Cursor,

on the death of his colleague Julius, the censor, rather than resign his office,

substituted Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis. Yet how much more moderate was his

ambition, Appius, than yours! Lucius Papirius neither held the censorship alone,

nor beyond the time prescribed by law. But still he found no one who would follow

his example; all succeeding censors, in case of the death of a colleague, abdicated

the office. As for you, neither the expiration of the time of your censorship,

nor the resignation of your colleague, nor law, nor shame restrains you. You

make fortitude to consist in arrogance, in boldness, in a contempt of gods and

men. Appius Claudius, in consideration of the dignity and respect due to that

office which you have borne, I should be sorry, not only to offer you personal

violence, but even to address you in language too severe. With respect to what

I have hitherto said, your pride and obstinacy forced me to speak. And now,

unless you pay obedience to the Aemilian law, I shall order you to be led to

prison. Nor, since a rule has been established by our ancestors, that in the

election of censors unless two shall obtain the legal number of suffrages, neither

shall be returned, but the election deferred,--will I suffer you, who could

not singly be created censor, to hold the censorship without a colleague." Having

spoken to this effect he ordered the censor to be seized, and borne to prison.

But although six of the tribunes approved of the proceeding of their colleague,

three gave their support to Appius, on his appealing to them, and he held the

censorship alone, to the great disgust of all ranks of men. 35 While such was the state of affairs at Rome, the Etrurians had laid siege to

Sutrium, and the consul Fabius, as he was marching along the foot of the mountains,

with a design to succour the allies, and attempt the enemy's works, if it were

by any means practicable, was met by their army prepared for battle. As the

wide-extended plain below showed the greatness of their force, the consul, in

order to remedy his deficiency in point of number, by advantage of the ground,

changed the direction of his route a little towards the hills, where the way

was rugged and covered with stones, and then formed his troops, facing the enemy.

The Etrurians, thinking of nothing but their numbers, on which alone they depended,

commence the fight with such haste and eagerness, that, in order to come the

sooner to a close engagement, they threw away their javelins, drew their swords,

rushing against the enemy. On the other side, the Romans poured down on them,

sometimes javelins, and sometimes stones which the place abundantly supplied;

so that whilst the blows on their shields and helmets confused even those whom

they did not wound, (it was neither an easy matter to come to close quarters,

nor had they missive weapons with which to fight at a distance,) when there

was nothing now to protect them whilst standing and exposed to the blows, some

even giving way, and the whole line wavering and unsteady the spearmen and the

first rank, renewing the shout, rush on them with drawn swords. This attack

the Etrurians could not withstand, but, facing about, fled precipitately towards

their camp; when the Roman cavalry, getting before them by galloping obliquely

across the plain, threw themselves in the way of their flight, on which they

quitted the road, and bent their course to the mountains. From thence, in a

body, almost without arms, and debilitated with wounds, they made their way

into the Ciminian forest. The Romans, having slain in many thousands of the

Etrurians, and taken thirty-eight military standards, took also possession of

their camp, together with a vast quantity of spoil. They then began to consider

of pursuing the enemy. 36 The Ciminian forest was in those days deemed as impassable and frightful as

the German forests have been in latter times; not even any trader having ever

attempted to pass it. Hardly any, besides the general himself, showed boldness

enough to enter it; the others had not the remembrance of the disaster at Caudium

effaced from their mind. On this, of those who were present, Marcus Fabius,

the consul's brother, (some say Caeso, others Caius Claudius, born of the same

mother with the consul,) undertook to go and explore the country, and to bring

them in a short time an account of every particular. Being educated at Caere,

where he had friends, he was perfectly acquainted with the Etrurian language.

I have seen it affirmed, that, in those times, the Roman youth were commonly

instructed in the Etrurian learning, as they are now in the Greek: but it is

more probable, that there was something very extraordinary in the person who

acted so daringly a counterfeit part, and mixed among the enemy. It is said,

that his only attendant was a slave, who had been bred up with him, and who

was therefore not ignorant of the same language. They received no further instructions

at their departure, than a summary description of the country through which

they were to pass; to this was added the names of the principal men in the several

states, to prevent their being at a loss in conversation, and from being discovered

by making some mistake. They set out in the dress of shepherds, armed with rustic

weapons, bills, and two short javelins each. But neither their speaking the

language of the country, nor the fashion of their dress and arms, concealed

them so effectually, as the incredible circumstance of a stranger's passing

the Ciminian forest. They are said to have penetrated as far as the Camertian

district of the Umbrians: there the Romans ventured to own who they were, and

being introduced to the senate, treated with them, in the name of the consul,

about an alliance and friendship; and after being entertained with courteous

hospitality, were desired to acquaint the Romans, that if they came into those

countries, there should be provisions in readiness for the troops sufficient

for thirty days, and that they should find the youth of the Camertian Umbrians

prepared in arms to obey their commands. When this information was brought to

the consul, he sent forward the baggage at the first watch, ordering the legions

to march in the rear of it. He himself staid behind with the cavalry, and the

next day, as soon as light appeared, rode up to the posts of the enemy, which

had been stationed on the outside of the forest; and, when he had detained them

there for a sufficient length of time, he retired to his camp, and marching

out by the opposite gate, overtook the main body of the army before night. At

the first light, on the following day, he had gained the summit of Mount Ciminius,

from whence having a view of the opulent plains of Etruria, he let loose his

soldiers upon them. When a vast booty had been driven off, some tumultuary cohorts

of Etrurian peasants, hastily collected by the principal inhabitants of the

district, met the Romans; but in such disorderly array, that these rescuers

of the prey were near becoming wholly a prey themselves. These being slain or

put to flight, and the country laid waste to a great extent, the Romans returned

to their camp victorious, and enriched with plenty of every kind. It happened

that, in the mean time, five deputies, with two plebeian tribunes, had come

hither, to charge Fabius, in the name of the senate, not to attempt to pass

the Ciminian forest. These, rejoicing that they had arrived too late to prevent

the expedition, returned to Rome with the news of its success. 37 By this expedition of the consul, the war, instead of being brought nearer

to a conclusion, was only spread to a wider extent: for all the tract adjacent

to the foot of Mount Ciminius had felt his devastations; and, out of the indignation

conceived thereat, had roused to arms, not only the states of Etruria, but the

neighbouring parts of Umbria. They came therefore to Sutrium, with such a numerous

army as they had never before brought into the field; and not only ventured

to encamp on the outside of the wood, but through their earnest desire of coming

to an engagement as soon as possible, marched down the plains to offer battle.

The troops, being marshalled, stood at first, for some time, on their own ground,

having left a space sufficient for the Romans to draw up, opposite to them;

but perceiving that the enemy declined fighting, they advanced to the rampart;

where, when they observed that even the advanced guards had retired within the

works, a shout at once was raised around their generals, that they should order

provisions for that day to be brought down to them: "for they were resolved

to remain there under arms; and either in the night, or, at all events, at the

dawn of day, to attack the enemy's camp." The Roman troops, though not less

eager for action, were restrained by the commands of the general. About the

tenth hour, the consul ordered his men a repast; and gave directions that they

should be ready in arms, at whatever time of the day or night he should give

the signal. He then addressed a few words to them; spoke in high terms of the

wars of the Samnites, and disparagingly of the Etrurians, who "were not," he

said, "as an enemy to be compared with other enemies, nor as a numerous force,

with others in point of numbers. Besides, he had an engine at work, as they

should find in due time; at present it was of importance to keep it secret."

By these hints he intimated that the enemy was circumvented in order to raise

the courage of his men, damped by the superiority of the enemy's force; and,

from their not having fortified the post where they lay, the insinuation of

a stratagem formed against them seemed the more credible. After refreshing themselves,

they consigned themselves to rest, and being roused without noise, about the

fourth watch, took arms. Axes are distributed among the servants following the

army, to tear down the rampart and fill up the trench. The line was formed within

the works, and some chosen cohorts posted close to the gates. Then, a little

before day, which in summer nights is the time of the profoundest sleep, the

signal being given, the rampart was levelled, and the troops rushing forth,

fell upon the enemy, who were every where stretched at their length. Some were

put to death before they could stir; others half asleep, in their beds; the

greatest part, while they ran in confusion to arms; few, in short, had time

afforded them to arm themselves; and these, who followed no particular leader,

nor orders, were quickly routed by the Romans and pursued by the Roman horse.

They fled different ways; to the camp and to the woods. The latter afforded

the safer refuge; for the former, being situated in a plain, was taken the same

day. The gold and silver was ordered to be brought to the consul; the rest of

the spoil was given to the soldiers. On that day, sixty thousand of the enemy

were slain or taken. Some affirm, that this famous battle was fought on the

farther side of the Ciminian forest, at Perusia; and that the public had been

under great dread, lest the army might be enclosed in such a dangerous pass,

and overpowered by a general combination of the Etrurians and Umbrians. But

on whatever spot it was fought, it is certain that the Roman power prevailed;

and, in consequence thereof, ambassadors from Perusia, Cortona, and Arretium,

which were then among the principal states of Etruria, soliciting a peace and

alliance with the Romans, obtained a truce for thirty years. 38 During these transactions in Etruria, the other consul, Caius Marcius Rutilus,

took Allifae by storm from the Samnites; and many of their forts, and smaller

towns, were either destroyed by his arms, or surrendered without being injured.

About the same time also, the Roman fleet, having sailed to Campania, under

Publius Cornelius, to whom the senate had given the command on the sea-coast,

put into Pompeii. Immediately on landing, the soldiers of the fleet set out

to ravage the country about Nuceria: and after they had quickly laid waste the

parts which lay nearest, and whence they could have returned to the ships with

safety, they were allured by the temptation of plunder, as it often happens,

to advance too far, and thereby roused the enemy against them. While they rambled

about the country, they met no opposition, though they might have been cut off

to a man; but as they were returning, in a careless manner, the peasants overtook

them, not far from the ships, stripped them of the booty, and even slew a great

part of them. Those who escaped were driven in confusion to the ships. As Fabius'

having marched through the Ciminian forest had occasioned violent apprehensions

at Rome, so it had excited joy in proportion among the enemy in Samnium: they

talked of the Roman army being pent up, and surrounded; and of the Caudine forks,

as a model of their defeat. "Those people," they said, "ever greedy after further

acquisitions, were now brought into inextricable difficulties, hemmed in, not

more effectually by the arms of their enemy, than by the disadvantage of the

ground." Their joy was even mingled with a degree of envy, because fortune,

as they thought, had transferred the glory of finishing the Roman war, from

the Samnites to the Etrurians: they hastened, therefore, with their whole collected

force, to crush the consul Caius Marcius; resolving, if he did not give them

an opportunity of fighting, to proceed, through the territories of the Marsians

and Sabines, into Etruria. The consul met them, and a battle was fought with

great fury on both sides, but without a decisive issue. Although both parties

suffered severely, yet the discredit of defeat fell on the Romans, because several

of equestrian rank, some military tribunes, with one lieutenant-general, had

fallen; and, what was more remarkable than all, the consul himself was wounded.

On account of this event, exaggerated by report as is usual, the senate became

greatly alarmed, so that they resolved on having a dictator nominated. No one

entertained a doubt that the nomination would light on Papirius Cursor, who

was then universally deemed to possess the greatest abilities as a commander:

but they could not be certain, either that a message might be conveyed with

safety into Samnium, where all was in a state of hostility, or that the consul

Marcius was alive. The other consul, Fabius, was at enmity with Papirius, on

his own account; and lest this resentment might prove an obstacle to the public

good, the senate voted that deputies of consular rank should be sent to him,

who, uniting their own influence to that of government, might prevail on him

to drop, for the sake of his country, all remembrance of private animosities.

When the deputies, having come to Fabius, delivered to him the decree of the

senate, adding such arguments as were suitable to their instructions, the consul,

casting his eyes towards the ground, retired in silence, leaving them in uncertainty

what part he intended to act. Then, in the silent time of the night, according

to the established custom, he nominated Lucius Papirius dictator. When the deputies

returned him thanks, for so very meritoriously subduing his passion, he still

persevered in obstinate silence, and dismissed them without any answer, or mention

of what he had done: a proof that he felt an extraordinary degree of resentment,

which had been suppressed within his breast. Papirius appointed Caius Junius

Bubulcus master of the horse; and, as he was proceeding in an assembly of the

Curiae [ 3 ] to get an order passed respecting the command

of the army, an unlucky omen obliged him to adjourn it; for the Curia which

was to vote first, happened to be the Faucian, remarkably distinguished by two

disasters, the taking of the city, and the Caudine peace; the same Curia having

voted first in those years in which the said events are found. Licinius Macer

supposes this Curia ominous, also, on account of a third misfortune, that which

was experienced at the Cremera. 39 Next day the dictator, taking the auspices anew, obtained the order, and, marching

out at the head of the legions, lately raised on the alarm occasioned by the

army passing the Ciminian forest, came to Longula; where having received the

old troops of the consul Marcius, he led on his forces to battle; nor did the

enemy seem to decline the combat. However, they stood drawn up for battle and

under arms, until night came on; neither side choosing to begin the fray. After

this, they continued a considerable time encamped near each other, without coming

to action; neither diffident of their own strength, nor despising the adversary.

Meanwhile matters went on actively in Etruria; for a decisive battle was fought

with the Umbrians, in which the enemy was routed, but lost not many men, for

they did not maintain the fight with the vigour with which they began it. Besides

this the Etrurians, having raised an army under the sanctions of the devoting

law, each man choosing another, came to an engagement at the Cape of Vadimon,

with more numerous forces, and, at the same time, with greater spirit than they

had ever shown before. The battle was fought with such animosity that no javelins

were thrown by either party: swords alone were made use of; and the fury of

the combatants was still higher inflamed by the long-continued contest; so that

it appeared to the Romans as if they were disputing, not with Etrurians, whom

they had so often conquered, but with a new race. Not the semblance of giving

ground appeared in any part; the first lines fell; and lest the standards should

be exposed, without defence, the second lines were formed in their place. At

length, even the men forming the last reserves were called into action; and

to such an extremity of difficulty and danger had they come, that the Roman

cavalry dismounted, and pressed forward, through heaps of arms and bodies, to

the front ranks of the infantry. These starting up a new army, as it were, among

men now exhausted, disordered the battalions of the Etrurians; and the rest,

weak as their condition was, seconding their assault, broke at last through

the enemy's ranks. Their obstinacy then began to give way: some companies quitted

their posts, and, as soon as they once turned their backs, betook themselves

to more decided flight. That day first broke the strength of the Etrurians,

now grown exuberant through a long course of prosperity; all the flower of their

men were cut off in the field, and in the same assault their camp was seized

and sacked. 40 Equal danger, and an issue equally glorious, soon after attended the war with

the Samnites; who, besides their many preparations for the field, made their

army to glitter with new decorations of their armour. Their troops were in two

divisions, one of which had their shields embossed with gold, the other with

silver. The shape of the shield was this; broad at the middle to cover the breast

and shoulders, the summit being flat, sloping off gradually so as to become

pointed below, that it might be wielded with ease; a loose coat of mail also

served as a protection for the breast, and the left leg was covered with a greave;

their helmets were adorned with plumes, to add to the appearance of their stature.

The golden-armed soldiers wore tunics of various colours; the silver-armed,

of white linen. To the latter the right wing was assigned; the former took post

on the left. The Romans had been apprized of these splendid accoutrements, and

had been taught by their commanders, that "a soldier ought to be rough; not

decorated with gold and silver, but placing his confidence in his sword. That

matters of this kind were in reality spoil rather than armour; glittering before

action, but soon becoming disfigured amid blood and wounds. That the brightest

ornament of a soldier was valour; that all those trinkets would follow victory,

and that those rich enemies would be valuable prizes to the conquerors, however

poor." Cursor, having animated his men with these observations, led them on

to battle. He took post himself on the right wing, he gave the command of the

left to the master of the horse. As soon as they engaged, the struggle between

the two armies became desperate, while it was no less so between the dictator

and the master of the horse, on which wing victory should first show itself.

It happened that Junius first, with the left wing, made the right of the enemy

give way; this consisted of men devoted after the custom of Samnites, and on

that account distinguished by white garments and armour of equal whiteness.

Junius, saying "he would sacrifice these to Pluto," pressed forward, disordered

their ranks, and made an evident impression on their line: which being perceived

by the dictator, he exclaimed, "Shall the victory begin on the left wing, and

shall the right, the dictator's own troops, only second the arms of others,

and not claim the greatest share of the victory?" This spurred on the soldiers:

nor did the cavalry yield to the infantry in bravery, nor the ardour of lieutenants-general

to that of the commanders. Marcius Valerius from the right wing, and Publius

Decius from the left, both men of consular rank, rode off to the cavalry, posted

on the extremities of the line, and, exhorting them to join in putting in for

a share of the honour, charged the enemy on the flanks. When the addition of

this new alarm assailed the enemies' troops on both sides, and the Roman legions,

having renewed the shout to confound the enemy, rushed on, they began to fly.

And now the plains were quickly filled with heaps of bodies and splendid armour.

At first, their camp received the dismayed Samnites; but they did not long retain

even the possession of that: before night it was taken, plundered, and burnt.

The dictator triumphed, in pursuance of a decree of the senate; and the most

splendid spectacle by far, of any in his procession, was the captured arms:

so magnificent were they deemed, that the shields, adorned with gold, were distributed

among the owners of the silver shops, to serve as embellishments to the forum.

Hence, it is said, arose the custom of the forum being decorated by the aediles,

when the grand processions are made on occasion of the great games. The Romans,

indeed, converted these extraordinary arms to the honour of the gods: but the

Campanians, out of pride, and in hatred of the Samnites, gave them as ornaments

to their gladiators, who used to be exhibited as a show at their feasts, and

whom they distinguished by the name of Samnites. During this year, the consul

Fabius fought with the remnants of the Etrurians at Perusia, which city also

had violated the truce, and gained an easy and decisive victory. He would have

taken the town itself (for he marched up to the walls,) had not deputies come

out and capitulated. Having placed a garrison at Perusia, and sent on before

him to the Roman senate the embassies of Etruria, who solicited friendship,

the consul rode into the city in triumph, for successes more important than

those of the dictator. Besides, a great share of the honour of reducing the

Samnites was attributed to the lieutenants-general, Publius Decius and Marcius

Valerius: whom, at the next election, the people, with universal consent, declared

the one consul, the other praetor. 41 To Fabius, in consideration of his extraordinary merit in the conquest of Etruria,

the consulship was continued. Decius was appointed his colleague. Valerius was

created praetor a fourth time. The consuls divided the provinces between them.

Etruria fell to Decius, Samnium to Fabius. The latter, having marched to Nuceria,

rejected the application of the people of Alfaterna, who then sued for peace,

because they had not accepted it when offered, and by force of arms compelled

them to surrender. A battle was fought with the Samnites; the enemy were overcome

without much difficulty: nor would the memory of that engagement have been preserved,

except that in it the Marsians first appeared in arms against the Romans. The

Pelignians, imitating the defection of the Marsians, met the same fate. The

other consul, Decius, was likewise very successful in his operations: through

terror he compelled the Tarquinians to supply his army with corn, and to sue

for a truce for forty years. He took several forts from the Volsinians by assault,

some of which he demolished, that they might not serve as receptacles to the

enemy, and by extending his operations through every quarter, diffused such

a dread of his arms, that the whole Etrurian nation sued to the consul for an

alliance: this they did not obtain; but a truce for a year was granted them.

The pay of the Roman army for that year was furnished by the enemy; and two

tunics for each soldier were exacted from them: this was the purchase of the

truce. The tranquillity now established in Etruria was interrupted by a sudden

insurrection of the Umbrians, a nation which had suffered no injury from the

war, except what inconvenience the country had felt in the passing of the army.

These, by calling into the field all their own young men, and forcing a great

part of the Etrurians to resume their arms, made up such a numerous force, that

speaking of themselves with ostentatious vanity and of the Romans with contempt,

they boasted that they would leave Decius behind in Etruria, and march away

to besiege Rome; which design of theirs being reported to the consul Decius,

he removed by long marches from Etruria towards their city, and sat down in

the district of Pupinia, in readiness to act according to the intelligence received

of the enemy. Nor was the insurrection of the Umbrians slighted at Rome: their

very threats excited tears among the people, who had experienced, in the calamities

suffered from the Gauls, how insecure a city they inhabited. Deputies were therefore

despatched to the consul Fabius with directions, that, if he had any respite

from the war of the Samnites, he should with all haste lead his army into Umbria.

The consul obeyed the order, and by forced marches proceeded to Mevania, where

the forces of the Umbrians then lay. The unexpected arrival of the consul, whom

they had believed to be sufficiently employed in Samnium, far distant from their

country, so thoroughly affrighted the Umbrians, that several advised retiring

to their fortified towns; others, the discontinuing the war. However, one district,

called by themselves Materina, prevailed on the rest not only to retain their

arms, but to come to an immediate engagement. They fell upon Fabius while he

was fortifying his camp. When the consul saw them rushing impetuously towards

his rampart, he called off his men from the work, and drew them up in the best

manner which the nature of the place and the time allowed; encouraging them

by displaying, in honourable and just terms, the glory which they had acquired,

as well in Etruria as in Samnium, he bade them finish this insignificant appendage

to the Etrurian war, and take vengeance for the impious expressions in which

these people had threatened to attack the city of Rome. Such was the alacrity

of the soldiers on hearing this, that, raising the shout spontaneously, they

interrupted the general's discourse, and, without waiting for orders, advanced,

with the sound of all the trumpets and cornets, in full speed against the enemy.

They made their attack not as on men, or at least men in arms, but, what must

appear wonderful in the relation, began by snatching the standards out of the

hands which held them; and then, the standard-bearers themselves were dragged

to the consul, and the armed soldiers transferred from the one line to the other;

and wherever resistance was any where made, the business was performed, not

so much with swords, as with their shields, with the bosses of which, and thrusts

of their elbows, they bore down the foe. The prisoners were more numerous than

the slain, and through the whole line the Umbrians called on each other, with

one voice, to lay down their arms. Thus a surrender was made in the midst of

action, by the first promoters of the war; and on the next and following days,

the other states of the Umbrians also surrendered. The Ocriculans were admitted

to a treaty of friendship on giving security. 42 Fabius, successful in a war allotted to another, led back his army into his

own province. And as, in the preceding year, the people had, in consideration

of his services so successfully performed, re-elected him to the consulship,

so now the senate, from the same motive, notwithstanding a warm opposition made

by Appius, prolonged his command for the year following, in which Appius Claudius

and Lucius Volumnius were consuls. In some annals I find, that Appius, still

holding the office of censor, declared himself a candidate for the consulship,

and that his election was stopped by a protest of Lucius Furius, plebeian tribune,

until he resigned the censorship. After his election to the consulship, the

new war with the Sallentine enemies being decreed to his colleague, he remained

at Rome, with design to increase his interest by city intrigues, since the means

of procuring honour in war were placed in the hands of others. Volumnius had

no reason to be dissatisfied with his province: he fought many battles with

good success, and took several cities by assault. He was liberal in his donations

of the spoil; and this munificence, engaging in itself, he enhanced by his courteous

demeanour, by which conduct he inspired his soldiers with ardour to meet both

toil and danger. Quintus Fabius, proconsul, fought a pitched battle with the

armies of the Samnites, near the city of Allifae. The victory was complete.

The enemy were driven from the field, and pursued to their camp; nor would they

have kept possession of that, had not the day been almost spent. It was invested,

however, before night, and guarded until day, lest any should slip away. Next

morning, while it was scarcely clear day, they proposed to capitulate, and it

was agreed, that such as were natives of Samnium should be dismissed with single

garments. All these were sent under the yoke. No precaution was taken in favour

of the allies of the Samnites: they were sold by auction, to the number of seven

thousand. Those who declared themselves subjects of the Hernicians, were kept

by themselves under a guard. All these Fabius sent to Rome to the senate; and,

after being examined, whether it was in consequence of a public order, or as

volunteers, that they had carried arms on the side of the Samnites against the

Romans, they were distributed among the states of the Latins to be held in custody;

and it was ordered, that the new consuls, Publius Cornelius Arvina and Quintus

Marcius Tremulus, who by this time had been elected, should lay that affair

entire before the senate: this gave such offence to the Hernicians, that, at

a meeting of all the states, assembled by the Anagnians, in the circus called

the Maritime, the whole nation of the Hernicians, excepting the Alatrians, Ferentines,

and Verulans, declared war against the Roman people. 43 In Samnium also, in consequence of the departure of Fabius, new commotions

arose. Calatia and Sora, and the Roman garrisons stationed there, were taken,

and extreme cruelty was exercised towards the captive soldiers: Publius Cornelius

was therefore sent thither with an army. The command against the new enemy (for

by this time an order had passed for declaring war against the Anagnians, and

the rest of the Hernicians) was decreed to Marcius. These, in the beginning,

secured all the passes between the camps of the consuls, in such a manner, that

no messenger, however expert, could make his way from one to the other; and

each consul spent several days in absolute uncertainty regarding every matter

and in anxious suspense concerning the state of the other. Apprehensions for

their safety spread even to Rome; so that all the younger citizens were compelled

to enlist and two regular armies were raised, to answer sudden emergencies.

The conduct of the Hernicians during the progress of the war afterwards, showed

nothing suitable to the present alarm, or to the ancient renown of that nation.

Without ever venturing any effort worth mentioning, being stripped of three

different camps within a few days, they stipulated for a truce of thirty days,

during which they might send to Rome, to the senate, on the terms of furnishing

two months' pay, and corn, and a tunic to every soldier. They were referred

back to Marcius by the senate, whom by a decree they empowered to determine

regarding the Hernicians, and he accepted their submission. Meanwhile, in Samnium,

the other consul, though superior in strength, was very much embarrassed by

the nature of his situation; the enemy had blocked up all the roads, and seized

on the passable defiles, so that no provisions could be conveyed; nor could

the consul, though he daily drew out his troops and offered battle, allure them

to an engagement. It was evident, that neither could the Samnites support an

immediate contest, nor the Romans a delay of action. The approach of Marcius,

who, after he had subdued the Hernicians, hastened to the succour of his colleague,

put it out of the enemy's power any longer to avoid fighting: for they, who

had not deemed themselves a match in the field, even for one of the armies,

could not surely suppose that if they should allow the two consular armies to

unite, they could have any hope remaining: they made an attack therefore on

Marcius, as he was approaching in the irregular order of march. The baggage

was hastily thrown together in the centre, and the line formed as well as the

time permitted. First the shout which reached the standing camp of Cornelius,

then the dust observed at a distance, excited a bustle in the camp of the other

consul. Ordering his men instantly to take arms, and leading them out to the

field with the utmost haste, he charged the flank of the enemy's line, which

had enough to do in the other dispute, at the same time exclaiming, that "it

would be the height of infamy if they suffered Marcius's army to monopolize

the honour of both victories, and did not assert their claim to the glory of

their own war." He bore down all before him, and pushed forward, through the

midst of the enemy's line, to their camp, which, being left without a guard,

he took and set on fire; which when the soldiers of Marcius saw in flames, and

the enemy observed it on looking about, a general flight immediately took place

among the Samnites. But they could not effect an escape in any direction; in

every quarter they met death. After a slaughter of thirty thousand men, the

consuls had now given the signal for retreat; and were collecting, into one

body, their several forces, who were employed in mutual congratulations, when

some new cohorts of the enemy, which had been levied for a reinforcement, being

seen at a distance, occasioned a renewal of the carnage. On these the conquerors

rushed, without any order of the consuls, or signal received, crying out, that

they would make these Samnites pay dearly for their introduction to service.

The consuls indulged the ardour of the legions, well knowing that the raw troops

of the enemy, mixed with veterans dispirited by defeat, would be incapable even

of attempting a contest. Nor were they wrong in their judgment: all the forces

of the Samnites, old and new, fled to the nearest mountains. These the Roman

army also ascended, so that no situation afforded safety to the vanquished;

they were beaten off, even from the summits which they had seized. And now they

all, with on voice, supplicated for a suspension of arms. On which, being ordered

to furnish corn for three months, pay for a year, and a tunic to each of the

soldiers, they sent deputies to the senate to sue for peace. Cornelius was left

in Samnium. Marcius returned into the city, in triumph over the Hernicians;

and a decree was passed for erecting to him, in the forum, an equestrian statue,

which was placed before the temple of Castor. To three states of the Hernicians,

(the Alatrians, Verulans, and Ferentines,) their own laws were restored, because

they preferred these to the being made citizens of Rome; and they were permitted

to intermarry with each other, a privilege which they alone of the Hernicians,

for a long time after, enjoyed. To the Anagnians, and the others, who had made

war on the Romans, was granted the freedom of the state, without the right of

voting; public assemblies, and intermarriages, were not allowed them, and their

magistrates were prohibited from acting except in the ministration of public

worship. During this year, Caius Junius Bubulcus, censor, contracted for the

building of a temple to Health, which he had vowed during his consulate in the

war with the Samnites. By the same person, and his colleague, Marcus Valerius

Maximus, roads were made through the fields at the public expense. During the

same year the treaty with the Carthaginians was renewed a third time, and ample

presents made to their ambassadors who came on that business.

Related documents

• The History of Rome, Books 27 to 36#37019
• The History of Rome, Books 01 to 08#40093
• The History of Rome, Book II From the Abolition of the Monarchy in Rome to the Union of Italy#36146
• A History of Rome During the Later Republic and Early Principate#35702
• Introduction To Roman Law#22087