CHAPTER X. The representations which I now enclose to your Excellency as a sample of the numerous documents of a similar nature addressed to me, will, at least, lead His Imperial Majesty to the conclusion that such complaints could not have arisen, and continued under the government of a person calculated to preside over the interests of so important a province. Your Excellency will find a memorial from the French Consul, marked No. 7, and the other Consuls have only been restrained from sending similar representations from the consideration that, on the squadron quitting this port, the consequences might be highly prejudicial to their interests and those whom they represent. I would further state to your Excellency the remarkable fact that the President—after having continued a high pay to the soldiery during the existence of those disorders of which they were the instrument—did, at the moment of my taking the command, send me an old order respecting the diminution of the pay of the troops, which order he himself had never put in execution. And it is still more extraordinary, that he since refused any pay whatever , to the small number of troops of the line, who are continued in service for the preservation of the tranquillity of the city. Since my last letters, I have been using all possible diligence to get the remainder of the firearms out of the hands of the lower classes of the population. Many, however, have been withheld—a circumstance which gives additional importance to the extraordinary fact, which I have only by accident learned—that the Junta of Fazenda, acting under the President, issued an order on the 6th of December (an attested copy of which is enclosed), authorising the sale of powder, and that too, under the false pretence that "all motives for suspending the sale of powder had ceased." I have not words in which to express the astonishment I felt at this extraordinary proceeding. I shall only add that, as soon as it came to my knowledge, I gave orders that such sale should not be permitted, and I have since directed the whole of the powder in the magazines at Maranham to be embarked and deposited in a vessel near the anchorage of the ships-of-war; by which precaution I consider the security of the white population to be in a great measure secured, till His Imperial Majesty shall be enabled to take such steps as in his judgment may appear necessary. Were I to detail to your Excellency all the facts that lead my mind to a conclusion that this province will be entirely lost to the empire unless a speedy remedy be applied to the evils which here exist—it would be necessary to trespass upon you at very great length; but as the brother of the Secretary of Government proceeds to Rio de Janeiro by the same conveyance as this, your Excellency and colleagues will be able to obtain from him such further information as may satisfy your minds regarding the state of this province. (Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAÕ. It was not long before I learned that in many parts troops were being secretly organised to support the President's authority against me, but this was met by removing from command those officers who had either permitted or encouraged military insubordination; supplying their places with others upon whom I could better rely. An occurrence, however, now took place which threatened to involve Brazil in serious difficulties. From the indiscrimination of Bruce's troops in their career of injury and plunder, some renewed outrages had been committed on French subjects; for which the French consul required reparation from me, as having assumed the chief authority; at the same time again demanding passports for himself and the whole of the French residents, in case of my intention to quit the city and leave Bruce again in power. The British consul also forwarded additional complaints of similar outrages against his countrymen; but, in place of requiring reparation at my hands, he forwarded representations to his own government, requesting protection against the acts of Bruce, at the same time communicating the fact of these representations to me, but declining to furnish me with a copy of his despatch, as I had no direct appointment from the Imperial Government for the authority I was exercising. The demands of the French consul were, however, pressing; but I could only reply with regard to the outrages committed against French subjects by the adherents of the President:—"I was sorry that it was not in my power to remedy past evils; but that such steps had been taken as would prevent their recurrence for the future." The subjoined is one of the letters of the British Consul:— British Consul's Office, Maranhaõ, Dec. 17, 1824. My Lord, Understanding that your Lordship has an intention of soon withdrawing your presence from this province, I am forced, as the official and responsible protector of British interests in this quarter, to make the following statement, leaving it to be proved by the facts therein set forth that I am, by this course, adopting the only means within my reach, of providing for the interests confided to my attention, a satisfactory security! and that I am, by so doing, not departing from that line of conduct which, as a neutral officer, I am bound to observe. By this time your Lordship must be fully aware of the violent character and desolating effects of the late civil commotions throughout this province. These commotions unhappily existed during a protracted period, and whilst they were raging, the regular pursuits of the community were either interrupted by violent party intrigues—suspended by a barbarous warfare—or totally stopped by merciless outrages. Notwithstanding this disjointed state of society, and the consequent inefficiency of all constituted authority, the resident British, by general and firm perseverance in a strictly neutral line of conduct, and by calm endurance of not a few unavoidable ills—succeeded in averting from themselves the chief weight of those evils to which all the remaining population were exposed. But though they now feel grateful at having escaped outrage and have passed unhurt amidst general anarchy, still, they recollect, that while by their conduct they were entitled to protection, they nevertheless continued in a painful anxiety for their safety. In this state of uncertain security the resident British continued for several months, and when at last intrigue attempted to force them into the general scene of distress—some being openly threatened—your Lordship's providential arrival averted the destruction of many inhabitants, and the dangerous condition of all. Into this critical situation were British interests at this place thrown by violent party spirit. That spirit, though at present smothered, cannot be totally extinguished without time. It has unsettled the community at large, and disorganised all the military establishments of the province. After this exposition of facts, I may be allowed to assert, without thereby offering the least disrespect to any constituted authority, that your Lordship's presence in this province for the time being is indispensable for the tranquillity and security of all its inhabitants— because the only means by which legal control can be revived, and consequently an occurrence which must be as desirable and needful to all public functionaries, as I frankly avow it to be to one, who has the honour to declare himself Your Lordship's Most obedient and humble servant, ROBERT HESKETH, His Britannic Majesty's Consul. To the Right Hon. Lord Cochrane, Marquis of Maranhaõ, Admiral, &c. &c. The letter of the French Consul is even more precise, and therefore I subjoin that also:— Vice Consulate of France at S. Louis de Maragnon, Monsieur le Marquis, Dec. 4, 1821. La position difficile dans laquelle je me suis trouvé depuis trois mois—la délicatesse de celle dans laquelle je suis placé maintenant vis-à-vis M. le Président de la province de Maragnon, m'imposant le devoir de porter à la connoissance de votre Excellence les justes motifs de plainte que j'ai à lui exposer centre la conduite de M. le Président Bruce envers un Agent de Sa Majesté le Roi de France, et venir à ce titre reclâmer un appui que je ne puis plus dorénavant attendre de sa part. La confiance que m'inspire le caractère dont votre Excellence est revêtue, et la certitude qu'elle n'ignore pas les intimes relations qui lient la France à l'Empire du Brésil, me font qu'elle saura apprécier les conséquences graves que doivent entraîner l'avance faite ici aux sujets de mon Souverain, et le silence méprisant que garde à cet égard le Président depuis un mois que je lui ai demandé la participation du résultat d'une enquête qu'il m'assura avoir été ordonnée par lui. Sans m'entendre sur les évènements facheux qui ont désolé cette province depuis cinq mois, pour être hors du but que je me propose je me bornerai à parler de ceux dont je puis garantir l'authenticité et de l'influence du Gouvernement de M. Bruce pendant cet intervalle sur le bien-être de mes nationaux. Lors des premières armamens faits dans la province, pour opposer des forces à une expédition supposée de la part du Portugal, un François établi à Caixas, compris dans une mesure générale fut obligé d'autorité de délivrer une partie d'armes dont il ne recût jamais la valeur, malgré un sejour prolongé de plusieurs mois dans le même endroit. Quelque modique que soit la somme qu'il s'est vu dans la nécessité de venir reclâmer ici, elle est proportionnée à ses moyens. C'est un tort évident fait à cet homme qui ne put continuer à exercer son industrie dans le lieu qu'il avoit choisi, et fut contraint à un déplacement coûteux qui doit lui retirer toute confiance à l'avenir. L'arrivée des troupes envoyées par le Président pour réprimer un mouvement dans l'intérieur immédiatement après le départ de M. José Felix Burgos, ne fut signalée dans la ville d'Alcantara que par des désordres, les Etrangers même n'y furent pas respectés dans cet endroit, qui n'étoit pas encore le théâtre des hostilités. Un homme de ma Nation y exerçant paisiblement son commerce fut attaqué chez lui, eut les portes de sa maison enfoncées par les soldats, fut temoin deux fois du pillage de sa boutique et forcé pour sauver ses jours d'aller séjourner dans le bois; ce malheureux n'a d'autre ressource maintenant que le travail de ses mains, ce fait contre lequel il eut été de mon devoir de reclâmer vient seulement de parvenir à ma connoissance. Les François établis en cette ville avoient joui jusqu'à l'arrivée dans l'île des troupes armées contre le Président d'une trop grande sécurité, pour ne pas révailler contre eux toute la haine dont avoit eut fait preuve déjà les Portugais avant l'adhésion de cette province a l'Empire du Brésil. Un acte émané de leur despotique Junte avoit malgré les traités fait fermer les loges Françoises jusqu'à la reception des ordres précis de leur gouvernement, qui désapprouvait hautement cette mesure. Ces mêmes Portugais oubliant la générositie avec laquelle les commandants de trois bâtimens de Sa Majesté le Roi de France venoient de sauver un grand nombre de leurs compatriotes lors des derniers troubles du Parà, n'écoutant que leur jalousie ne s'efforcèrent qu'à nous perdre dans l'opinion publique par le plus noires inculpations. Je les considère comme ayant influé puissament sur le malhereux évènement que j'ai eu à dèplorer. Malgré l'avertissement que j'avois donné huit jours auparavant au Président de la menace qui étoit faite aux François de leur faire subir le genre d'assassinat usité ici, le 21 Septembre, quatre François été surpris par des assassins, deux furent très maltraités, l'un atteint de plusieurs blessures à la tête et au bras fut reconduit chez lui baigné dans son sang; ses blessures au bras, fracturé en deux endroits laissent encore douter après 70 jours de douleurs aigues s'il ne devra par subir l'amputation. Le même jour à la même heure, un François fut attaqué chez lui malgré le signe de reconnaisance qui distingue depuis les troubles les maisons des François; des pierres lancées dans sa porte et ses fenêtres pendant un long espace de temps, l'obligèrent à venir lui-même dissiper par des menaces une troupe d'hommes qu'il espéroit ne pas voir échapper à la surveillance d'un porte militaire à proximité de sa maison. M'étant rendu chez le Président, lui demander d'abord la punition de ce crime atroce, il eut l'inconvenance de m'objecter que la conduite des François étoit très repréhensible, je remarquoi ces paroles et le lui fis observer; elles ne pouvoient s'appliquer d'ailleurs qu'à deux individus passés au service du parti opposé, que j'étois venu desavouer lui en demandant expulsion. Le Président repondant se rendit à ma demande, et me donna l'espoir d'avoir une satisfaction, tant pour l'attentat à la vie des quatre individus de ma Nation, que pour l'attaque du domicile d'un François. Néanmoins les jours suivants les désordres continuerant, les François étoient outragés publiquement; un soldat eut l'audace de poursuivre mon negre dans la maison Consulaire et de l'y frapper en se repondant en invectives contre les François; un enfant de neuf ans fut horriblement maltraité par des soldats, jusqu'aux négres osoient lever la tête, et nous insulter. Mr. Bruce avoit-il pris du mesures de repression? Est-ce la protection que devoit en attendre l'Agent d'une puissance amie du Brésil? En butte à l'animositie d'une soldatesque indisciplinée, nous courûmes pendant quinze jours le danger le plus imminent, nous attendant à tout instant à voir se réaliser ses menaces de venir nous massacre dans nos maisons. J'ai eu depuis à reclamer contre le violation d'un batimen du commerce François. Malgré trois gardes de la Douane, cinq soldats armés furent envoyés à son bord à neuf heures du soir; je les fis retirer le lendemain; ce dernier acte du Président qui des lors commença à ne plus garder aucuns ménagemens avec moi, faisant incarcerer un des mes nationaux sans m'en donner avis ainsi que des motifs qui l'y portoient; le pavilion du Roi placé au dessus de l'Écusson de France, que je trouvai lacéré, me firent prévoir que je n'avois plus rien à attendre de la protection de l'autorité. Monsieur le Marquis, je me suis maintenu à mon poste malgré les dangers tant que j'ai eu l'espoir que l'arrivée de Votre Excellence si desirée de la population entière de la province, viendroit nous délivrer de ce déplorable état de choses. Sans connaître les intentions de Votre Excellence, je vois Mr. Bruce encore président, non-seulement il ne m'a donné aucune satisfaction, mais encore apporte dans sa conduite, le mépris le plus marqué par un fileure qui ne pent s'interprêter autrement. C'est donc contre lui, Monsieur le Marquis, que je vieus en solliciter une aujourd'hui pour ce total oubli de ses devoirs envers un Agent de Sa Majesté très Chrétienne; cette conduite emporte le refus d'aucun appui de sa part pour l'avenir; d'ailleurs mon caractère publique m'impose de ne pas m'exposer à un outrage, et l'intérêt que je dois à mes nationaux de les soustraire à son implacable vengeance. Si Votre Excellence ne jugeoit pas convenable d'user de ses pleins pouvoirs pour m'accorder la seule garantie qui puisse me permettre de séjourner plus longtemps ici, je viens lui demander de protéger mon embarquement et celui des François qui restant encore à Maragnon. Je suis, avec respect, Monsieur le Marquis, de Votre Excellence le très humble et très obéissant serviteur, (Signé) PL. DES SALLIERES. À son Excellence LORD COCHRANE, Marquis de Maragnon, Premier Amiral du Brésil, &c. &c. The steps alluded to were such as I considered most essential for the safety of the as yet unacknowledged empire; which, through the folly of a provincial Governor, was in danger of being jeopardised by collision with powerful European states. As stated to the Maranham memorialists, I did not adopt the extreme measure of deposing Bruce from the presidential authority, but resolved to suspend him therefrom till the pleasure of His Imperial Majesty as regarded his conduct should be made known. Accordingly, on Christmas day, 1824, I addressed to him the following letter;— Maranham, Dec. 25,1824. SIR, It is with extreme regret that I feel myself under the necessity of acquainting your Excellency that it is impossible for me to withdraw the squadron from Maranham, so long as your Excellency continues to exercise the functions of President of this province; because it is evident that if your Excellency is left in authority, without the aid of the squadron, you must again have recourse to the assistance of the lowest order of the people, whom, on my arrival here, I found in arms in support of your Excellency, against nine-tenths of the upper classes of society, who continue to entertain the greatest terror of being left under the authority of your Excellency. To prevent the recurrence of so lamentable a state of things—the loss of lives—and the calamities of every kind which would inevitably ensue, I would respectfully suggest to your Excellency the necessity of your withdrawing from office, until the determination of His Imperial Majesty can be obtained. I can, with great truth, assure your Excellency that my intentions are not in any degree dictated by any feelings of personal ill-will towards your Excellency. On the contrary, I have a wish to rescue you from a situation of great jeopardy, and it is chiefly with a view of avoiding to do anything that might appear derogatory to your Excellency, that I am desirous the change so necessary to be effected should proceed from your Excellency's voluntary resignation. But I regret to add that so pressing is that necessity, that it is quite essential that your Excellency's determination should be immediate, and therefore I hope to be favoured with your Excellency's reply in the course of the present forenoon. Permit me to assure you that if it should be your desire to continue in this city in the character of a private gentleman until the determination of His Imperial Majesty, with respect to your resumption of office, or otherwise, shall be known, no impediment to your Excellency's wishes will originate with me; or, if you should think proper to proceed at once to the Court of Rio de Janeiro, a commodious conveyance shall be provided for the accommodation of your Excellency, and of those whom you may deem it convenient to accompany you. (Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAÕ. Bruce did not resign, preferring to accept my offer of conveyance to Rio de Janeiro, there to await His Majesty's decision. Complete tranquillity being thus restored to the province of Maranham, and not to that only, but also to the adjoining provinces, which had more or less entered into the existing disorders, either as adherents of the insurgent chiefs, or of the President, it became requisite to organize a government. Not deeming it politic to elevate to power any member of those families of distinction whose feuds were only dormant on compulsion, I appointed Manuel Telles de Silva Lobo, the Secretary of Government, as interim President; he being entirely unconnected with family factions, well acquainted with the details of government, and of unimpeachable integrity. At the same time I caused the Camaras to be re-assembled, so that the administration of law and public affairs might be carried on according to the forms and intentions of the constitution. This suspension of the President was afterwards fully approved of by His Majesty, and the more patriotic of his advisers, as only anticipating their intentions, it being a remarkable fact that, at the very time I was suspending him, an order from His Majesty was on its way to supersede him ; information of his proceedings having previously reached Rio de Janeiro, so that in what had been done, I had only carried out the intentions of His Majesty. Nevertheless, the occasion—as affording a good opportunity to traduce me—was afterwards eagerly seized by the Portuguese faction in the administration. All attempts to injure me in the estimation of the population at Rio de Janeiro—which was firmly attached to the Emperor, and grateful to me for my services—had signally failed; but on his arrival at Rio de Janeiro the representations of the ex-president whose mal-administration I had summarily checked, were published in every possible shape, whilst the Minister of Marine unwarrantably withheld my despatches from the public, as well as from His Majesty, the consequence of which was that the prejudicial representations of what were termed my arbitrary acts had full effect. It was represented that I, a foreigner, had dared, unauthorised, and on false pretences, to seize on the person of a gentleman occupying the highest position in one of the most important provinces, and had sent him to Rio de Janeiro as a prisoner, whilst it was I who deserved to be brought to condign punishment for the outrage; and had I at the moment been within reach of the Portuguese faction at the capital, which was embittered against me for establishing order, when to further their own anti-Imperial designs disorder was alone wished—a summary end might have been put to my efforts for preserving and consolidating the integrity of the Brazilian empire. That this vituperation and hostility would be the result I well knew; but as the Portuguese party in the administration could scarcely treat me worse than they had done, I had made up my mind to encounter their displeasure. Of His Majesty's approval I felt certain; and, in return for the uninterrupted favour and reliance, which, notwithstanding the self-interested hostility of his anti-Brazilian Ministers, I had uniformly experienced at his hands, I had all along resolved to secure that which I knew to be His Majesty's earnest wish—the unity of the empire by the pacification of the Northern provinces. All attempts to thwart this on the part of the Portuguese faction were futile, and even unconsciously favourable to the course I was perseveringly pursuing, though all my despatches to the minister remained unanswered, and no instructions were sent for my guidance. Notwithstanding the neglect of the administration to supply the squadron with necessaries, and myself with instructions, in a position foreign to my duties as naval Commander-in-Chief, and which I had only accepted at the earnest wish of His Imperial Majesty—I carefully kept the Government advised of all that took place. The same ship which conveyed the ex-president to Rio de Janeiro, carried also the following despatch to the Minister of Marine:— Maranham, December 31st, 1824. MOST EXCELLENT SIR, I have to acquaint your Excellency that a belief that the squadron was about to withdraw and leave the abandoned and disorderly military of this place under the feeble control of his Excellency the President, excited a degree of dread in the public mind amounting almost to a state of frenzy—and convinced me that I had no alternative, but either to abandon the principal inhabitants, and, indeed, the whole white population, to the fury of mercenary troops and blacks—or to remain with the squadron until another President should be nominated by His Imperial Majesty. This last measure, however, upon mature consideration, appeared to be wholly incompatible with the interests of His Imperial Majesty, not only on account of the violent animosities subsisting between President and people, which, notwithstanding the utmost vigilance on my part, daily disturbed the public tranquillity—but because the presence on shore of nearly the whole of the seamen in the ships of war is requisite to counterbalance the influence and power which the President has obtained over the soldiery and irregular bands, by the impunity with which he has suffered them to act, and by rewards bestowed on persons in the ranks, or of the lowest orders of society. The continued absence of seamen from the ships would, it is evident, endanger the safety of the latter; besides which, the season is now approaching when diseases incident to the climate become prevalent, and would not fail considerably to thin the small force at my disposal. The necessity of adopting some decided measure became every day more urgent. Representations continued to pour in from all quarters against the conduct of the President. The Consul of His Britannic Majesty, moreover, having heard that the squadron is about to depart, has written me a letter, of which I enclose to your Excellency a copy. I am aware that it is difficult to follow a course, under the circumstances in which I am placed, that when judged of at a distance, and merely on such evidence as can be conveyed by writing, will leave no room for persons to contend that a different line might have been followed with greater advantage; and I am perfectly aware that whether I had left this province, and anarchy had followed, or whether by remaining I had succeeded in preventing that anarchy, I should equally be exposed to the cavils of those who are always disposed to reprobate the measures actually adopted, whatever they may be . Having, therefore, but a choice of evils with respect to myself , I have—without further care as to my personal responsibility—pursued that course which, on full consideration, appeared to me to be most conducive to the interests of His Imperial Majesty, and best adapted to secure the tranquillity of this province; and I have reserved for my own security such original documents as will satisfy the mind of His Imperial Majesty on the subject of my conduct in suspending the functions of the President of Maranham. A few of the many reasons which have induced me thus to take upon myself a heavier responsibility than would have attached to the adoption of either of the measures before alluded to, will be found on the printed paper which I enclose. In that paper, however, I did not consider it proper to set forth all the facts which have come to my knowledge; such as his tampering through various agents with the troops, artillery, and police, and above all with the disbanded " Pedestres ;" and the sending of emissaries to the distant quarters of the province to excite the people again to rise in arms for his support—though no legal prerogative which the President does, or ought to possess, had been in any way infringed by me or any person acting under my authority. The fact is, that this gentleman, bred up under the despotic Captains-General, accustomed to their arbitrary proceedings, to the mal-administration of colonial law, and the absence of everything like fair trial, cannot brook any limitation to his power, and has demonstrated his desire, if not to establish an independent sway, at least to act solely according to his will and pleasure. I am anxious to ascribe his faults rather to the circumstances under which he has unfortunately been brought up, and to his advanced age, than to premeditated evil intentions. I have the satisfaction of adding, that, by the course I have adopted, a desolating civil war has been terminated—the treasury saved further expenditure—and the persons and property of the people have been rescued from destruction, and placed under the protection of the laws. (Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAÕ. Such was the history of an affair, which would not have been thus minutely detailed, but for the obloquy against me to which it subsequently gave rise; the ministry afterwards declaring that, to serve my own purposes, I had deposed Bruce, and appointed Lobo in his place—the facts being, that I never deposed him at all, but suspended his functions merely till His Majesty's pleasure should be known—and that, at the very period when this took place, the Administration, unknown to me, had deposed him for the same causes which led me to suspend him! as will appear in the next chapter. Nevertheless, when they found that—acting under the discretion accorded to me by His Imperial Majesty—I had partially only anticipated their own act, and that vituperation against me in my absence might be turned to their own account, they took up the cause of the very man whom they had deposed, and loaded me with abuse for having outraged the feelings and position of a most excellent person nominated by His Majesty to one of the highest offices in the state. CHAPTER X. MISREPRESENTATIONS MADE IN ENGLAND—LETTER TO THE EMPEROR—TENDERING MY RESIGNATION—REPAYMENT DEMANDED FROM THE JUNTA—CONDUCT OF THE PRIZE TRIBUNAL—NO ADJUDICATION OF PRIZES INTENDED—LETTER TO THE INTERIM PRESIDENT—DEMANDING THE SUMS OWING TO THE SQUADRON—DISTURBANCE IN PARA—STATEMENT OF ACCOUNT TO THE JUNTA—OFFER OF COMPROMISE—IMPERIAL DECREE—RIGHT OF THE SQUADRON TO THE CLAIM. Worn down in health by the harassing duties of the naval, military, and civil departments, the conduct of all these wholly devolving upon me, whilst the Ministry at Rio, by withholding instructions, neither incurred trouble nor responsibility—and aware that my character was being traduced by every species of malignity which could be devised by the party whose views were destroyed by the successful manner in which those duties had been performed, I was heartily sick of the ingratitude and misrepresentation with which the service of having twice secured the Northern provinces to Brazil was met on the part of the Administration, in addition to their now apparent determination that neither myself nor the squadron should reap any benefit from the prize property taken in the preceding year, notwithstanding that, under the Andrada ministry, both had been solemnly guaranteed to the captors. I was, however, even more annoyed on another account, viz. from being apprised that the vilest misrepresentations of my conduct were being sedulously circulated in England by the partisans of the Administration. Their vituperation in Brazil could, to some extent, be met; but the petty meanness of attacking a man in a distant country, without the possibility of his defending himself, was a matter against which no prudence or foresight could guard. Determined no longer to contend with an Administration, which could thus conduct itself towards an officer whose exertions had been deemed worthy of the highest honours from the Emperor, and the warmest thanks from the National Assembly, I resolved to request permission from His Imperial Majesty to retire from so unequal a contest, for I did not choose spontaneously to abandon the command, without at least some compensation beyond my ordinary pay. Even setting aside the stipulations under which I had entered and continued in the Imperial service—this was at least due to me from the unquestioned fact that to my twice rendered exertions—first as naval Commander-in-Chief; and, secondly, as a pacificator—the empire owed its unity and stability, even in the estimation of European governments , which, now that the provinces were tranquillized and the empire consolidated, exerted themselves to promote peace between Brazil and the mother country. Accordingly—on New Year's day, 1825—I addressed to the Emperor the following letter:— SIRE, The condescension with which your Imperial Majesty has been pleased to permit me to approach your royal person, on matters regarding the public service, and even on those more particularly relating to myself, emboldens me to adopt the only means in my power, at this distance, of craving that your Majesty will be graciously pleased to judge of my conduct in the Imperial service, by the result of my endeavours to promote your Majesty's interests, and not by the false reports spread by those who—for reasons best known to themselves—desire to alienate your Majesty's mind from me, and thus to bring about my removal from your Majesty's service. Whilst I have the honour to continue as an officer acting under the authority of your Imperial Majesty, I shall ever perform my duty to your Majesty and to the Brazilian people; and I trust that, up to the present day, your Majesty has not felt any reason to doubt my sincerity and fidelity to your Imperial interests. And if his Excellency the Minister of Marine has failed to lay before the public my despatches, and thereby permitted rumours prejudicial to my character to go forth, I respectfully look up to your Imperial Majesty for justice. In this hope, I most respectfully entreat permission to refer your Imperial Majesty to my letter No. 271, which I addressed to his Excellency the Minister of Marine, from Pernambuco, early in October, previous to my departure from that port, announcing my intention of proceeding northward, and the necessity of so doing, for the pacification of the northern provinces; also to my letter of the 13th of October (No. 273), written from Rio Grande do Norte; and No. 274, dated October 28th, written from Cearà; all of which letters, explicitly describing my proceedings, intentions, and reasons, were duly transmitted, both in original and duplicate, by different conveyances. I trust that your Imperial Majesty will please to believe me to be sensible that the honours which you have so graciously bestowed upon me, it is my duty not to tarnish; and that your Majesty will further believe that, highly as I prize those honours, I hold the maintenance of my reputation in my native country in equal estimation. I respectfully crave permission to add, that— perceiving it to be impossible to continue in the service of your Imperial Majesty, without at all times, subjecting my professional character to great risks under the present management of the Marine department—I trust that your Majesty will be graciously pleased to grant me leave to retire from your Imperial service, in which it appears to me that I have now accomplished all that can be expected from me—the authority of your Imperial Majesty being established throughout the whole extent of Brazil. I have the honour to be Your Imperial Majesty's Dutiful and faithful servant, COCHRANE AND MARANHAÕ. The permission to retire was neither granted, nor was the request noticed, yet—notwithstanding that the ministerial organs of the press teemed with matters injurious to my reputation, and displayed the most unfair comments on my proceedings—no complaint was officially made to me, as indeed none could be made; this ungenerous mode of attack being resorted to, whilst the whole of my letters and despatches were withheld from public knowledge. On the 3rd of January, intelligence was received that an outbreak had occurred at Caixas, promoted by the adherents of Bruce on learning the fact of his suspension from the presidentship. The interim-president, Lobo, was anxious to re-arm the disbanded troops against them, but this I forbade, telling him that, "in my opinion a military mode of governing was neither suited to the maintenance of tranquillity nor the promotion of obedience to the law, and that it would be better to give the civil law a trial before proceeding to extremities; and that although some outrages had occurred in the heat of party spirit, yet they would probably cease on the intelligence that President Bruce had embarked for Rio de Janeiro." The result was in accordance with these anticipations, for, on learning this fact, the insurgents immediately laid down their arms—being only too glad to escape further notice. In the expectation that His Imperial Majesty would approve of the act, and that his ministers could offer no opposition, I considered it my duty to the officers and seamen of the squadron, no less than to myself, to obtain repayment from the Junta of Maranham—at least in part—of the sums temporarily left for their use in the preceding year. It will be remembered that after the expulsion of the Portuguese from Maranham in 1823, considerable sums of money and bonds had been taken in the treasury, custom-house, and other public offices, together with military and other stores—and the value of these, though guaranteed by His Imperial Majesty to the captors, had, with the consent of officers and seamen, been temporarily lent to the then Provisional Government, for the double purpose of satisfying the mutinous troops of Cearà and Piahuy, and carrying on the ordinary functions of Government—there being no other funds available! At the period of this temporary surrender of the prize property to state exigencies, it was expressly stipulated and fully understood that, as soon as commerce had returned to its usual channels, and with it the customary revenues of the province, the whole should be repaid to the account of the captors. This had not been done, and the officers and men were still losers to the amount, in addition to the non-adjudication of their prizes generally by the Portuguese tribunal at Rio de Janeiro, which, in unprincipled violation of the express decrees of His Imperial Majesty—asserted that "they knew nothing of prizes, and did not know that Brazil was at war with Portugal!" though, in the Imperial order of March 30th, 1823—given for the vigorous blockade of Bahia, His Majesty had explicitly ordered the Portuguese to be considered as "enemies of the empire."—"Distruindo ou tomando todas as forcas Portuguesas que encontrar e fazendo todas damnos possives a os inimigos deste Imperio." It was further pretended by the tribunal that Bahia and Maranham were not foreign ports, but parts of the Brazilian empire, though, at the time of my appearance before them, both provinces were then, and ever had been, in possession of Portugal; the tribunal, nevertheless, deciding with equal absurdity and injustice, that captures made in those ports, or within three miles of the shore, were unlawful—this decision including, of necessity, the unaccountable declaration, that His Majesty's orders to me to blockade the enemy's port of Bahia, and to take, burn or destroy all Portuguese vessels and property—were also unjust and unlawful! although this was the very purpose for which I had been invited to quit the Chilian service. Yet, notwithstanding this Imperial decision, the tribunal also most inconsistently condemned all ships of war taken (as droits ) to the crown, without the slightest compensation to the captors. But there was still a more flagrant injustice committed, viz. that whilst the officers and seamen were thus deprived of the fruits of their exertions, they became liable to about twenty thousand milreas in the prosecution of their claims; for no other reason than the unwillingness of the prize tribunal to order condemnations injurious to their friends and native country; for as has been said nine out of the thirteen members of the tribunal were Portuguese! It had, therefore, been long apparent that no adjudication in favour of the squadron was intended, and that its services in having united the empire and saved it from dismemberment, would only be met by continued injustice. As the property left with the Provisional Government of Maranham had been used for the benefit of that province, and as no part of it had ever been repaid, I determined that those to whom it was due should not, at least, be defrauded of that portion of their claims, or of a reasonable compromise thereof; and therefore I addressed to the interim-president the following letter:— TO HIS EXCELLENCY MANOEL TELLES DA SILVA LOBO, PRESIDENT INTERINO. SIR, The public duties which I had to perform for the service of His Imperial Majesty, and the pacification of this province, being now happily brought to a termination, it becomes my duty, as Commander-in-chief, to call your Excellency's attention to some facts concerning the interests of the officers and seamen under my command. On the occasion of my former visit, in 1823, which was so happily instrumental in rescuing this province from the yoke of Portugal and annexing it to the Empire, I was desirous of rendering the service performed still more grateful to the people by voluntarily granting, in the conditions of capitulation, not only my guarantee for the inviolability of all Brazilian property then under the Portuguese flag, but also of all the property belonging to resident Portuguese who should subscribe to the independence of the Empire, and the authority of His Imperial Majesty. These conditions were most scrupulously observed and fulfilled on my part, without the slightest infringement in any one instance. But—on the other hand—it was expressly set forth in the terms of capitulation, that all property belonging to those who remained in hostility—that is to say, property belonging to the crown or government of Portugal, or to absent Portuguese (though with respect to the latter a commutation was subsequently consented to) being, according to the laws of war, subject to condemnation to the captors —should be delivered to the captors accordingly, to be, by themselves, subjected to the customary investigation in the prize tribunals of His Imperial Majesty. Amongst other articles of property of this description were, of course, included the money due on the balance of public accounts to the crown of Portugal, and this amount—partly in specie and partly in bills—was held in readiness by the capitulating authorities to be delivered when required. But, as my attention was for some time solely directed to the arrangement of public affairs, I neglected to call for the said balance until the new Junta of Government, chosen under my authority, had taken possession of their office, and obtained the control of the public moneys. After several applications on my part to the said Junta, and as many evasions on their part, I had, at last, a personal conference with them on the subject—on which occasion they solicited, as a particular favour, that I would permit the amount to remain in their hands, for the purpose of satisfying the claims of the troops of Piahuy and Cearà, whom they represented as being clamorous for their pay. To this request I agreed, under the assurance that I should receive bills from the said Junta for the amount. These, however, they not only evaded granting, but, when afterwards called upon for a receipt, they declined giving any acknowledgment. To the truth, however, of the main fact, viz., the claims of myself, and the officers and men under my command, your Excellency has now the power of satisfying yourself by a reference to the official documents that passed between the functionaries of government and myself, both previous and subsequent to the surrender of the Portuguese authorities in this province. The conduct of this Junta has proved to be merely a type of that which we have since experienced on a larger scale at the hands of the supreme tribunal of justice at Rio de Janeiro. But there is a point beyond which forbearance ceases to be a virtue, and I now call upon your Excellency to direct that the Junta of Fazenda, who so unjustly and deceitfully withheld from the officers and men the property above described, shall, with all convenient despatch, proceed to the adjustment of the claim in question. An attested copy of the accounts, signed by the members of the late Portuguese Junta of Government—being in my possession, I enclose a copy thereof, which your Excellency can cause to be compared with the original treasury and custom-house books. I likewise enclose to your Excellency a copy of a gracious communication which I received from His Imperial Majesty—the original of which, in His Majesty's own handwriting, is now in my possession. This will enable your Excellency to judge as to what the understanding and intentions of His Imperial Majesty really are, with respect to the claims of the squadron—when influenced by the dictates of honour and his own unbiassed judgment. Nevertheless—should your Excellency consider it necessary, I have no objection to prosecute the claims of the officers and seamen to the balance before alluded to—in the Court of Admiralty which your Excellency is about to convene. But I beg it may be distinctly understood that I hold myself bound not to relax in any way from my determination that these accounts shall be settled, so as to enable me to fulfil the duty which I am engaged to perform to those under my command. (Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAÕ. To my annoyance Parà became the scene of renewed disturbance, and even the life of the President was threatened. This was disheartening, as evincing a desire on the part of the provinces to pursue—each its own separate course; proving the deep hold which the counsels of Palmella had taken to promote anarchy by fostering provincial pride—as a means to promote discord, and thus to reduce the newly-formed empire to insignificance and ruin,—from the same cause which had befallen the liberated provinces of Spanish America. Not having been furnished with troops, it was difficult to spare a force to meet this new emergency. There was no time, however, for hesitation, so I despatched the Atalanta to Parà, with a detachment of the best seamen, under the command of Lieutenants Clarence and Reed, upon whose zeal every reliance was to be placed; at the same time sending a recommendation to the President to use the force for the purpose of remitting to me those who had threatened his life, and of overawing those who had been endeavouring to subvert his authority. The Junta of Fazenda having now assembled, I transmitted to them the following; GENERAL STATEMENT Of the money and other property claimed by the squadron on the surrender of the Portuguese authorities of Maranham; in conformity to the laws relative to matters of prize, and the gracious decrees of His Imperial Majesty:— Milreis. Treasury and custom-house 62,000 000 In bills and debts 147,000 000 Value of artillery, stores, and ammunition, say 100,000,000 at 1/5th for the squadron 20,000 000 Value of stores in the arsenal, including gunboats, launches, boats, and materials of all kinds 25,000,000 ___________ Public property 254,000 000 Obligations delivered as Portuguese property under the decree of H.I.M. of Dec. 11th, 1822; by that decree confiscated to the Crown, but by the gracious bounty of H.I.M. awarded to the squadron, in his own handwriting, dated 12th February, 1824 170,196 461 ___________ Sum total 424,196 461 Together with this statement of account, I forwarded the following offer of compromise, on the part of the squadron, for the payment of one-fourth only:— His Imperial Majesty, having—by decree of the 11th of December, 1822—commanded the seizure and confiscation of all merchandise in the custom-houses of Brazil belonging to Portuguese subjects—all merchandise so belonging, or the proceeds thereof, in the hands of merchants—and all vessels or parts of vessels belonging to such subjects—I, therefore, in conformity with the said decree, having, on the occasion of the capitulation of Maranham, directed, that all persons having property in their hands of the nature set forth in the said decree, should deliver in an account of the same; and the bills and papers herewith annexed having been given up by their respective holders as Portuguese property of the description set forth , the said bills and papers are now laid before the Court of Vice-Admiralty, in order to the adjudication thereof in conformity to the said decree. But, whereas, the said Imperial decree could not be enforced at Maranham in the ordinary manner, by means of civil officers acting under the authority of His Imperial Majesty, by reason of the port and province being under the authority and government of Portugal; And whereas, His Imperial Majesty, in consideration of the annexation of the said port and province to the Empire, by the naval means under my command—and generally of other important services—was graciously pleased, by virtue of a grant in his own handwriting, bearing date the 12th day of February last, to accord the value of the seizures to the officers and men as a reward for their exertions and services; the said officers and men agree to surrender these bills and the property, as set forth in the annexed list, amounting to 484,196,461, together with all other claims, for the sum of one-fourth, or 106,000, to be paid by the Treasury of Maranham by instalments, within the period of thirty days from the date hereof. (Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAÕ. The following is the Imperial decree alluded to in the preceding letter:— DECREE. It being obvious that the scandalous proceedings and hostility manifested by the government of Portugal against the liberty, honour, and interests of this Empire, and by the captious insinuations of the demagogical congress of Lisbon, which—seeing it impracticable to enslave this rich region and its generous inhabitants—endeavours to oppress them with all kinds of evils, and civil war, which has occurred through their barbarous vandalism. It being one of my principal duties, as Constitutional Emperor and Defender of this vast Empire, to adopt all measures to render effective the security of the country, and its defence efficient against further and desperate attempts which its enemies may adopt; and also to deprive, as far as possible, the inhabitants of that kingdom from continuing to act hostilely against Brazil—tyrannizing over my good and honourable subjects— deem it well to order that there be placed in effective sequestration, 1_st_. All goods and merchandise existing in the custom-houses of this Empire, belonging to subjects of the kingdom of Portugal. 2_nd_. All Portuguese merchandise, or the value thereof, which exists in the hands of subjects of this Empire. 3_rd_. All real and agricultural property, held under the same circumstances. 4_th_. Finally, all vessels or parts of vessels, which belong to merchants of the said kingdom. There being excepted from this sequestration, bills of the national bank, banks of security, and those of the Iron Company of Villa Sorocaba. Joseph Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva, of my Council of State, Minister of the Interior, and of Foreign Affairs, shall cause the execution of this decree. Given in the Palace of Rio de Janeiro, December the Eleventh, 1822, first of the Independence of the Empire. With the Rubrica of His Imperial Majesty, JOSÉ BONIFACIO DE ANDRADE E SILVA. These documents—coupled with the decree of Dec. 1822, awarding the above confiscations to the captors—shew so clearly the right of the squadron's claim, and the injustice of the course pursued by the prize tribunal at Rio de Janeiro, in refusing to adjudge Portuguese property to the captors, that further comment is unnecessary. In order, however, to give every possible information relative to a matter which has been, to me, a cause of so much obloquy, I subjoin my letter to the interim President, accompanying the preceding documents:— SIR, I have the honour to enclose to your Excellency, two hundred and sixty obligations seized under the orders of His Imperial Majesty—dated the 11th December, 1822—which I request you will be pleased to cause to be laid before the Junta of Fazenda, together with the papers enclosed, in order that the Junta may take the necessary steps to the liquidation of the just and moderate claims of the officers and seamen. I further beg your Excellency will be pleased to intimate to the Junta, that I cannot abstain from taking whatever measures may be necessary to prevent the violation of the laws and regulations of the military service—the infraction of the express engagement of His Imperial Majesty—and the consequent disorganization of the squadron, so essential for the maintenance of tranquillity, and the preservation of the independence of the Empire. (Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAÕ. 20th Jan. 1825. CHAPTER XI. IMPERIAL APPROVAL—CONTINUED ENMITY OF THE ADMINISTRATION—JUNTA REFUSES TO PAY THE SQUADRON'S CLAIM—I PERSEVERE IN THE DEMAND—JUNTA AGREES TO PAY THE AMOUNT IN BILLS—THIS REFUSED—ARRIVAL OF A NEW PRESIDENT—BUT WITHOUT AUTHORITY FOR THE ASSUMPTION—INTRIGUES TO ESTABLISH HIM IN OFFICE—I ORDER HIM TO QUIT THE PROVINCE—AND SEND HIM TO PARA—LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF CEARA—INTERNATIONAL ANIMOSITIES—THE SQUADRON LEFT TO PROVIDE FOR ITSELF—ABUSE OF AUTHORITY—EXPLANATIONS TO MINISTER OF MARINE—OF TRANSACTIONS AT MARANHAM—LETTER TO CARVALHO E MELLO—ANTICIPATING MINISTERIAL DISPLEASURE—THE JUNTA REIMBURSES PART OF ITS DEBT. On the 16th of January I had at length the satisfaction to receive, through the Minister of Marine, the Emperor's approval of the course pursued in the pacification of the Northern provinces, and his confirmation of the changes that had been made in their administration. Still not a word of instruction was vouchsafed for my future guidance. The subjoined is the letter conveying His Imperial Majesty's approval of my acts and judgment:— His Imperial Majesty commands the Secretary of State of the Marine to apprise the First Admiral, Commander-in-Chief of the naval forces of this Empire, that His Majesty received his despatches by the schooner Maria de Gloria , by which His Majesty was informed of his proceedings, and approves of his determination to proceed to the Northern provinces, where the fire of rebellion has been lighted, with a view to establish therein the order and obedience due to the said august sovereign, a duty which he has so wisely and judiciously undertaken, and in which course he must continue, notwithstanding the previous instructions sent to him, bearing date the 4th of October last, which instructions are hereby annulled until he shall attain the highly important objects proposed in the before-mentioned provinces, viz., till they submit themselves to the authorities lately appointed, and enjoy the benefits of the paternal Government of His Imperial Majesty. Palace of Rio Janeiro, Dec. 2, 1824. (Signed) FRANCISCA VILLELA BARBOSA. To this letter—annulling my recall after the fall of Pernambuco—I returned the following reply:— No. 289. MOST EXCELLENT SIR, Since I had the honour of addressing your Excellency in my letter, No. 288, I have not had any further intelligence from Parà; I therefore conclude that the officers and seamen whom I detached there, will be sufficient to aid the President in maintaining good order. Here, nothing particular has happened, beyond the collecting of a few runaway soldiers and vagabonds in the woods. A party detached in pursuit of them, dispersed them all, and brought in several prisoners yesterday. I have received your Excellency's communication by the schooner Maria de Gloria , and feel highly gratified that His Imperial Majesty has been pleased to approve of the course which I have pursued for the termination of dissensions in the Northern provinces. Since the gracious communication of His Imperial Majesty, I feel less weight of responsibility in the course which circumstances have compelled me to follow, with a view to restore order in the province of Maranham. I hope soon to inform your Excellency that the task which His Imperial Majesty has been further pleased to confide to me, of causing the newly-appointed authorities to be acknowledged, is accomplished; but I beg respectfully again to add my opinion that these Northern provinces will not long continue in a state of tranquillity, unless the provincial forces are shifted to other quarters of the empire. In fact, if attention be not paid to this, I consider that these provinces will shortly be entirely lost, both to the empire of Brazil and to Portugal. (Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAÕ. Jan. 21, 1834. The continued absence of even the slightest instructions for my guidance—coupled with the Imperial approval of all I had done upon my own responsibility, naturally implied that it was considered better to leave me entirely unfettered by orders, which, if given at all, must be issued in ignorance of the actual state of things which required renovation. In this light I should have regarded the omission to direct my conduct, but for the warnings privately received, to be careful what I was about, for that, despite any apparent public approval of my proceedings, my enemies in the administration were on the watch for some act which might be construed to my disadvantage, and thus become the pretext for blame which should outweigh the praise accorded. The opportunity I felt had already been afforded by the suspension of Bruce from the presidency, notwithstanding that this—as has been seen—was fully justified by circumstances, and was not resorted to without deliberate consideration, and the deepest conviction of its necessity. Still, any opposition to the suspension of Bruce could only be factious, for, on the 2nd of December, the Minister of Marine had in anticipation forwarded to me a list of new presidents and generals-at-arms, every person in authority throughout the whole extent of the Northern coast being changed—with the exception of the president of Parà; so that there was every reason to anticipate that even the strong measures which I had been compelled to adopt with regard to Bruce would meet the views of His Imperial Majesty. On the 31st of January, the interim President apprised me that the Junta refused to liquidate any part of the claim made in behalf of the squadron. Upon this refusal, I wrote to the Junta that, such being their decision, I would hold them personally responsible that no bills, debts, nor claims of any kind beyond the current expenses of government should be paid, till this prior claim—in honour and justice due to the officers and seamen, who had generously advanced their prize money to meet state exigencies—should be liquidated; adding, that the seamen relied on me for justice , and if my warning were not attended to, I should be compelled to take such steps as the necessity of upholding the interests of the crown and the efficiency of the naval service appeared to demand. In taking this step, I frankly admit that it was the only way to obtain from the Government of Maranham even a compromise for the amount owing by the province to the captors. I had every confidence in His Imperial Majesty that as far as lay in his power justice would be done, as evinced by the acknowledgments given in his own handwriting in opposition to the measures of his ministers, on whom, or the prize tribunal, no reliance could be placed; the former having done all in their power to thwart my efforts in His Majesty's service, whilst the tribunal, acting by the sanction or in conformity to the known wishes of the ministry, had delayed adjudication, with the evident intention of evading it altogether , except in cases which gave a colour for condemning me in damages, in which respect—apparently their only object—they were prompt enough. I therefore determined that as a specific portion of the prize property taken at Maranham in 1823, had, at its own request, been given up to the provisional Government, upon the express understanding of repayment —without which it could not have been thus surrendered—the Junta should be made to preserve their own good faith, as well as mine, to the squadron, which, relying on my promises, had been influenced temporarily to devote to the exigencies of the State that which by imperial decree, as well as according to the laws of all nations, was their undoubted right. My orders to the Junta of Fazenda not to pay any claims—with the exception of the ordinary expenses of Government—till those of the squadron had been satisfied, were, however, almost superogatory; for, on a visit of inspection to the arsenal on the 2nd of February, it appeared that they had established a system of not paying any debts, even those incurred for the provisions of the squadron, the contract prices being set down at treble the market price! This overcharge was accounted for by the merchants on the ground of dilatory payments, which could only be obtained at all from the Junta by fees to those whose duty it was to pass the accounts! To counteract this, I requested the interim President to forbid any further purchases on the part of the provincial Government, as, in future, I would make them myself, and, what was more to the purpose, pay for them. By limiting the demand of repayment to one-fourth only of the amount captured from the Portuguese Government, I was not pressing at all severely upon the resources of the province, which is one of the richest in Brazil; nor should I have put them to any inconvenience had I demanded repayment of the whole, as I justly might have done . On the 8th of February, the Junta of Fazenda sent me a verbal communication to the effect that they would give the sum agreed upon in commutation of prize money due to the captors— in five bills, payable in five months . As I knew that, in case of my departure, these would not be worth the paper upon which they were written, I refused the offer, adding that, after the course pursued by the prize tribunal at Rio de Janeiro the seamen had no faith in promises. Finding that the Junta shewed every disposition to evade the demand, I requested a personal interview with that body, intimating that I expected all the members to be present. At this interview, I told the Junta that all the documents necessary in support of the claim had been laid before them, these being too precise to admit of dispute—that they had no right in law, justice, or precedent, to withhold the portion of the prize property left at Maranham, by the request of the provisional government, no funds of their own being then available to meet the exigencies which had arisen—and therefore they were in honour bound to restore it. I was induced to adopt this step, not only on account of the evasive conduct experienced at the hands of the administration at Rio de Janeiro, but because I knew that negotiations were actually pending for the restitution of all the Portuguese property captured, as a basis of the projected peace between Portugal and Brazil; in other words, that the squadron—whose exertions had added to the Empire a territory larger than the whole empire as it existed previous to the complete expulsion of the Portuguese—was to be altogether sacrificed to a settlement which its own termination of the war had brought about. So barefaced a proceeding towards those whose services had been engaged on the express stipulation of a right to all captures is, perhaps, unparalleled in the history of nations; and, as both officers and men looked to me for protection, I determined to persevere in demanding from the Government of Maranham—at least a compromise of the sums which the captors had, in 1823, lent to its pressing exigencies. No small amount of obloquy has been attached to me with regard to this act of justice, the only one the squadron was ever likely to obtain; but the transaction involved my own good faith with both officers and men, who had lent the money solely on my assurance that the Government at Rio de Janeiro could not do otherwise than refund the amount—so important was it at the time, that the pressing difficulties of the province should be promptly met. A man must have a singularly constituted mind, who, in my position, would have acted otherwise. To this subject it will be necessary to recur. On the 7th of February, I was surprised by an intimation from Pedro José da Costa Barros, of his intention to assume the presidency of Maranham, founding his pretensions upon a letter addressed to Bruce, whom I had suspended. At first—believing that he possessed the requisite authority—I invited him to take possession of the office, but finding that he had no patent to shew for the appointment, I considered it my duty to His Majesty not to admit such pretensions till their validity was established, and therefore told Barros that he must await the official communications from Rio de Janeiro, before I could acknowledge him as president—for that tranquillity being now restored, I would not have the minds of the people again unsettled on the mere presumption of his appointment. In this arrangement Barros appeared to acquiesce, but being a well-known partisan of the Portuguese faction, he was soon surrounded by the adherents of that party in Maranham. On the 10th of March, a series of allegations was forwarded to me by the party of Barros against the interim President, but as they were of the most insignificant nature, and unsupported by proof, I refused to pay attention to them. They were shortly afterwards followed by a letter from Barros to the same purport, but without any specific accusation against Lobo, whom he nevertheless represented as about to fly from Maranham in order to evade the punishment due to his crimes! Upon this I addressed to him the following letter demanding specific charges against the interim President:— Maranham, 10th March, 1825. SIR, I have received your Excellency's letter, in which the interim President, Manuel Pellas da Silva Lobo, is charged with an intention of departing from Maranham in a sudden and clandestine manner, and in which your Excellency calls on me to adopt measures for the prevention of his flight. I must, however, represent to your Excellency that, since I have been in this province, so many reports have been made to me with the greatest confidence, impeaching the character and motives of individuals—all of which have proved unfounded—that I feel it impossible to act with any propriety on your Excellency's intimation—without being furnished with proof of the truth of the allegation. Your Excellency, I am persuaded, is too honourable to propagate so serious a charge without believing it to be well founded, and I cannot doubt that you will have the candour to admit that I am entitled to be made acquainted with the grounds on which your Excellency's belief rests, before proceeding to any measure of severity against the party accused. I have further to request that your Excellency will be pleased to say for what crime, or crimes , the President interino is supposed to be about to abandon—not only this province—but to flee from his native country? (Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAÕ. To PEDRO JOSÉ DE COSTA BARROS. The charges against Lobo, I well knew to have been fabricated for the purpose of getting me to place him in arrest, and instal Barros in the presidency. This plot failing, I learned, on the following day, that arrangements had been made for the forcible seizure of the interim President's person without any specific cause for dissatisfaction with his government, which was in all respects just and excellent. Finding the spirit of intrigue thus again manifested for the neutralisation of all my efforts to restore order and prosperity to the province—to the discomfiture of the intriguants—I again, on the 11th of March, declared martial law. Such was the terror inspired by this act in the minds of those who had fomented renewed disorder, that, anticipating summary retribution from me, they prepared for the flight of which they had accused an innocent man. On learning this, I despatched a vessel with a competent officer to cruise at the mouth of the port, under orders neither to let ships nor passengers leave without passports counter-signed by myself.