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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 17 of 55 1609-1616 Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century

Blair, Emma Helen, 1851-1911 [Editor]; Bourne, Edward Gaylord, 1860-1908 [Commentator]; Robertson, James Alexander, 1873-1939 [Editor] · Project Gutenberg
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Philippines -- History -- Sources, Missions -- Philippines, Philippines -- Discovery and exploration, Demarcation line of Alexander VI

Decree Regulating Services of Filipinos 1 Latin, Bacchanalia . In Latin countries, the three days before Ash Wednesday are given up to boisterous outdoor merriment, which frequently degenerates into coarse and licentious revelry. Hence, the expression “Bacchanalia” Carnival. In order to counteract these abuses, the Jesuits at Macerata in Italy, introduced, in 1556, some special devotions during the three days. The Exposition of the Blessed Sacrament was held in the church, this custom was adopted by St. Charles Borromeo, in Milan; and it gradually extended to other places, and was developed subsequently into “The Devotion of the Forty Hours,” which is not confined to the Carnival season. This is the explanation of the term “Bacchanalia,” in connection with that church ceremony— Rev. E.I. Devitt, S.J. 2 Evidently referring to the capture of van Caerden’s fleet by Heredia (see note 26, post ). 3 Flagellation in the Philippines was a custom probably taken from the early Spanish friars, but it has been so discouraged of late years by the church that it is performed only in the smaller villages of the interior and in the outlying barrios of the larger towns, more or less secretly, away from the sight of white men. Especially is it prevalent during Holy Week. Although the Philippine flagellants are called ” penitentes ” the flagellation is not done in penance, but as the result of a vow or promise made to the diety in return for the occurrence of some wished-for event, and the ” penitentes ” are frequently from the most knavish class. The fulfillment of the vow is a terrible ordeal, and begins back of the small chapel called ” visita ” that exists in every village. The ” penitente ” wears only a pair of loose thin white cotton trousers, and is beaten on the back by another native first with hands and then with a piece of wood with little metal points in it until the blood flows freely. Thus he walks from visita to visita , with covered face, beating himself with a cord, into the end of which is braided a bunch of sticks about the size of lead pencils. He prostrates himself in the dust and is beaten on the back and soles of his feet with a flail. At every stream he plunges into it, and grovels before every visita . From all the houses as he passes comes the chant of the Passion. (Lieut. Charles Norton Barney, who was an eye-witness of the flagellation—“Circumcision and flagellation among the Filipinos,” in the Journal of the Association of Military Surgeons, September, 1903.) 4 See Vol . IX, note 13. Roberto Bellarmino, born in 1542, entered the Jesuit order in 1560, becoming one of its most famous theological writers. He was long connected with the college at Rome, and later was successively provincial of Naples, a cardinal of the Roman church (from 1599), and archbishop of Capua (1602–05); he died at Rome, September 17, 1621, Perhaps the most widely known of his works is the Doctrina christiana (Rome, 1598); it passed through many editions, abridgments, and translations, having been rendered into more than fifty languages. See account of these in Sommervogel’s Bibliothèque de la Compagnie dé Jésus , art. “Bellarmino.” “He was the first Jesuit who had ever taken part in the election of a pope”—Cretineau-Joly’s Hist. Comp. de Jésus (Paris, 1859), iii, p. 106. This refers to the election of Paul V (1605). 5 In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library) i, pp. 341–381, is a copy of a letter (dated June 11, 1611) from Father Armano to his provincial, Gregorio Lopez, detailing the achievements of Silva’s expedition to the Moluccas in 1611—on which occasion Silva restored to his throne Zayri, king of Ternate, who had been kept as a prisoner at Manila for five years. Rizal says in his edition of Morga, p. 247, note 1, that this king did not return to his island. He was probably taken back to Manila shortly after this restoration. Decree Regulating Services of Filipinos We order that, in the Filipinas Islands, no Indians be distributed in repartimiento, in any number, for private or public means of gain; since for the cutting of wood, navigation of caracoas, and other works of this sort, in which our royal treasury is interested, and for the public convenience, the Chinese and Japanese found on any desired occasion in the city of Manila must be (as they are) hired; and, as is understood, there will be a sufficient number of workmen among them, who will engage in these services for the just price of their toil. From them shall be employed those who wish to hire themselves out, in order to avoid the concourse of Indians [at Manila]. In case that the repartimiento cannot be entirely avoided, as will be provided, and if the Chinese and Japanese are either unwilling or unable to satisfy the actual need of those public works, the governor and captain-general shall take measures with the Indians so that they may aid in the works freely and voluntarily, making use of the means that seem advisable to him to effect it. But, granted that there be a lack of voluntary workers, we permit that some Indians be forced to work in these occupations, under the following conditions, but in no other manner. That this repartimiento shall be made only for necessary and unavoidable affairs; for in so odious a matter, the greater benefit to our royal treasury, or the greater convenience of the community, cannot suffice; and all that which is not necessary for their preservation, weighs less than the liberty of the Indians. That the Indians in the repartimiento shall be lessened in number as the voluntary workers shall be introduced, whether the latter be Indians or those of other nations. That they shall not be taken from distant districts, and from climates notably different from that of their own villages. The choice of all shall proceed without any partiality, and so that both the hardship of distances, the burden of the occupations, and compensation for the other circumstances in which there will be more or less grievance, shall be shared and distributed equally, so that all may share the greater and less toilsome services, so that the benefit and alleviation shown to some may not be changed into injury toward others. That the governor assign the number of hours that they shall work each day, taking into consideration the lack of strength and weak physical constitutions. That they be given in full the wages that they earn for their work. And they shall be paid personally each day, or at the end of the week, as they may choose. That the repartimientos be made at a time that does not embarrass or hinder the sowing and harvesting of land products, or the other occasions and periods upon which the Indians have to attend to the profit and management of their property; for our intention is that they be not deprived of it, and that they may be able to attend to everything. Therefore, we order the governor that, at the beginning of the year, he shall take note of the building and other matters of our service in which the Indians have to be employed; for if the time is chosen, it may be arranged in such a way that the Indians may receive no considerable injury to their property or persons. That, granting the poor arrangement and plan of the caracoas, and that when remanded to them many Indians generally perish, because of sailing without a deck, and exposed to the inclemencies of storms, we order that these craft be improved and built in such a manner that the Indians may manage the oars without risk of health and life. In all the above, and in all that may touch their preservation and increase, we order the governor to proceed with the care and vigilance that we expect, and that he punish signally and rigorously the ill-treatment received by the Indians from their caciques or from the Spaniards—especially should the latter be our officials, upon whom the penalties must be more rigorously executed. We request and charge both the secular prelates and the provincials of the orders to exercise the same attention in the punishment of offenses of this nature, committed by the ministers of instruction and other ecclesiastical persons. And we order that any omission of the governors, justices, and officials entrusted, in whole or in part, with the observance and fulfilment of this law be made a matter of their residencia. [Law passed in the reign of Felipe III, and dated Aranjuez, May 26, 1609.] Documents of 1610 Petition of the Recollects . Dionisio de la Anunciacion, and others; June 30. Dominicans request suppression of the Audiencia . Baltasar Fort, O.P., and others; June 30. Relation of 1609–10 . Gregorío Lopez, S.J.; July 1. Letter to Felipe III . Juan de Silva; September 5. Letter to Silva . Felipe III; December 7. Sources : All these documents save one are obtained from the original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The third is found in the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), i, pp. 273–340. Translations : The first three documents are translated by James A. Robertson; the fourth and fifth, by Robert W. Haight. Petition of the Recollects Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty: In conformity with certain requirements of the visitor of the Augustinian order in these islands, we, the Recollect religious of the same order, have all rendered obedience to the father in their rule of life in this country. We are obeying very exactly the orders that you, Sire, have given, although we have received signal annoyance thereby, as we think they will prove in every way a great hindrance to our mode of life and its tranquillity. Especially do we believe—and it is beyond doubt true—that if we are forced to continue the same obedience, it will mean not only a cessation of the forward movement of this special work, but the extinction of us all therein; for we have in no way been guilty of any fault whereby we have merited such a penalty, as this action, under this form, must be considered. This will be shown by the evidence, for some of us religious, who came to these so remote regions from that country [Spain] by order of your Highness, have died; and although others have taken the habit, this is not a country where the orders can be preserved by that method alone, without the reenforcement of those who can come from those kingdoms to help in this work. If we are kept subject to the rule, we shall lose this refuge, and we are on the direct road to ruin without attaining that fruit through special desire of which we felt ourselves forced to leave our native land and the association of our brother religious in our so prompt response to the order of your Highness. Since our mode of living has been, and is, regulated by the care that we owe to our obligations, and is an example and to the edification of the town—and this it public and well-known—to say nothing of our established rules and rigor; since this city and kingdom hold us in pious and especial affection; and since, in the service of your Highness we are laboring for the conversion and administration of a mission-field in a toilsome post, and one without any temporal consolation, and through not having the proper number of religious for another mission (namely, three) we left the latter, as well as many others to which attention should be given, and which have been offered to us and are offered daily, but which we have not accepted for the above reasons: we believe that we can supplicate your Highness with proper confidence—as we do supplicate you—in the submissive spirit of faithful vassals and the humility of poor religious, to be pleased to favor this so pious cause, and one so to the service of our Lord. We ask, Sire, that you will cause some Recollect religious to be sent from those kingdoms, so that with an increased number we may also increase in courage; for all must result in an increase of the service of the two majesties. We do not intend by this, in fundamentals to withdraw ourselves from the obedience that we have been ordered to give to the rule, but only to preserve our established laws, and to attend with greater leisure and assiduity to our obligations. The clemency of your Highness will be very necessary to encourage this work, as has been done hitherto in everything offered us. Hence we again supplicate it with the urgency demanded by the importance of the matter. When we came to these regions, your Highness was pleased to grant us the alms of wine and oil for the space of six years, as you did to the other orders. Inasmuch as—although, in accordance with your orders, the alms have been granted us hitherto—the limit assigned by your Highness will soon expire, we humbly beseech your Highness to be pleased to have the said alms provided, as to the other religious orders, and also the support for the religious of this convent, as may seem best to your Highness. We also beseech your Highness to have medicines given us for our sick, as to the other convents. Will your Highness grant us this with your accustomed piety; since we are as poor as the other convents, and are occupied in the same ministry. Don Juan de Silva, your governor, in your Highness’s name granted us a site, where we have a church and convent, with the proviso that we secure your Highness’s confirmation thereto within forty years. We beseech you with all due humility to be pleased to grant us the said confirmation. For that and for all the other matters contained in this letter, our father master, Fray Pedro Solier, 1 provincial, who has been living under our rules in these islands, is delegated with our authority. In case of his death, we delegate our authority to the prior or procurator of the Recollect convent in your capital. We shall receive most singular favor in whatever action your Highness takes in despatching our affairs with your most powerful hand. May God’s favor be ever with your Highness, and may He preserve and prosper you for His greater service, and for the increase of our holy Catholic faith, as we, the humble chaplains in this your Majesty’s convent of Sant Nicolas of the Recollects, desire. Manila, June the last, 1610. Fray Dionisio de la Anunciacion , prior. Fray Andres del Spiritu Santo Fray Francisco de la Madre de Dios Frai Pedro de San Joseph [ Endorsed : “Ascertain what the governor must have written in regard to the site given them. When Fray Pedro de Solier comes, everything will be examined.”] 1 Pedro Solier was born about 1578; he entered the Augustinian order in 1593 at Salamanca, where he remained five years, and then joined the Philippine mission. In 1603 he went to Spain on business of his order, returning to the islands in 1606. Elected provincial of his order in 1608, he held that office for two years; and in 1610, “on account of the deposal of Father Lorenzo de León, journeyed to Spain to make a report of that unpleasant incident” (Perez’s Catálogo , p. 57). Dominicans Request Suppression of the Audiencia Certain religious of the Order of St. Dominic declare that his Majesty’s decrees are not observed, and relate the evil behavior of the fiscal of that Audiencia. They send a memorandum of their arguments for the suppression of the Audiencia in those islands. Sire: The Order of St. Dominic has been in these districts and islands upwards of twenty-four years, and one of those who write this letter is one of the first who came to these districts to establish the order. Here, by the grace of God, great service has been rendered to God and to your Majesty in the conversion of the provinces which have been entrusted to us—namely, the province of Pangasinan, and that of Cagayan, and this. The conversion has ceased to progress for want of ministers, and now is not being continued for the natives. In all the above period of time, we have seen many things, and write as eyewitnesses. Our first statement is that if this country were governed according to the orders and decrees despatched by your Majesty for that purpose, it would be the most prosperous of all your Majesty’s kingdoms, for your Majesty’s orders in regard to this country seem truly to have had at the time of their ordering the special help of the Holy Spirit. But the deplorable thing is that your Majesty’s orders and decrees are not observed; and worse, some say that your decrees do not bind the conscience. This is very grievous, and brings in its train great difficulties. The pity is, that those who should be the agents and defenders of your decrees are the first to violate them. All that is done is contrary to your Majesty’s orders and commands. As this state of affairs should be punished severely for the correction of other offenders, and there is no one to attend to that punishment, the Lord, who is supreme judge, advocates the cause thus, and punishes them, avenging by His hand the little respect given to your Majesty’s just orders. This is seen in the great number of shipwrecks, one after another. Although there are no prophets in this land, yet all prognosticate beforehand what will surely happen, since the vessels sail with so heavy a cargo of injustices; and accordingly they say that the voyages will not end well, as we see by the outcome. But the pity is that, as the punishment is public, and in the ships, it is necessary that the just should pay for the sinners. Of the truth of all the above, your Majesty would rest assured if you were to visit this country. This is daily going from bad to worse, because until now, if those debarred therefrom were trading and engaging in commerce, they did so with some show of shame, and under some cover; but last year your Majesty’s fiscal came here, and all shame has been lost. For he has publicly traded and engaged in commerce, and has gone to Cavite to lade his exports. This has scandalized the entire community. Although the fiscal has been advised and corrected in a fraternal spirit, he has not turned over a new leaf. One of our number having told him that he had committed a heavy sin against the oath that he had given to your Majesty, he says that he knows his own business, and what he can do. And, as your Majesty is far away, they have no fear. A memorandum concerning your Majesty’s Audiencia in this country, accompanies this letter. Therein are set forth the reasons why it is advisable for your Majesty to order it to be suppressed, and they explain how it would be to the service of God and of your Majesty, and to the advantage of your royal treasury were there no Audiencia. For the Audiencia serves but to take the profits of the country, in violation of your Majesty’s orders in your royal decrees. For if there is any matter of gain it is given to the relatives or followers of the auditors, and in matters touching trade and commerce, these are they who export most of the cargo. This is manifestly unjust, as it would be in Castilla, if any corregidor should unlawfully reap the benefits of the whole returns of vineyards which were not his. In this country there are no other vineyards or fields than the cargo which your Majesty has conceded to the inhabitants. As for the advantage that could accrue from this Audiencia to this country, that was, to act as a check on the governor. This consideration has now no longer any force, on account of the decrees brought by the governor, in which the auditors are ordered not to oppose him, but only to give information to your Majesty. This can be done by many in this community who are free from covetousness (as are the archbishop and the religious orders), if they were permitted to attend to this and to oppose the acts of the governor. The auditors are pledged to the said governor, because he has given the posts and advantageous positions to the relatives of the auditors; therefore the latter do not dare to talk, as experience has shown us in the past. If your Majesty reestablished the Audiencia—and we, your Majesty’s vassals, requested it—it was with hopes of the aforesaid. And since that result is lacking, it is very much to the service of God and of your Majesty, and advantageous to your royal treasury, that there be no Audiencia. For any lawyer can conclude the cases here, as Licentiate Rojas and Doctor Morga did when there was no Audiencia here. We trust, through our Lord’s mercy, that your Majesty will consider this so just proposal, and give it inspiration, so that it will be settled in a manner suitable to the service of God and that of your Majesty, and the welfare of all these your vassals who live so far from your Majesty, and who are most loyal, as you have been made to see in the past. Archbishop Don Diego Vazquez de Mercado reached this city this month of June, and was received with universal rejoicing and happiness; for he is well-known, and the people know his earnest zeal, and that it is expended for the service of your Majesty and that of God, and the increase of our holy faith. We trust that life will be given him to reestablish all this country that has remained without a shepherd for so long. The pity is, that he has not the means with which to assist the poor, as their father which he is, and all are grieving over this. Will your Majesty encourage him to continue with holy zeal in the future and not to become faint-hearted on account of poverty; and surely it is poverty to be an archbishop in this land. The royal officials, whose duty it is, by right, to inform your Majesty of everything here, will inform you and attend to that. They are honorable men and fulfil their obligations, as we see. Especially does the factor Juan Saenz de Hegoen attend in a very Christian and faithful manner, and very assiduously and carefully, to what is in his charge. He shows his zeal for the service of your Majesty and for the increase of your royal treasury. He is deserving of favor from your Majesty. Inasmuch as others will inform you of this, we shall not enlarge more on it, but beg from the Lord the life that we all wish for your Majesty, even if it be taken from ours, for the welfare of His church, the glory of the Lord, and the increase of the estates of your Majesty. Manila, June the last, 1610. Fray Baltasar Fort , 1 prior provincial. Fray Francisco Miñayo , 2 prior of St. Dominic, Manila. Fray Bernardo De Santo Catalina , commissary of the Holy Office. Memorandum, in order that his Majesty may see why it is not advisable to have an Audiencia in the city of Manila. Many great disadvantages result from having an Audiencia in the Philipinas Islands. Only those that appear to be the worst are mentioned. 1st. As to the first, it has been seen by experience that, since the arrival of the royal Audiencia, many more suits occur than before. The jails are full of prisoners; that of Manila contains usually more than one hundred prisoners. Some of them are there for a considerable time, even for many years, because the auditors do not attend to their duty. A Sangley infidel of those imprisoned during the war was seven full years in prison. After that, for want of galley criminals, he was placed in the galleys, while his case was being investigated. He was one of those who afterward mutinied in the galley, and killed the captain, after which he and his companions went to China. There is at present an Indian woman of La Panpanga imprisoned in the Manila prison. She was incarcerated there when a girl, for she was said to have been accomplice in a murder. She has grown up in the prison, and is now a woman in years; and her case is still to be investigated. In conclusion, it is an open fact that those imprisoned at the order of the governor or alcaldes are generally let out of prison quickly, and their affairs are soon concluded. But those imprisoned by the royal Audiencia either have no hope of leaving, or else they leave the prison only after a long period. 2d. Item : That the said royal Audiencia not only is useless in these islands, but a signal harm to, and destroyer of the peace and quiet of the natives of the islands, because of the Indians’ method of procedure and their characteristics. These are quite different from the characteristics of the Spaniards, for when the Indians have quarrels and disputes, they do not come to knife-thrusts or blows, but present false testimony. For this the royal Audiencia’s method of procedure is very suitable. When an Indian is accused by a false witness whom they present, the Audiencia immediately have the accused man arrested and thrust into prison, which is the end desired by his opponent in order to avenge himself; for he knows quite well that the prisoner has entered the prison not for a few days or months. If the accuser wishes to proceed with his investigation, he presents more witnesses and proves whatever he desires. He can find witnesses for anything, as the Indian’s nature is as facile in swearing falsehood as truth. Cases like this are actually seen daily. In grave matters the innocent and guiltless are punished and condemned to the galleys, while the guilty and deceivers are left free and unpunished. The ministers of the gospel, who know the truth of the matter, and how things are tending, seeing that those punished blaspheme the name of God—saying that those who condemn them are Christians and men placed there in the stead of the king to administer justice, but who administer injustice—the religious, then, incited by their zeal for the honor of God, inform the judges. That the truth may be known, they go to give information of what they know. The judges answer that they have to judge juxta allegata et probata , without proceeding to inquire of the nature of the witnesses. Consequently instead of administering justice they administer injustice. They condemn the innocent, and allow the criminals to go free. False testimonies continue to increase. False witnesses have no fear of justice. Finally, the Indians declare that they punished like crimes better when they were infidels, while the Sangley infidels assert that their law is better, for justice proceeds rigorously to punish false witnesses, which is not done by the royal Audiencia. 3d. Item : The said royal Audiencia is the cause of the perversion of distributive justice. Dignities and offices are given to the unworthy and undeserving, thus causing those who have served his Majesty to complain. 3 For the appointive offices and offices of dignity, both of war and of the districts of alcaldes-mayor, are given to the brothers, sons, or relatives of the said auditors. These are men without experience or merit. As a manifest and evident proof of this, it is not necessary to refer to the events of past years, but only to what is now current in this city of Manila. There are five companies of foot-soldiers. Don Pedro de Almaçan, son of Auditor Almaçan, a youth of tender years, and inexperienced in military affairs, is captain of one company. Don Juan de la Vega, son of Auditor Vega, likewise a person of tender years, has another company. Captain Madrid, brother of Auditor Madrid—who has been in this country but one year, and before coming here was only a common soldier—has a third company. I do not mention many others—alferezes and sergeants who are immature boys—at whom all laugh, and who would better be in school than occupying such offices. They are the ridicule and plaything of the soldiers; for the latter see in them no other valor or sufficiency than to be relatives of the auditors or fiscal. The same is true of other honorable and advantageous posts. Mateo de Heredia is alcalde-mayor of La Pampanga. He is the son-in-law of Licentiate Almacan, and that office is the best appointment in this country. To be chief guard of the parián of the Sangleys is a position that needs especially qualified persons, and those who have served his Majesty for many years. For six or seven years it has been held by Diego Sanchez, a common person, who is married to a mestizo woman of Nueva España. He has no greater merit therein than to be the brother-in-law of Auditor Alcaraz. The same is true of other provisions. 4th. Item : That if any person connected with any of the auditors commits a crime or crimes, such a one is not brought to justice for it, however grave and enormous his crime. This very year a very grave case has happened in this city, in the person of a son of Auditor Vega, who committed adultery with a woman married to an inhabitant of this city, an honorable man, and of a good family. The woman betook herself to a convent; and the adulterer fled. The aggrieved man begged justice of the governor and the Audiencia. The said Auditor Vega not only did not do his duty as judge, but defended his son with unfurled banners, to his own great infamy and censure as a person whom his Majesty maintains, to administer justice. The preachers have denounced him in the pulpits, demanding that justice be done. The people are exceedingly scandalized at so grave a matter remaining unpunished, only because the criminal is the son of an auditor. Not only do they not punish him, but the said adulterer was even made captain of infantry in the war with the Dutch, to the great offense of all. That appeared so unjust that a grave religious, who was going to the said war, said that he feared the wrath of God, and that the enemy would be victorious, because of so mischievous a man going on our side, who had offended God so deeply. Yet he was not punished, for the sole reason of being the son of an auditor, and because his father defended him so earnestly. 5th. Item : That the said auditors in this country can rather be called honorable traders and merchants than ministers of justice, since they trade and engage in commerce quite openly. Under their protection their sons, relatives, and connections trade very extensively. This is a cause of very great injury to the poor, and to the inhabitants of this city; and they are defrauded in the division of the cargo, for the auditors’ freight is better looked after. Hence it follows that the auditors possess very large estates. They build elegant houses, at a cost of twelve or fourteen thousand pesos. They generally keep embroiderers at work in their houses publicly, just as any merchant keeps them. 6th. Lastly, after the arrival of the governor last year with the decrees that he brought from his Majesty, if the royal Audiencia was before a harm or of little use, it is now useless; because then its possible service was to oppose the said governor and to undo any injury or violence committed by the governor, but now that is prohibited by the said decrees of his Majesty. In them his Majesty orders the royal Audiencia not to contradict their president and captain-general in whatever the latter wishes to do, but to advise him of the governor’s actions, without opposing the latter, in order to avoid scandals. In order to give information of the governor’s want of prudence, no Audiencia is needed, for there are enough people here to advise you. During former years this city petitioned his Majesty that he would be pleased to order the establishment of an Audiencia, because it was believed that it would be a check on the governor’s actions, which were not so well considered. Now this ceases with the said precautions brought by the governor, in which his Majesty orders that the auditors shall not oppose the governor, but that they only advise his Majesty of everything. As to the said Audiencia, their hands have not been tied by these new precautions, nor do the auditors pay any attention to them, for they have so ingratiated themselves with the governor, because he has advantaged them and their relatives and followers, and his Majesty is so far away. 1 Baltasar Fort was a native of Moto in Valencia, though some say of Horcajo in the diocese of Tortosa. He studied Latin grammar at Villa de San Mateo. At Valencia he studied philosophy. He took his vows at the Dominican convent of San Esteban at Salamanca, May 2, 1586. After serving as prior and as master of novitiates in Aragonese convents, he went to Manila in 1602. Mart of his ministry there was passed in the province of Pangasinam. He served as prior of the Manila convent, and then as provincial, after which he was sent to Japan as vicar-provincial, whence he was exiled in 1614. He was definitor several times and once rector of the college of Santo Tomás, after which he was again prior of the Manila convent. He died in that convent without the last sacraments, October 18, 1640, being over seventy years of age.—See Reseña biográfica , part i, pp. 311, 312. 2 Francisco Minayo was a native of Arévalo. After arriving at the Philippines in 1598, he labored extensively in Cagayán, where his ministry had good results. He was accused of the sin against nature, but after arrest and trial was released. Later he was prior of the Manila convent, and after his three years’ term returned to Cagayán, where he died at Lallo-c, August 25, 1613. See Reseña biográfica , part i, pp. 302–303. 3 The following law was passed at Lerma July 23, 1605; and at Madrid December 19, 1618, and is found in Recopilación de leyes , lib. iii, tit. x, ley xiv: “The governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands shall take care to reward the soldiers who shall have served us there, and their sons, with the posts and profits that shall fall to his appointment, in accordance with the ordinance, and with full justification, so that they may have some remuneration, observing in everything the laws issued upon this matter.” Relation of 1609–1610 Extract from the Relation of Events in the Filipinas During the Years 1609 and 1610, By Father Gregorio Lopez 1 This country heard last year, by way of Joló and Mindanao, that the Dutch were going to come in the year 1609, to harass it with a strong force. Consequently Governor Juan de Silva entered upon his government with the intention of fortifying the port of Cavite, where our ships anchor, distant about three leguas from the city. For as Cavite was unprotected, not having even a cavalier or rampart mounting a couple of pieces with which to head off the Dutch ships, which might attempt to anchor in its harbor, the Dutchman could enter with all safety to himself, and be quite secure. [If he should do so] it would be a great impediment to all the islands, and a very great nuisance, both for the despatch of the merchandise—which is the vineyards and olive-orchards of these regions—and for the easy preparation of some boats with which to drive the Dutch out of these regions. While the people remained in this dread, the news was confirmed by another message, that came on November 3 from the town of Arevalo, eighty leguas from Manila. By this news it was learned that three Dutch ships and one patache were near that island of Oton, 2 where they had seized some boats full of provisions, that were intended for the relief of Maluco; and that they were making for the port of Yloilo. A large amount of provisions was gathered in that place; and although the Dutch did not attack it, all was lost. For our Spaniards, in order not to let it fall into the hands of the enemy, broke the jars of wine, and set fire to the rice. As soon as the governor received this news, he sent the sargento-mayor of troops here, Cristobal de Azcueta Menchaca (master-of-camp elect of Terrenate), to Oton, in order that he might attend to what seemed necessary for the defense of that region, with the men under his command and those who were there. Among the boats accompanying him was a champan, a Chinese craft; it contained a considerable number of soldiers. They encountered the Dutch vessels, which were approaching this city. In the endeavor to defend themselves, if the enemy, who had perceived them, should try to attack them the Spaniards began to take the cargo of the champan ashore by means of lanchas, and with it to fortify themselves for their protection in a sort of bastion. Among the other things, they took some barrels of powder ashore; while in others, which were left aboard, fire was carelessly set, with very great injury to those who were near it. Many were burned, but at the time only two or three died there. The rest threw themselves into the water and gained the shore. One man only was left in the champan which was burning; for he had been jammed among the beams. Although he cried out loudly for aid, he could not be helped, and was accordingly burned to ashes. Those who escaped alive began to march overland toward this city, some leguas distant from the place where the misfortune occurred. On the way, some persons died, and the others arrived in such condition that all who saw them bemoaned their sad lot. Scarce did they seem men, but swollen cinders, full of maggots. Some even had maggots in the very palms of their hands. They were treated with much care in the hospital here. Most of them recovered; but six or seven of them died in the hospital. The Dutch did not try to harm them, which was a great mercy of God, because of the facts above stated. On the contrary, the Dutch continued their route until they reached the mouth of this bay, in sight of Manila. The governor was not careless at this time, especially in the fortification of Cavite. He sent thither the regular infantry of this camp, with 10,000 musket-balls, 30,000 arquebus-balls, 6,000 brazas of musket-fuses, 14,000 brazas of arquebus-fuses, and 40 barrels of powder. He also sent engineers and workmen with material for building a fort, wherein to mount artillery. To make the work move faster, he went thither himself to take part in it. From Cavite he sent a summons to some inhabitants, so that the Spaniards in Cavite numbered more than six hundred. In this city, the citizens stood guard, and endured many hardships in it. All lived with great vigilance, born of a fear of the Sangleys—of whom rumors were circulating that they were restless and intended to revolt, because they imagined that the Spaniards, through lack of confidence in them, were about to kill them. But the king’s fiscal, as their protector, went to their parían; and, calling a large meeting, talked to them with manifestations of great affection. He promised them all kind treatment, in his Majesty’s name. Accordingly, laying aside all their fear, the Sangleys became quiet. Assuredly, had they revolted at this time, they would have placed the country in great straits, for there is a considerable number of them. Besides, the Dutch were near by with their well-equipped and strong vessels; and the Spaniards are few. For the greater security and some relief of the citizens, several companies of Pampangos were summoned. Among all these islanders they have proved themselves most loyal to the Spaniards, and most fit for soldiers. In Cavite the care and diligence expended in fortifying it, were of great importance; for the Dutch commander, one Francisco Witer, 3 although he had once before been in these islands as secretary to Oliverio del Nort—the commander of the two vessels that anchored near the city in the year 1600, and had returned defeated and disabled [ con las manos en la cabeza ; literally, “with his hands to his head”]—yet he was determined to come to try his luck a second time. He was incited to this by certain traitors to his Majesty. These having gone over to his side in Maluco, to the disservice of God and the king, recounted to him all the affairs of the Filipinas. They represented to him the little resistance that he would encounter from large vessels; the weakness of the port of Cavite, which he could easily overpower, and burn whatever it contained; and the immense wealth that he could seize, of silk, silver, and other merchandise, which come to Manila from Mejico, Macao, China, and Japon. Especially did one Francisco Aguirre inform him of the above, in detail. He brought this man with him, promising him one thousand pesos to induce him to accompany the Dutch, and to guide him faithfully on this expedition that he was undertaking. Accordingly, as was reported, the Dutch commander set sail in the afternoon of St. Martin’s day, November 11, three or four days after he had been seen from this city. With two ships and his patache (for his flagship was left in the same location), he approached Cavite. However he was forced to retire because of the innumerable cannon fired at him. Although these did him no damage, he did none, either, with the artillery that he fired. But he noted how slight were their forces for injuring him, for they had no more than three very small vessels, which could scarcely carry any artillery; one old, dilapidated ship, called “Espiritu Santo,” which was already almost useless and broken-up from its voyages to Nueva España, and was mastless and without rigging; and one galley of twenty benches. Therefore not anticipating any trouble with Cavite, where he found the resistance that he did not expect, and preferring to effect his purpose bloodlessly, and quite safely to himself, he returned to his post. Not long afterward, he had all four of his vessels weigh anchor; and going out of sight of the city, went to anchor at the port called El Fraile [“the Friar”], at a short distance from his former anchorage. There he began to rob whatever he could, and prevented the ingress of provisions brought from all the islands to this city. Alférez Aldana was aboard one of the boats that he seized coming from a corregidor’s district. He, thinking the Dutch to be Castilian vessels, went to them with great joy; but his joy was shortly changed into sad captivity, for he was pillaged and imprisoned. Shortly after this event, four Dutchmen fled from the Dutch fleet. Their arrival was singularly consoling for full information was obtained from them of the Dutch force and object. Not more than three slaves deserted from us to the Dutch; and, being slaves, they could give but little information regarding our affairs. Almost the same thing happened to captain Castillo as to Alférez Aldano; for having come from Japon, whither he had gone with a fragata, he was sent, as one experienced in these coasts, to a certain place, to warn the ships from China and Japon of the Dutch, and that they commanded the sea. One day the [Dutch] patache went so far in search of ships that Captain Castillo could not be persuaded that it was not a friendly vessel; consequently he went to give it information, according to his orders. Although he was afterwards undeceived, and tried to escape from the Dutch, who pursued him, he was unable to do so. Their commander tried to learn from him whether Cavite had greater force than he had seen; but he always answered that he knew of nothing else, and excused himself by saying that he had but recently come from Japon. On the contrary, he belittled our affairs, in order to assure them the more. He managed to write a letter thence and send it by a Sangley, in which he gave an account of the vessels, artillery, and men, thus making the battle easier. A fire broke out in Cavite at this juncture, and almost all the Spanish houses were burned. The fire nearly caught in the house where the powder was stored, a circumstance that placed the people in the utmost danger. Not one was bold enough to try to remedy matters, for they all feared lest they be burned, until the governor personally set to work. Then, incited by his example, a considerable number of people began to drag the barrels to the seashore in order to throw them into the sea, if the fire came near it. By this means the powder was preserved, the loss of which would have been felt keenly, besides the damage that would have resulted from its explosion. Maluco was also in need of help, and could get it nowhere else except from this country. Accordingly the master-of-camp, Azcueta, was ordered to enroll some men in Oton; and two galleys and several smaller vessels, carrying money and other supplies important for the succor of that stronghold, went from Manila. All this, although necessary, meant a decrease of these islands’ resources. The two galleys, both of which were new, returned from Oton. One had been launched shortly before the arrival of the Dutch, and the other not long after. On this return voyage, the flagship was in great danger of being lost, because the crew of rowers attempted to mutiny. This would have been done, had not a Japanese revealed the plot which they were conspiring. Thereupon the guilty were punished, and suitable precautions taken. The consort was more unfortunate. The Chinese and Japanese convicts conspired to mutiny; and although those nations are like cats and dogs, they were very much in concord on this occasion. They selected as the most appropriate time for their treason the hour for the siesta, when, as it was daytime, the Spaniards slept with less caution. They first aimed at the head, by striking Captain Cardoso (who was resting soundly and carelessly) with an ax, which made him awake in the other life. The blow was given by a Chinaman whom he had favored. After him some fifty convicts, who were freed from prison, began to work destruction among the other Spaniards with whatever they could seize, and set out to kill them all—that is, all who were not of the above nationalities. The Spaniards were unarmed, all except the sergeant of the company, who had a sword and executed considerable damage with it, killing many. He was accompanied and encouraged by another Spaniard who wielded with both hands the ladle belonging to a piece of artillery. Finally, the sergeant having impaled a furious Sangley, or Chinaman, on his sword, the latter was so cramped by the wound that, not having time to withdraw the weapon the sergeant was compelled to leave it sticking in the body, and jump into the water, where he saved himself by swimming. Some others availed themselves of the same plan, while some took the galley’s small boat. Thus some few escaped, to bear the unfortunate news. It caused universal and great sorrow, as happening at a time of such need. Many Spaniards had been killed. The mutineers killed also the convicts themselves—from whom no harm could be feared—who were not Chinese or Japanese; and although the poor wretches tried to throw themselves into the sea, when the sudden assault came, their efforts were useless, for they were shackled, and hung by their chains [over the side of the galley]. There, with great cruelty, the mutineers cut off their legs and threw them overboard, where they helplessly perished. It was feared and suspected that the galley would go over to the Dutch, but it did not. On the contrary, it fled from them, so that, although the patache pursued the mutineers, it could not overtake them. It is yet unknown where the galley has stopped. Such was the unfortunate death of Captain Cardoso, whose brother, Alférez Cardoso, had died a few days before, among those burned on the champan, as related above. It seems that they have inherited such disasters, for their father—a Portuguese gentleman, and a gallant soldier—after serving his Majesty in Africa, had to flee to Ytalia, because of committing an atrocious crime, which was as follows. Another gentleman insulted a relative of this gentleman. The insulted man, either for lack of ability to do more, or because he was a good Christian, did not take vengeance for the insult. The father of these Cardosos was very angry, and, with the intention of avenging the injury, left his home. First going to his relative’s house, he abused the latter with words, and even stabbed him, because he had not taken vengeance. Then he went to the house of the insulter, and seizing him, thrust him forcibly into a bread-oven, under which a fire was lighted. Gagging the man, he left him there until he was dead. After having fled to Ytalia, this gentleman had charge of a castle, in which was stored a quantity of powder. One day fire caught in the powder, and a great portion of the castle was blown up. The Castellan Cardoso was killed, and buried in the ruins. One of his wife’s legs was torn off at the thigh. Although these two boys (who were quite small then) received no hurt, they ended their lives in the so disastrous ways that I have related. The governor upon learning of the loss of this galley, had another put on the stocks, which was finished in two months. Seeing how leisurely the Dutch were remaining in this country, he began to prepare a fleet to attack them. For that purpose great haste was given to finishing a vessel called “San Juan Baptista,” which had been commenced in the island of Marinduque. Although the enemy heard of this, their information was very confused, for they did not know to what place the ship “Espiritu Santo”—which was so disabled, as I have depicted above—had retreated. They were commencing to repair that vessel, and it cost even more trouble than if it had been built new. The Spaniards also equipped the two small vessels as well as they could. For lack of iron for nails, they removed the gratings of the windows, 4 While Manila was laboring under this anxiety, the strength of the enemy was increased by a good ship. That vessel came with food, and thus caused this community much distress. But greater suffering would have been caused had the Dutch commander’s resolution, made in Maluco, been carried out—namely, that a fortnight after his departure this ship and one other should follow him hither; and, besides these, a very large and well-equipped galleon named “The Devil from Holland” built on purpose to fight with the galleons of Eastern Yndia. The Dutch at Maluco considered it inexpedient to send more than the said vessel, and especially so to send the galleon. They considered it very unadvisable to send it among islands where, if it were wrecked, its loss would be great and irreparable. It was all the miraculous disposition of Heaven, as will be seen later. With this new accession, the Dutch commander determined to come again in sight of Manila. Accordingly he entered the bay on January 19, and without doing more than to gather new information concerning our scarcity of vessels, he remained there until the twenty-seventh of the said month. Then he again left the bay, and commenced to capture the Chinese vessels that were already coming with the accustomed merchandise and food. The Dutch seized from the Chinese their hams and capons, and the choice wine. 5 And even before the eyes of the Chinese themselves, they gave themselves up to the wine to such an extent, that the Chinese observed it, and made jests at, and ridiculed them, talking of them and comparing them to the most degraded Indians who were wont to become intoxicated. The Dutch usually threw all other articles of food into the sea, saying that the Spaniards had no need of them. They seized so many fowls that even the lowest common seaman was given rations of them. And because of the number of fowls they established a poultry-yard on an islet, where they kept two or three thousand capons. They chose what silk was most to their liking. In the matter of pay there was variety, for the sailors and almost all the soldiers paid immediately for what they bought; but the commander and a few others gave the Chinese promises to pay when they should capture the king’s ship from Japon which they had been awaiting some days, and which was bringing a great amount of wealth. Certain of these vessels from China escaped; and one, while fleeing, was wrecked, and lost nearly all its cargo. Some Sangleys, fleeing overland from the Dutch, fell into the hands of Zambal Indians, expert archers and bowmen. The latter killed many of them, to our great sorrow, although, as the said Indians were his Majesty’s vassals, this proceeding was checked as soon as possible. The Zambals also killed six Dutchmen, who had landed to get water; and brought their heads, with, great rejoicing, to show to the governor. Because of the misfortunes recounted daily by the Chinese who came in plundered, and because of the fear lest the ship from Japon, that from Macao, that from Castilla, and some of the largest Sangley merchantmen which bring goods for the Spaniards from China, should fall into the enemy’s hands, great efforts were made in preparing the supplies necessary for the war. The well-inclined Sangleys offered themselves for any toil, because of their rage against the Dutch. Public prayers were said throughout the islands, beseeching and importuning God for a successful outcome. The governor built a new foundry, where he cast seven large and reenforced cannon, which were of very great importance. A considerable quantity of powder was refined which was almost lost. A great number of balls were cast. In short, the greatest care was exercised in everything and great haste displayed; and they were able, as a consequence, to launch the finished and equipped vessel “San Juan Baptista” in the bay on March 22. That gave extraordinary consolation to the entire city. It mounted several pieces, and carried some picked soldiers, who had been assigned for its defense in case the enemy tried to burn it on the stocks, or to come to meet it in order to seize it. But the enemy attached so little importance to this vessel, and to the forces of this land, that they acted with as great security as if anchored in Holanda. They reproached the Indians that they captured for their subjection to a people who did not dare to attack them [ i.e. , the Dutch], and who had no forces for that purpose. Freeing those Indians, the Dutch told them to sow a quantity of rice, and to rear many fowls and swine, for they said that the following year they intended to come with a greater force to make themselves absolute masters of these islands, and it was necessary that they have plenty of food prepared. The preparation of the fleet in Cavite was finished, so that it was ready to sail by April 21. In the midst of the greatest efforts that were being made to furnish its rigging, news was received that the Dutch had returned laden with wealth. This filled the whole city with sadness, on seeing that the Dutch were continuing their ravages without any chastisement or punishment. But soon it was learned for certain that it was not so, whereupon the Spaniards were very joyous and happy. Such was the courage and spirit of our Spaniards, that they burned with desire to begin the fray. Finding that it could not be done so quickly, they manifested their anger, and raged like caged and angry lions or tigers which cannot avenge an insult. A day or so before our fleet sailed, a Japanese ship arrived at Cavite. The disastrous loss of the ship “San Francisco,” the flagship of three vessels that sailed hence for Nueva España, was learned from that vessel. This was the most unfortunate thing that had yet happened; for by that blow this country was almost ruined, and the death of one man was hastened, a few days after, by his sorrow. Many Spaniards of those who escaped the wreck were aboard the said Japanese boat, and one Augustinian religious. The latter was seized by the Dutch, together with some of the wrecked Spaniards; but the Dutch did not harm the Japanese, in order to establish friendly intercourse with them. Under shelter of the latter, others of the Spaniards were saved, and a considerable quantity of goods, although the Dutch stole some anchors and cables of the king’s that were aboard the vessel, and some two hundred sacks of flour from private persons, but nothing else. At last, after diligent search for Castilian or Portuguese silver, the Dutch allowed the vessel to continue its voyage, because of a present of three hundred pesos, given them by the Japanese. In the beginning of April an edict was issued for the men of the fleet to make ready. As many as one thousand sailors and soldiers were enlisted, and many Indians for service and as common seamen. Besides these men, the governor intended to take two hundred other soldiers of great courage and valor; on those soldiers he placed great reliance. These are about two hundred martyrs, whose relics repose in the [church of the] Society of Jesus in a side chapel. The governor had the reliquary newly fitted up, with great care; and placed himself with courage under the care and protection of those martyrs, considering the victory as his, with such volunteers. The fleet left Cavite on Wednesday, April 21, between ten and eleven, in search of the enemy, who were at Playahonda, twenty leguas from Manila. The governor embarked in person in the fleet, as its commander. His presence inspired the soldiers not a little, and incited many volunteers to accompany him. On this and other accounts, which are deeply felt, they regarded his going as very important, and almost absolutely necessary. His lieutenant was Juan Juarez Gallinato, who has come this year as master of this camp. His admiral was Don Fernando de Silva, a courageous and spirited youth, nephew of the governor. As the admiral’s lieutenant and captain of the almiranta went the sargento-mayor of Maluco, Pedro de Heredia, who last year overcame the galliot in which the Dutch commander, Pablo Blancard, 6 was sailing, with seventy of his men. The captains of the small vessels were: of the “San Yldefonso” (the largest), Juan Tello de Aguirre, regidor of this city; of the “San Pedro,” Captain Guillestigui—both of these men Biscayans; of the “San Pedro y San Pablo,” Juan Pardos 7 de Losada, a Galician gentleman; of the “Santiago,” Moreno Donoso. Of the two galleys, Captain Romanico was lieutenant; and Captain Juan Rodriguez commanded the consort. The artillery was as follows. The flagship “San Juan Bautista” mounted twenty-six pieces: four of the new guns, which were eighteen-pounders; and twenty-two good guns, from four to twelve pounders. The ship “Espiritu Santo,” the almiranta, twenty-two pieces: three of them of the said new guns; seventeen, from three to fourteen pounders; and two swivel-guns. The other four vessels carried four, five, or six medium-sized guns; the galleys, what they generally carry. Besides these vessels there were also two galliots and other small boats laden with provisions, and sheltered by the fleet, and ready to render assistance should occasion arise. By day, and even by night, there was continual prayer and entreaty in the city, in one place and another, for the successful outcome of the affair. There was also a very solemn procession on Friday morning, in which our Lady of Guidance [ Nuestra Señora de Guia ] was carried to the cathedral church from her chapel, which is about one-eighth of a legua distant. The fleet anchored outside the bay. Although they intended to sail at dawn on Friday to give the enemy a rude awakening, 8 they were unable to do so; for on weighing anchor, at midnight, they were delayed a long time, and happened to lose four anchors—one from the almiranta, and three from the small vessels. This did not fail to cause uneasiness; but at last the Spaniards were able to sight the enemy on Saturday, between six and seven o’clock in the morning. The enemy’s flagship was riding with two anchors, and the other two vessels were somewhat farther out to sea. At this juncture, our fleet began to prepare for the battle. Orders were given for the crew to make their confessions to the religious aboard the vessels. There were sixteen of these from the religious orders which are in Manila—two fathers of St. Dominic, seven of St. Francis, three of St. Augustine, and four of the Society of Jesus. In addition there was another religious, a Trinitarian, 9 who accompanied the governor, and a secular priest. The soldiers proved very valiant and devoted on this occasion. They uttered many expressions of joy at finding themselves near the enemy. It seemed as if they were about to attend weddings and balls with great pleasure and delight, rather than to fight with vessels so powerful and well-equipped with artillery. Their greatest anxiety was lest the enemy should run away when he saw our fleet; but there was nothing to fear, for they were encouraged doubly to fight for the honor of God and the fame of the Spanish nation. Both of these, in a certain manner, depended on this battle in districts so remote: the honor of God, because the Chinese were looking on and saying, “Now we shall see who is more powerful, the God of the Castilians, or the God of the Dutch;” and besides this, as the Dutch were about to take a great part of the silk that they were intercepting, to Japon, where they already had a trading-post, their trade would be established firmly in that land, and that new field of Christendom would be in danger of heresy (which spreads like a cancer), in addition to the daily calamities to which it is subject under pagan lords. The honor of the Spanish nation was also concerned, because the temper of many of these peoples is, “Long live the conqueror!” and they do not dare to stir because of their idea of the Spaniards. If these nations should become insolent on seeing the Spaniards overwhelmed and conquered, their pacification would cost more blood than the first conquest cost, as has been experienced in Mindanao. Encouraged then, in this manner, the vessels approached. The Dutch, without any faint-heartedness, raised one anchor, and placed the other apeak, in order to go to meet our fleet. They made fun of our fleet, and encouraged their soldiers to fight by telling them that the Spaniards were coming to scare them with egg-shells—alluding to the small size and slight force of the vessels that they had seen. They bore down upon our flagship. At this juncture, they did not omit to report a singular providence of Heaven, namely, that our two vessels, the flagship and the almiranta, had some good pieces mounted low down, whose ports had to be shut, whenever the sea was choppy, as was experienced on one occasion of that sort. On that account the enemy had a great advantage, for all their guns were mounted high up. Accordingly it was our Lord’s pleasure that there was only enough wind to sail by, and the sea was almost like milk [ i.e. , calm and smooth]. Finally the vessels closed; and each fired heavy discharges of artillery and musketry. Our pieces—which, as I said, were mounted low—made the enemy’s hull 10 tremble with the damage received from them. They killed men below decks, where they were sheltered under their rigging, so that scarcely a man appeared. Our men, who were above deck without a single shelter, also were injured by their artillery and swivel-guns. However they did not lose any of their spirit. They grappled the Dutch vessel, and stayed there fighting more than three hours; and amid balls, pikes, and broad-swords, they boarded the hostile vessel, with such courage and valor, that the Dutch themselves were amazed to see them placing themselves in so manifest danger without shelter. There was one who, when his companions tried to make him retire by force, because he had received a ball in his body, and a nail from a swivel-gun in his throat, tore himself from those who were carrying him, and returned to the fight, with the fury with which a wounded boar turns to avenge itself. Our men continued to decimate the enemy so thoroughly that they had scarcely five men on deck alive or unwounded. The commander was one of the first to be killed. The enemy, seeing themselves without any power to resist, tried to burn the ship. And they would have done it, to the evident loss of our men, but that was prevented by the master of the vessel, who, as he declared later, had always been a Catholic. He advised the Dutch not to do such a thing, for, although they had already lost their substance, they should not lose their souls. At this advice they surrendered with fair conditions. Of the Spanish captives [aboard the enemy’s ship], only the Augustinian religious Fray Pedro Montejo 11 was killed, by a ball from our vessel. The others were safe and sound. Francisco Aguirre lost a leg in the battle, and being condemned to be shot as a traitor one day after the victory, he died that same night. The same that I have related of our flagship occurred in our almiranta. It grappled with another good vessel, and defeated it after having fought with it with the same valor. The infantry captains, Don Pedro de Almazan and Don Juan de la Vega, 12 distinguished themselves greatly in the battle, showing great courage and valor, although they were very young. The others can also be praised with good reason, for they proved themselves valiant captains. Such were Soriano, Rosa, Don Antonio de Leos, and Captain Madrid. The third [Dutch] vessel was defeated by the two vessels “San Yldefonso” and “San Pedro.” However so complete a victory was not obtained as with the others; for when it caught fire, they could not extinguish the flames. Two excellent bronze pieces were melted by the fire; and when the flames reached the powder, it blew up the men and other things and set fire to the neighboring forests, where the fire lasted for six days. However, they were able to take the artillery. Ten Chinese vessels witnessed the battle. That was of no little importance, because of the opinion that they formed of the Spaniards, and the fear of our men that struck them, besides that which they have always had. Three of those vessels had already been plundered, and the other seven expected the same thing. But seeing themselves free, they went to the governor to thank him for his kindness in freeing them. Having received permission, they proceeded to Manila immediately, where they made great feasts for the governor after their arrival. The fourth Dutch vessel was outside and quite near a Japanese vessel that it had captured, whose captain and pilot were inside the Dutch vessel. These having displayed a banner on which was written “Viva Holanda” [“Long live Holland!”], and a letter of safe-conduct from the Dutch factors in Japon, the captain of the said vessel answered that the Japanese had nothing to fear, and that his commander would give them the best of treatment. But the Dutch only wished to see if they had any Portuguese or Castilians aboard. But on hearing the sound of firing, they became anxious; accordingly, sending the said [Japanese] captain and pilot to their ship, and having crowded all sail in their own, they commenced to flee in all haste. Others had come in this Japanese vessel, Spaniards from the ship “San Francisco;” and among them was its commander, Juan de Esguerra. The Lord delivered them from this second peril by so signal a victory. The [Dutch] patache was also looking for vessels. Coming in that night with a Chinese prize, it sent its boat ahead to reconnoiter the position. Finding different signs from those that it had left, it became suspicious, and accordingly began to flee. The almiranta, the ship of Captain Juan Pardos de Losada, and the flagship of the galleys went in pursuit of it, but although they searched the neighboring coasts twice, they did not sight the vessels, or discover what direction they took. The last time when they went to run along the coast, they met a ship; and, as it seemed to be the patache, the galley pursued it with sail and oar, but found it to be a vessel from Macao. The bishop of Macao, 13 of the Order of St. Dominic, was coming on business of great importance for the welfare of that community. Thinking our vessels to be Dutch, they fled at their utmost speed, and threw overboard all their cargo, although it was valuable, in order to make the vessel lighter. News of the victory reached Manila at two in the morning. At that hour the bells were loudly chimed and the people uttered many expressions of joy. Next day a very solemn procession was made, as a token of thanksgiving. The procession marched from the cathedral to our church, where a sermon was preached. It caused great consolation throughout the city and in all those who were present. After the sermon the governor sent letters to each order, thanking them for the prayers that they had said for his success. The one that came to me read as follows:

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