Letter from Domingo de Salazar to Felipe II 1 Pasacao River is a small stream on the western side of the (old) province of Camarínes Sur. The overland journey here mentioned is to Nueva Cáceres, capital of the province, which is ten miles above the mouth of Naga River (although farther by the windings of the river). This river has its source only four miles from the Pacific coast of Albay, whence it flows N.W. into Bató Lake; this part of its course is called Inaya River. Another N.W. course of about the same length (about 25 miles) carries the waters of the lake as far as Nueva Cáceres, in a stream known as Bicol (the Vicor of our text) River. From that city to its discharge in San Miguel Bay, it is called Naga River. 2 A sort of garment worn by peasants, opening behind or at the shoulder. The meaning of the name, “jump aboard,” suggests the similar name applied in some localities in the United States to a sort of over-all blouse, there called “jumper.” 3 Cf. the descriptions of this custom in Morga’s Philippine Islands (Hakluyt Society, London, 1868), p. 304; and in account of Thomas Candish’s voyage, in Hakluyt’s Voyages (Goldsmid ed.) xvi, p. 42. 4 “A god of the Higuecinas (a subdivision of the ancient Bisayas). The Igueines (another subdivision of that people) believed that the god Maguayan carried the souls of his disciples, in his boat, to another life.”— Ferdinand Blumentritt : “Diccionario mitológico,” in Retana’s Archivo , ii, p. 411. 5 These seem to be memoranda, which the writer forgot to fill in later. 6 The tabon, also called “the mound-builder” (Megapodius cumingi ). Its eggs are highly prized by the natives as an article of food; they rob the deposit made by the birds. After each egg is deposited, the parent birds (several pairs of whom often frequent the same spot) scratch earth over it, thus gradually raising a mound of considerable size. See description of this bird in Report of U.S. Philippine Commission for 1900, iii, pp. 314, 315. 7 Of the banana ( Musa ), over fifty varieties have been enumerated as found in the Philippine Islands. Many of these are minutely described in Blanco’s Flora , pp. 167–175. The nangca (or langca) is Arctocarpus integrifolia ; the macupa (also known as tampoi), Eugenia malaccensis ; the santol (santor), Sandóricum indicum . See descriptions of all these in Blanco’s Flora , and in U.S. Philippine Gazetteer , pp. 93–95. 8 The bejucos, as before explained, are various species of Calamus, commonly known as rattan. Blanco describes two of these (C. maximus and C. gracilis ) as furnishing a supply of water. Some of the species attain a height of more than six hundred feet. Letter from Domingo de Salazar to Felipe II Royal Catholic Majesty: After having written the letters and memoranda which are going to your Majesty, there came some neighboring Indians to this city, who begged me to make known to your Majesty the contents of their testimonial. A few days afterward I told certain of them that they should decide what they wished, and that I would write to your Majesty concerning them—as your Majesty is a most Christian king who considers well their interests, and has commanded that they be well-treated, and will order punishment for those who maltreat them. On the same day, some of the most prominent Indians came, and with them more than forty others from the neighboring villages. They asked from me the things that I have stated elsewhere; and I certify to your Majesty that, if all that they said could be written in this account, it would be but little shorter than the other one which I am sending to your Majesty. Without doubt it would break your Majesty’s heart if you could see them as they are, and how pitiable are their appearance and the things that they relate. Another day there came chiefs from other villages to say the same and much more. Today ten or twelve chiefs have come to see me from a province called Mauban, which belongs to your Majesty. They are all heathen, and told me that they had learned that I wrote to your Majesty in their behalf. They asked me to remember them also. I did not wish to admit more than what was said by those who came first, as it would make a disturbance in the land, should they all come here to complain. Your Majesty will be pleased to command that their case be considered, and provision made for them. I can do nothing, save to deplore it, and to beseech your Majesty for the remedy. Manila, June twenty, 1582. Fray Domingo , Bishop of the Felipinas In the city of Manila, on the fifteenth day of the month of June, of the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-two, before the very illustrious Don Fray Domingo de Salasar, first bishop of these islands and a member of his Majesty’s council, and in the presence of me, the secretary undersigned, there appeared certain Indians who spoke through Francisco Morantes and Andres de Cervantes, interpreters of the Moro tongue. They declared themselves to be Don Luis Amanicaldo, Don Martin Panga, Don Gabriel Luanbacar, and Don Juan Bautangad, Christians; and Salalila and Calao Amarlenguaguay, heathen; and Doña Francisca Saygan: all chiefs of the villages of Tondo and Capaymisilo; and many other chiefs. Through the interpreters, they said that they had learned that by this ship which is about to depart for Nueva España, his most reverend Lordship was to write to his Majesty. As they were suffering so many injuries, grievances, and vexations, as is well-known to all, they humbly begged that he be so kind as to inform his Majesty thereof in detail, in order that his Majesty, after having learned of their afflictions, may be pleased to remedy them. They were then asked what things they desired to be especially placed before his Majesty’s consideration, and to declare the same. They replied that the injuries which they suffer, and which ought to be redressed, are those inflicted by the alcaldes-mayor. Much trouble is caused them by these officials, as within three leagues there are four alcaldes-mayor and their officers, who inflict serious penalties for light offenses. They take at their own price the rice of the Indians, and afterward sell it at a very high rate, doing the same with all other articles of provisions and agricultural products. Furthermore, they oblige the Indians to act as their oarsmen, whenever they wish. If they return from an expedition which has lasted a month, they are told straightway to prepare for another, being paid nothing whatsoever; nevertheless in every village assessments are levied upon the natives, for the payment of those who go on such service. If at any time they are paid, it is very little, and that very seldom. Because of the many acts of oppression which they have suffered, many Indians have now abandoned Tondo, Capaymisilo, and other villages near this city of Manila. They have gone to live in other provinces, which has occasioned much damage and loss to the chiefs. Out of the three hundred Indians who were there, one hundred have gone away, and the said chiefs are obliged to pay the tribute for those who flee and die, and for their slaves and little boys. If they do not pay these, they are placed in the stocks and flogged. Others are tied to posts and kept there until they pay. Moreover, they dig no gold, for the officials oblige them to pay the fifth. If they do not make a statement of their gold it is seized as forfeited, even when it is old gold; and the gold is not returned to them until after payment of a heavy fine. They do not wish to let the alcaldes-mayor buy rice, because they all hoard it. If the natives come to complain of their grievances to the alcaldes-mayor alone, they are imprisoned and thrown into the stocks, and are charged with prison-fees. Their afflictions and troubles are so many that they cannot be endured; and they wish to leave this island, or at least to go to some encomienda of a private individual. In the said villages of the king they cannot endure the alcaldes-mayor. Fray Domingo , Bishop of the Filipinas Andres de Cervantes Francisco Morante Before me: Salvador de Argon , secretary Letter from Juan Baptista Roman to the Viceroy Most Illustrious and Excellent Sir: I do not know whether the letters with new information which the governor is writing today will arrive in time to go on this ship, which has been despatched to this port of Acabite; so I wish to give your Excellency notice of what is going on. Yesterday—St. John’s Day—in the afternoon, there arrived six soldiers who had gone with Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion 1 against the Japanese, who are settled on the river Cagayan. They say that Juan Pablo sailed with his fleet—which comprised the ship “Sant Jusepe,” the admiral’s galley, and five fragatas—from the port of Bigan, situated in Ylocos, about thirty-five days’ journey from Cagayan. As he sailed out, he encountered a Chinese pirate, who very soon surrendered. He put seventeen soldiers aboard of her and continued his course. While rounding Cape Borgador near Cagayan one fair morning at dawn, they found themselves near a Japanese ship, which Juan Pablo engaged with the admiral’s galley in which he himself was. With his artillery he shot away their mainmast, and killed several men. The Japanese put out grappling-irons and poured two hundred men aboard the galley, armed with pikes and breastplates. There remained sixty arquebusiers firing at our men. Finally, the enemy conquered the galley as far as the mainmast. There our people also made a stand in their extreme necessity, and made the Japanese retreat to their ship. They dropped their grappling-irons, and set their foresail, which still remained to them. At this moment the ship “Sant Jusepe” grappled with them, and with the artillery and forces of the ship overcame the Japanese; the latter fought valiantly until only eighteen remained, who gave themselves up, exhausted. Some men on the galley were killed, and among them its captain, Pero Lucas, fighting valiantly as a good soldier. Then the captain, Juan Pablo, ascended the Cagayan River, and found in the opening a fort and eleven Japanese ships. He passed along the upper shore because the mouth of the river is a league in width. The ship “Sant Jusepe” was entering the river, and it happened by bad fortune that some of our soldiers, who were in a small fragata, called out to the captain, saying to him: “Return, return to Manila! Set the whole fleet to return, because there are a thousand Japanese on the river with a great deal of artillery, and we are few.” Whereupon Captain Luys de Callejo directed his course seaward; and although Juan Pablos fired a piece of artillery he did not and could not enter, and continued to tack back and forth. In the morning he anchored in a bay, where such a tempest overtook them that it broke three cables out of four that he had, and one used for weighing anchor. He sent these six soldiers in a small vessel to see if there was on an islet any water, of which they were in great need. The men lost their way, without finding any water; and when they returned where they had left their ship they could not find it. They met with some of those Indians who were in the galley with Juan Pablos, from whom it was learned that Juan Pablo had ascended the river two leagues and had fortified himself in a bay; and that with him was the galley, which had begun to leak everywhere, in the engagement with the Japanese. The Indian crew was discharged on account of not having the supplies which were lost on the galley. Most of these men went aboard the “Sant Jusepe.” They said that the Japanese were attacking them with eighteen champans , 2 which are like skiffs. They were defending themselves well although there were but sixty soldiers with the seamen, and there were a thousand of the enemy, of a race at once valorous and skilful. The six soldiers came with this news, and on the way they met a sailor who had escaped from a Sangley ship which had sailed from here, with supplies of rice for Juan Pablo. He says that the Sangleys mutinied at midnight and killed ten soldiers who were going with it as an escort, who had no sentinel. This one escaped by swimming, with the aid of a lance that was hurled at him from the ship. Moreover, I have just detained some passengers who were going on this ship, because there are no troops on these islands, and a hundred soldiers have to go immediately as a reenforcement, although the weather is tempestuous. I expect to be one of them, if the governor will give me permission. These enemies, who have in truth remained here, are a warlike people; and if your Excellency do not provide by this ship, and reenforce us with a thousand soldiers, these islands can be of little value. May your Excellency with great prudence provide what is most necessary for his Majesty’s service, since we have no resource other than the favor your Excellency shall order to be extended to us. The governor was disposed to send assistance to the ship, which was a very important affair; but after these events he will not be able to do it, because there do not remain in this city seventy men who can bear arms. May our Lord guard the most illustrious and excellent person of your Excellency and increase your estate, as your Excellency’s servants desire. From Cabite, June 25, 1582. Most excellent and illustrious sir, your servant kisses your Excellency’s hands. Juan Baptista Roman 1 A sketch of this officer in Cartas de Indias (p. 734) states that he founded the city of Nueva Segovia, and probably remained in the islands from the time of their conquest until his death; also that the Japanese corsair here referred to was named Tay Zufu. 2 Champan (or sampan ): a Chinese vessel; described by Retana (Zúñiga’s Estadismo , ii, p. 513*) as being “about as large as a Spanish patache, but inferior to the junks of the Chinese; used by that people for trading in the Filipinas islands.” The term is now applied to a boat 12 or 15 feet long, in which a family often makes its home, on the Canton River; also to a vessel of 70 or 80 tons’ burden, used in the rivers of Colombia, S.A. Letter from Peñalosa to Felipe II Royal Catholic Majesty: By this ship, which is to leave these islands on the last of June of this year, I am giving your Majesty a full account of the condition of affairs and events in this region. As it was about to sail news came of the fleet—which, I wrote among other things, I had despatched to effect a settlement in Cagayan—and of the punishment and resistance of the Japanese pirates, of whose coming we had news this year. The fleet sent by me, as above stated, met two vessels of the enemy near Cagayan, one of Japanese and the other of Sangleys; an engagement ensued, and those vessels surrendered after a fierce fight, in which two hundred Japanese, among them the commander of the fleet and his son, were killed, while we lost only three soldiers. Juan Pablo de Carrion, whom I sent as my lieutenant-general in charge of this fleet, continued his journey, and entered the Cagayan River, where he was to make a settlement. At the entrance of the river he found six more Japanese vessels belonging to the fleet of those which had surrendered. There was also a goodly number of people there, and fortifications. On account of his lack of men—a severe storm having driven out to sea the flagship, which he took on this expedition—he did not sack these forts, but attempted only to enter the river. This he did, going up about six leagues, where he made a settlement in a place where he could erect a fort, whence he could direct offensive and defensive warfare against the enemy. This news came yesterday; and with all possible despatch I am sending reënforcements, boats, ammunition, and the provisions necessary. I considered it so needful to employ the soldiers for this purpose, because too small a force remains to me for the aid of Maluco, as I have written, since that undertaking is so important. However if they send from that place to beg aid, I shall give it with what forces I can. For I suffer a great lack of men and other things because no reënforcements have been sent me from Nueva España, although I have implored them. This land suffers from a constant and pressing need of reënforcements, on account not only of its unhealthful climate, but of the many emergencies which continually arise when I must send aid. These occasions now are not so much a matter of jest as they have been hitherto; for the Chinese and Japanese are not Indians, but people as valiant as many of the inhabitants of Berberia [Barbary], and even more so. I entreat your Majesty to give careful attention to this, and to order that in all vessels as many men as possible be sent; for it is the key to what is necessary for the preservation of this camp. I beg also that careful attention be given in the other things. The gratuity for the expenses incurred in these necessary undertakings and for others similar to them, which are thrusting themselves forward every moment—which was provided by your Majesty’s auditors of your royal Audiencia of Mexico in the ship arriving at this bay on the twenty-fourth of last month, consisted of a decree and warrant in which they order that Doctor Sande be paid here for the time while he remained here after my arrival, and until his arrival at Mexico. For this purpose they set aside in their decree the tributes which belong to your Majesty, and order that they be attached for this and sent to them—threatening me with imprisonment if I do not comply. I have written to your Majesty already of the poor state of your treasury here and its many pressing necessities, and of the extreme difficulty experienced in raising the amount needful for the same. Will your Majesty please take suitable action in this? for without the aid of what little resources your Majesty possesses here, this colony cannot be preserved. May our Lord guard the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty for mary prosperous years, and give you increase of many kingdoms and seigniories for the good of Christianity. Manila, July first, 82. [ Endorsed: “To the royal Catholic Majesty, King Don Phelipe, our sovereign, through his royal council of the Indies. Governor of the Philipinas.”] Two Papal Decrees Indulgence Granted to the Dominicans on Their Setting Out for the Philippines Gregory, Bishop, servant of the servants of God: In perpetual remembrance of the affair. Since, as we have learned, very vast kingdoms, islands, cities, and towns in the parts of the Western Indias are being converted to the faith of Christ, and daily the light of heavenly learning is beaming on the peoples thereof—who, hitherto unacquainted with the law of God, and under the yoke of the demon, were groping their way in the dark places of unbelief; but now, rejecting the errors of heathenism, are revering and following the name of our Savior Jesus Christ: therefore our beloved son, the master-general of the Order of Preachers 1 [Dominicans], has determined to send thither professed members under the care of their own vicar, with rules for austere life and a reformed standard of conduct—as is becoming to a religious and praiseworthy institute, and according to which their province of New Spain was established—who there may found a new province of their order. We, on whom through appointment of the Lord it is incumbent to foster the spread of the gospel, desirous of taking part in this duty of preaching the gospel in kingdoms wherein Christ is unknown, desirous moreover to aid, in as faras we can, the pious and religious endeavors of the Friars Preachers—who, with their abandonment of fatherland and their self-denial of comforts, are now exposing themselves to dangers of land and sea for the sake of spreading the name of Christ—therefore, trusting in the mercy of almighty God and the authority of His blessed apostles Peter and Paul, we by our apostolic authority, in virtue of these presents do grant, etc., a plenary indulgence and remission of all their sins to the professed members of the said Order, all and singular, if really penitent and confessed, who by leave or order or mandate of their afore-named master-general shall go to the Philippine Islands. Given at Rome, at St. Mark’s, under the seal of the Fisherman, on the fifteenth day of September, in the year 1582, the eleventh of our pontificate. Foundation of the Province of the Dominicans in the Philippines Gregory XIII, Pope. Beloved son, health and apostolic blessing. Not long ago you acquainted us with the fact that, some time before, Paul Conestabile, master-general of the entire order of Friars Preachers, gave you leave—with thirty or forty professed members of the said order, to be gathered by you from the provinces of Spain, Aragon and Andalusia, and ten from the province of Mexico and from Chiappa, 2 to go to the Philippine Islands and to the kingdom of China. Moreover, appointing you his vicar-general in the said Philippine Islands and kingdom of China, etc., he granted to you, all and singular, the privileges which had been granted by former generals to the province of Santiago of Mexico—to the end that you might there establish a rule of life in accordance with the same, and found provinces, etc. But since, as you also told us, the said General Paul is dead, and there are some who are doubtful of your power in the premises, and therefore you have humbly petitioned us to determine what through our apostolic bounty you should do in the premises: therefore, holding that you are free from any sort of excommunication, etc., and by these presents decreeing that the tenor of the said letters is to be considered as if herein expressed; moreover, being not unwilling to hearken to your petition, we by our apostolic authority, in virtue of these presents, approve and confirm the things contained therein, all and singular; and, as far as needs be, do again depute you to the aforesaid charge, 3 etc. Given at Rome, at St. Peter’s, under the seal of the Fisherman, on the twentieth day of October in the year 1582, the eleventh of our pontificate. 1 The Dominican order (also known as the Order of Preachers) was founded, about 1215, by St. Dominic de Guzman; he adopted, but with various additions, the rule of St. Augustine. Among the great men who have belonged to this order are Thomas Aquinas, Johann Tauler, and Girolamo Savonarola. 2 Chiapas (Chiapa) was a province of the ancient kingdom of Guatemala; also a bishopric (erected in 1538). Its capital bore the same name. 3 The vicar-general to whom these letters were addressed was named Fr. Juan Crisóstomo Sevillano.— Rev. T.C. Middleton, O.S.A. Report on the Offices Saleable in the Philippines The following are the saleable offices in these Philipinas islands, from which some gain may be derived. Seven positions as city magistrates in Manila; because, of the twelve which are available, three are filled with officials of his Majesty, and two by Captain Juan de Moron and by Pedro de Herrera, both possessing titles from his Majesty. Two offices as notaries-public in the same city; for, of the three available, one is filled by Diego Alemán who was appointed by his Majesty, and the other two are appointed by the governors, and therefore are not royal notaries. A notary of the cabildo, for no one has been supplied by his Majesty. The office of alguacil-mayor [high constable] in this city was held by Hernan Lopez: he has lived during the last three years in Mexico, where he has married, and has not attended to his office; and consequently the governor disposes of this position. More will be given for this office on account of its dignity, as holding a seat in the cabildo next to the royal officials. The office of chief clerk of registers and mines of these islands; for no appointment has been made by his Majesty. Six magistrates for the town of Zubu, which is the required number. No one has been appointed by his Majesty. In the said town, two notaries—one public, and the other for the cabildo; for they have not been filled by his Majesty. In the said town, the office of alguacil-mayor; for his Majesty has made no provision for the said dignity. The offices which are available in the town of Zubu are also available in the town of Caçeres, in the province of Camarines; and in the town of Arevalo, in the island of Panai. The town of Fernandina in the province of Ylocos has proved to be so unhealthy a region that, from being the richest town of these islands, it has now only a few inhabitants with no organized cabildo or government. The city of Segovia, in the province of Cagayan, is a newly-settled city. The offices have been filled by the governor with the early conquerors; it will therefore be convenient for his Majesty to confirm them, in order that the community may become permanently settled. Concerning the office of alcalde-mayor in the villages and provinces of the Indians, the following method is carried out. The alcalde-mayor, who goes there for a year or two, takes with him his own alguacil and clerk, appointed by himself. The lawsuits which take place before them are seldom made public; and they can keep the fines forfeited to the royal treasury—which are not slight, for they fine the natives even for treading the ground. They keep neither archives nor record of anything, so that his Majesty is ill served in their office; the natives suffer, and the officials condemn themselves. In view of all this, it would be better for each province of Indians possessing the office of alcalde-mayor to have a permanent alguacil and clerk appointed by his Majesty; for if they are not appointed by the alcalde and are not his servants, they will not conform so thoroughly to his will. Thus light would be shed upon the legal proceedings, of which an account would be kept; and the fines forfeited to the royal treasury would not be lost, together with the expenses of justice. Finally, if they are appointed permanently, they will aim at the preservation of the Indians for their own benefit, and will not plunder and then go away, as they do now. The three most important provinces in which an alcalde resides are: the province of Pampanga, which is the most fertile region of these islands, and which has about thirty thousand Indians; the province of La Laguna de Bai, with a like number of Indians; and the province of Bombon, Balaian, Mindoro, with about twenty thousand Indians. I believe that in these three provinces the offices of alguacil and clerk will be of no less value than they are in Spanish communities. In the other provinces, these offices are of little importance at present. Documents of 1583 Complaints against Peñalosa . Gabriel de Ribera; [1583?] Affairs in the Philipinas Islands . Fray Domingo de Salazar; [1583]. Instructions to commissary of the Inquisition . Pedro de los Rios, and others; March 1. Foundation of the Audiencia of Manila . Felipe II; May 5. Sources : These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla—excepting the third, which is from the Archivo general at Simancas. Translations : The first and third documents are translated by Alfonso de Salvio, of Harvard University; the second, by Herbert E. Bolton, of the University of Texas; the fourth, by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin. Complaints Against Peñalosa Most powerful lord: 1 Captain Gabriel de Rivera 2 beseeches your Highness on behalf of the Filipinas islands, kindly to see that due attention and consideration be given to the advancement and preservation of those islands, upon which his Majesty has set his eyes so fixedly, and which have cost so many thousands of ducats and Spanish lives. May what has been asked be provided, according to the memorials which I have presented to the royal person and to your Highness; for it befits the service of God our Lord, that of your Highness, and the advancement and good government of those islands. The appointment of Don Gonzalo Ronquillo 3 by your Highness as governor for life, and the many sentences, decrees, and favors in his behalf, greatly injure the said islands in their advancement; they harass and totally ruin them as we have seen with our own eyes. Such an appointment is contrary to the orders and laws given for the new discoveries; for the Filipinas islands were discovered more than fifty years ago, and were settled at the time of the emperor (may he rest in peace). Since a way of return to Nueba España had not been discovered, the settlers for lack of sustenance abandoned the land, until the viceroy, Don Luis de Belasco, by order of your Highness despatched a fleet to the said islands, and sent Miguel Lopez de Legazpi as governor, who made a settlement and discovered a way of return. He went there at his own expense. All favors granted him in the meantime were so small and inadequate that he was not even allowed to take a repartimiento. The islands have been settled for twenty years, and have enjoyed peace and quiet. 4 The appointment may have been a very lawful one, but it should not be forgotten that it is injurious to the said islands and their advancement. God alone can remedy the abuses perpetrated every day, for, as is well known by your Highness, they are beyond any other remedy—inasmuch as Don Gonzalo has carried out no part of the agreement he made with his Majesty. In regard to this, and the papers and memorials which I have presented, may your very Christian Highness take the measures befitting the service of God, and the advancement and good government of those islands. Gabriel de Ribera 1 The original MS. is endorsed by some archivist: “Letter of Captain Gabriel de Rivera to his Majesty, upon Philippine affairs;” but the letter is evidently addressed to some official—perhaps the viceroy of New Spain, or the president of the royal council. 2 In a letter dated Manila, July 20, 1581, and signed by Amador de Arriaran, Andres Cabchela, Salvador de Aldave, Luis de Vivanco, Joan Manuel Pimentel, Juan Maldonado, Gabriel de Ribera, and Juan Pacheco Amado, it is stated that Ribera is sent as procurador [attorney]-general to the king to give account of the “affairs and condition of this land.” He is recommended to the king’s consideration as “one of the first who came to this exploration and pacification” with Legazpi, and “has been able to give a good account of himself in everything.” The pressmark of this document, which exists in Archivo General de Indias at Sevilla, is: “Simancas—Filipinas: Descubrimientos, etc., años 1566 á 1586; Est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 2|24.” Morga says that Ribera was created Mariscal of Bonbon while in Spain. The effect of his mission was the establishment of the Audiencia of Manila, whose president was to fill the offices of governor and captain-general of the islands. This was attained after the death of Ronquillo, although that event was unknown in court at the time. 3 Gonzalo Ronquillo was governor from 1580 until his death in 1583. Morga says that trade with the Chinese was increased during his governorship. He attempted to discover a return route to New Spain through the southern seas, but was unsuccessful. He opened trade with Peru. A duty of two per cent on merchandise sent to New Spain was imposed by him, and one of three per cent on goods imported by the Chinese. 4 Taking the words “twenty years” literally would make the date of this letter in 1584, but it must have been prior to that date. Ribera was sent to Spain in 1581, and Ronquillo died in 1583. The date of this letter therefore is conjectured to have been the latter year. Affairs in the Philipinas Islands By Fray Domingo de Salazar Memorial regarding occurrences in these Philipinas Islands of the West, also their condition, and matters which require correction; written by Fray Domingo de Salazar, bishop of the said islands, in order that his Majesty and the gentlemen of his royal Council of the Indies may see it. At first, when the Spaniards came to these islands, there was a great abundance of provisions, such as are produced in the country; namely, rice, beans, fowls, swine, deer, buffaloes, fish, cocoanuts, bananas and some other fruits, wine, and honey. Of these a large quantity could be bought from the natives with very little money. Although among them there was gold, with which they traded and trafficked, yet it was most usual to barter eatables for rice until the Spaniards introduced the use of money, from which no little harm has come to the country. Wine and rice are measured by the ganta, which is equivalent to a quarter of a celemín in our measure. The prices which articles brought after the Spaniards introduced silver coins—which are, as a rule, tostóns, as the four-real pieces are called—were as follows: [four] 1 hundred gantas of rice [for one tostón]; for another, a hundred of wine; and for another, twelve, fourteen, or sixteen fowls; and other things in proportion. These rates continued until a year and a half or two years ago. Then products began to be scarce in this country, and articles which were formerly cried through the streets have today reached so high prices and such scarcity that there is now no one who can obtain them, even when they go to search for them in the Indian villages. For what is thus found the common prices are forty or fifty gantas of rice, or eight or ten gantas of wine, for one tostón; fowls have advanced to two reals apiece, although the usual price is one real; while a hog costs four or five pesos, or six or eight for one of considerable size. Oil of agenxoli [sesame], cocoanuts, and butter, which formerly could be bought very cheaply, cannot now be obtained—although in this there is variation, as little or much comes to the market. I have tried to ascertain the reason for so great a change, and for the dearness of food; and after thoroughly informing myself through persons who know, and through what I have seen with my own eyes, I find the following reasons therefor. First: When Don Gonçalo Ronquillo came here as governor of La Pampanga, 2 whence all this country used to be supplied with rice, wine, and fowls, a great number of Indians went to the mines of Ylocos, where they remained during the time when they ought to have sowed their grain. Many of them died there, and those who returned were so fatigued that they needed rest more than work. As a result, in that year followed a very great scarcity of rice, and for lack of it a great number of Indians in the said Pampanga died from hunger. In Luvao alone, the encomienda of Guido de la Vaçares, the dead exceeded a thousand. Second: in regard to the many occupations in which the Spaniards employ the Indians, such as setting them to row in the galleys and fragatas despatched by the governor and officials on various commissions, which are never lacking. At times they go so far away that they are absent four or six months; and many of those who go die there. Others run away and hide in the mountains, to escape from the toils imposed upon them. Others the Spaniards employ in cutting wood in the forests and conveying it to this city, and other Indians in other labors, so that they do not permit them to rest or to attend to their fields. Consequently, they sow little and reap less, and have no opportunity to attend religious instruction. It sometimes happens that while these miserable creatures are being instructed for baptism the Spaniards force them to go to the tasks that I have mentioned; and when they return they have forgotten what they knew; for this reason there are today many Indians to be baptized. In some cases when I have gone to a village to administer confirmation, I have returned without confirming any one, because the Indians were not in the place, but were occupied in labors ordered by the alcalde-mayor, and I could not collect them together. In proof of this, I send a mandate issued by a deputy of Tondo. (I was present at the time, and all the people were away, occupied in the tasks assigned to them; and the only Indians in the village were those who were being instructed for the reception of baptism.) This ordinance commanded all the Indians of the said village to cut wood, and those who were receiving instruction to quit it. Third: Before the governor Don Gonçalo Ronquillo came, there were not more than three or four alcaldes-mayor in all these islands; but now there are sixteen and most of them are men who came with him. As they came poor, and as the salaries are small, they have taken away the Indians—as all affirm, and it is common talk—at the time for harvesting rice; and they buy up all other provisions, and many profit by selling them again. In this way everything has become dear, because, as they have forbidden the Indians to trade and traffic, they sell at whatever price they wish. Formerly the Indians brought their produce to the gates, and sold it at very low-prices; for they are satisfied with very little gain, which is not true of the Spaniards. But, not to ascribe all the guilt to men, but to our sins, the cause of this dearness has in part been that these years have not afforded as good weather as others. This is the state in which the country has thus far been up to the present. Injuries inflicted upon the Indians First: When a long expedition is to be made, the wrongs which they suffer are many. One is to despatch for the Indians who are to row in a galley or fragata a sailor who has neither piety nor Christian feeling. Moreover, it is notorious that, without inquiring whether an Indian is married or single, or whether his wife is sick or his children without clothing, he takes them all away. It has happened that when a husband has led this deputy to his wife, who was great with child, and has asked with tears that he might be left behind as she had no one to care for her, the sailor has beaten her with cudgels in order to make her go, and the poor husband also, despite his resistance. In other cases, their wives are abandoned when dying, the husband being compelled to go away to row. The Indians are put into irons on the galleys, and flogged as if they were galley-slaves or prisoners. Moreover, the pay that is given them is very small; for they give each man only four reals a month—and this is so irregularly paid that most of them never see it. The [officials of the] villages from which they take the rowers divide the pay among themselves, or give it to those whom they impress as oarsmen. This statement is thoroughly authenticated; for when the governor, Don Gonçalo Ronquillo, sent to the mines, in Vitis and Lobao alone they divided three thousand pesos belonging to the Indians themselves; and when he sent to Borney, in Bonbón they divided more than two thousand. They say that in all Pampanga five or six thousand pesos were taken, and similarly in all towns where they get recruits. Sometimes they do not go at harvest-time to collect the rice which they say belongs to your Majesty, but only when it is very dear; and then they require it to be sold for the price which it was worth when they harvested. Sometimes the Indians buy back for five or six tostons what they sold for one. The past year, when the Indians ate shoots of palms and bananas because they had no rice, and many Indians died from hunger, they made them sell the remaining rice at the price which it was worth at harvest-time. Sometimes the entire quantity of his rice is taken from an Indian, without leaving him a grain to eat. One poor widow, seeing that they were carrying off all her rice without leaving her a grain to eat, took, as best she could, two basketfuls to hide under the altar, and there saved them; but it is certain that if the collector had known it, they would have been taken from that place. Another injury that they do to this poor people, under pretense of its being for your Majesty, whereby your royal name is detested among them, is as follows. Formerly, when rice was plentiful, four hundred gantas were worth one tostón; your Majesty’s officials of La Pampanga furnished me with the price which it was worth. Last year the governor ordered that twelve thousand fanégas of rice be taken from La Pampanga for your Majesty, and that the Indians should give three hundred gantas for one tostón. It was then worth among them about a peso of gold, because it could not be had at any price. Many Indians died of hunger. The three hundred gantas which they took from them for one tostón were worth about six tostóns, and a person who wished to buy it could not find it. This present year, when they have so little grain and the famine is so great in La Pampanga, the Spaniards might have sent to other districts to buy rice, where—although they must go farther—it is more plentiful, and could be taken without injuring the Indians. Yet the Spaniards have chosen not to do this, but rather to order that it be taken from La Pampanga. And while the price among the Indians is fifty gantas for one tostón, they require them to give for your Majesty at the rate of two hundred and fifty gantas. At the season when this was collected, I was visiting La Pampanga, and I saw so much weeping and moaning on the part of the wretched Indians from whom they took the rice, that it moved me to great pity—and all the more since I could see so little means to provide a remedy; for although I wrote about it to the master-of-camp, who was at that time lieutenant-governor, it profited me little. As for the means of collecting this rice, the alcalde-mayor or his deputy divides among the chiefs two, three, four, or more taes of gold (which is a certain weight worth five pesos), and orders that so many gantas of rice be collected for one tostón. Afterward they send, to collect this rice, men without piety; who, with blows, torture, and imprisonment enforce compliance with the rate of three hundred and fifty gantas for a tostón; and, in other years, one hundred of wine, and this year, sixty. It is a fact well established, for I have learned from the very persons who collect it that it often happens, that the Indian, not having so much rice as is demanded, is obliged to go to buy at the rate of fifty gantas for a tostón, and fifteen gantas of wine; and from him, as is said, they take two hundred and fifty of rice and seventy of wine for one tostón. If this occurred only with respect to rice, which is necessary for the expense which your Majesty incurs in this city, it would be but half a wrong, although I do not know what law permits them to invent one price for your Majesty and another for others. However this may be, I will pass on. But the real evil is that the governor, master-of-camp, alcaldes-mayor, your Majesty’s officials and other persons to whom these wish to give it, all consume it at this same price, and they also collect it at this price for the hospitals of the city. Although the governor, in the orders which he gives for the hospitals and for other persons, such as alcaldes-mayor, does not name the number of gantas to be given for a tostón, yet the rate is not higher than for your Majesty. He is at fault, in that—knowing that they collect at this price—he neither causes what has thus been taken to be restored, nor punishes him who transgresses in this matter; thus many dare to take rice from them at these same prices, knowing that they will not be punished. I know that many alcaldes-mayor, having orders from the governor to buy from the Indians of their districts three hundred fanégas from each single man and five hundred from each married man, take it at the aforesaid price, and even much more than they are permitted to take, and sell it again at the current price. I know that they also go to collect, at the price fixed for your Majesty, for themselves and their friends, much more rice than they have a right to take according to order. The same is true in regard to cutting timber. They compel the Indians to work at tasks in the service of your Majesty, paying them but little, and that irregularly and late, and often not at all. I do not mention the injuries which the Indians received from the Spaniards during the conquest, for from what happened to them in other parts of the Yndias can be inferred what would happen here, which was not less, but in many places much more. I speak of what has happened and now happens in the collection of the tributes, so that your Majesty may see if it is right to overlook or tolerate things which go so far beyond all human justice. As for the first, your Majesty may be assured that heretofore these Indians never have understood, nor have they been given to understand, that the Spaniards entered this country for any other purpose than to subjugate them and compel them to pay tributes. As this is a thing which all peoples naturally refuse, it follows that where they have been able to resist they have always done so, and have gone to war. When they can do no more, they say that they will pay tribute. And these people the Spaniards call pacified, and say that they have submitted to your Majesty! And without telling them more of God and of the benefits which it was intended to confer upon them, they demand tribute from them each year. Their custom therein is as follows. As soon as the Spaniards have subjugated them, and they have promised to pay tribute (for from us Christians they hear no other word than “Pay tribute”), they say to the natives, “You must give so much a year.” If they are not allotted in encomiendas, the governor sends some one to collect the tributes; but it is most usual to allot them at once in an encomienda to him who has charge of collecting the tributes. Although the decree relating to encomiendas says, “Provided that you instruct them in the matters of our most holy faith,” the only care that they have for that is, that the encomendero takes with him eight or ten soldiers with their arquebuses and weapons, orders the chiefs to be called, and demands that they give him the tributes for all the Indians of their village. Here my powers fail me, I lack the courage, and I can find no words, to express to your Majesty the misfortunes, injuries, and vexations, the torments and miseries, which the Indians are made to suffer in the collection of the tributes. The tribute at which all are commonly rated is the value of eight reals, paid in gold or in produce which they gather from their lands; but this rate is observed like all other rules that are in favor of the Indians—that is, it is never observed at all. Some they compel to pay it in gold, even when they do not have it. In regard to the gold likewise, there are great abuses, because as there are vast differences in gold here, they always make the natives give the finest. The weight at which they receive the tribute is what he who collects it wishes, and he never selects the lightest. Others make them pay cloth or thread. But the evil is not here, but in the manner of collecting; for, if the chief does not give them as much gold as they demand, or does not pay for as many Indians as they say there are, they crucify the unfortunate chief, or put his head in the stocks—for all the encomenderos, when they go to collect, have their stocks, and there they lash and torment the chiefs until they give the entire sum demanded from them. Sometimes the wife or daughter of the chief is seized, when he himself does not appear. Many are the chiefs who have died of torture in the manner which I have stated. When I was in the port of Ybalon some chiefs came there to see me; and the first thing they said to me was, that one who was collecting the tributes in that settlement had killed a chief by torture, and the same Indians indicated the manner in which he had been killed, which was by crucifixion, and hanging him by the arms. I saw this soldier in the town of Caceres, in the province of Camarines, and learned that the justice arrested him for it and fined him fifty pesos—to be divided equally between the exchequer and the expenses of justice—and that with this punishment he was immediately set free. Likewise I learned that an encomendero—because a chief had neither gold nor silver nor cloth with which to pay the tribute—exacted from him an Indian for nine pesos, in payment of nine tributes which he owed; and then took this Indian to the ship and sold him for thirty-five pesos. And although I told this to the steward and asked for the Indian, he remained in slavery. They collect tribute from children, old men, and slaves, and many remain unmarried because of the tribute, while others kill their children. What the encomendero does, after having collected his tributes in the manner stated, is to return home; and for another year he neither sees nor hears of them. He takes no more account of them than if they were deer, until the next year, when the same thing is repeated. These injuries the Spaniards inflicted in all places until recently. In this district of Manila there is not so much of it now, because many of the natives are already Christians, and there are religious among them, and affairs are in better order. But in remote places and some not very far away, what I have stated occurs, and even worse things are done. Because all, or nearly all, of those who pay the tribute are infidels, and neither know nor understand more of the matters of our faith than they did a hundred years ago, and even more on account of the wrongs which they suffer, they abhor and abominate the faith. Indeed, as for the example of decency which those who mingle with the Indians set them there is no way to describe it here without offending your Majesty’s ears; but I state it as an assured fact that they care not whether a woman be a believer or an infidel, single or married; all are on the same level. From this your Majesty will gather what these unhappy Indians will have conceived of us and of the faith which we preach. I shall not omit to mention here a thing which is full of reproach to the Christians who have lived here, and even to all of us who hear it—namely, that the natives of these islands have been, from ancient times, infidels, of whom there are many now in this and other islands; and that the Moros have come to these islands from that of Burney to preach the law of Mahoma, through which preaching a large number of pagans have turned Moros. Those who have received this vile law keep it with much pertinacity, and there is great difficulty in getting them to leave it. Moreover it is known that the reason which they give—to our shame and confusion—is that they were better treated by the preachers of Mahoma than they have been and are by the preachers of Christ. 3 Since, through kind and gentle treatment, they received that doctrine willingly, it took root in their hearts, and so they leave it reluctantly. But this is not the case with what we preach to them, for, as it is accompanied with so much bad treatment and with so evil examples, they say “yes” with the mouth and “no” with the heart; and thus when occasion arises they leave it, although by the mercy of God, this is becoming somewhat remedied by the coming of the ministers of the gospel, with whose advent these grievances cease in some places. After Don Gerónimo 4 Ronquillo carne to govern, [it was decreed] that from the Indians should be taken the [taels?] 5 of gold which the Indians manufacture. Whether or not this has been done by order of your Majesty, I do not know; but I know that if your Majesty were in this country you would not order this law to be executed now; because most of them are still infidels, and I do not know what right there is to exact these taxes from the infidel, nor to what a people so [ illegible in original MS. ] might be driven by such rigor. From this result many injuries to the Indians. For, as is well known, they have wrought the gold which they received from their ancestors, and they regard it as lost. 6 All the Indians are compelled to declare all the gold that they possess, and the amounts are placed on a list, in order that if they should come into possession of more gold in the future, it may be taken from them—not as the royal fifth, but as forfeited. Moreover as these Indians wear chains and ajorcas, 7 the alcaldes-mayor, in the attempt to profit thereby, require that these should be declared, on the ground that these are ornaments which the Indians have manufactured, and on which they have not paid the fifth; and although this may be a lie, it costs the Indian, before he is free, a good share of his gold. Indeed, they denounced an Indian before the governor himself; and in spite of many entreaties from religious, he fined the Indian one hundred and twenty pesos, which was the third part of the gold about which he was accused. A religious assured me that it was gold received from his ancestors; but the Indian could not help himself. I could never finish—and it would be a very annoying subject for your Majesty—relating all the hardships that befall these unfortunates in this country. They ought to be feasted and favored, in order that they may become attached to our faith, and understand the mercy that God has shown them in bringing them to the knowledge and manifestation of it; but those who here continue to forget this are the cause of their abhorring the faith. They consider your Majesty a cruel king, and think that you are trying only to profit by their estates and to claim their personal service—although all is so much to the contrary on the part of your Majesty, as witness the holy laws and ordinances which, for the good government of these lands, your Majesty has made and ordered to be observed. But if it is true, most Christian king, that the intent of your Majesty in sending Spaniards to these lands is that God may be known, His faith preached, and His holy law received here; and that these Indians, by love, good works, and example, may be led to the knowledge of God and obedience to your Majesty—what law or right permits individuals to transgress in this matter by their greed and self-interest, and to do the opposite of that for which your Majesty sent them? This purpose is that in your royal name and with holy royal authority they may govern this country, dignified for this task by very honorable titles, and remunerated by large salaries, your Majesty so affectionately charging them to treat these natives well, and giving them for that purpose such holy laws, ordinances, and instructions. Yet these men turn aside their eyes from all this and close them to the injuries and ill-treatment which these unfortunates receive. What abhorrence to our holy faith arises in their minds from this conduct, and what an impediment to the conversion of the infidels is thus formed! And those who are already converted are regretting that step; for these men concern themselves so entirely with getting rich in the shortest possible time, to which end they are continually planning and undertaking every means which seems to them best suited to attain that object—even though it may be contrary to your Majesty’s commands and prohibited by the laws of the kingdom and the ordinances of the Yndias, and though it may be injurious and prejudicial to those whom they were charged, by the authority of your Majesty, to make free, and to secure from all those wrongs. If this be true, what punishment would be fitting for such a crime? Or how could your Majesty so overlook a thing so pernicious, that you should not order it to be punished rigorously, and should not remedy evils which so greatly need correction? But whether this is so or not, it is not for me to accuse or to speak ill of any one. I only say, and truthfully, that this land is ruined; and it is doubtful whether, if it experiences another year like the two just past, it will endure till the third—and this is no exaggeration. In the ship which just arrived from Nueba España came certain royal decrees—a remedy for some evils of which information had been given. It seems that the country received thereby some alleviation of its troubles, but I do not know what will follow. It is a great misfortune to have your Majesty so far away. For if you were near us, all these ills would soon disappear—as I hope, by the Divine goodness and your Majesty’s holy zeal, that they will not endure longer than till you shall hear of them, not by my report, but by information which may be quite sufficiently obtained in Nueba España; for what I say here is for no other purpose than that your Majesty may be informed of what is going on, and that you may order it to be remedied. Since your Majesty orders, by your royal decree, that in case the governor do not keep the royal laws and ordinances which are made for these lands, I advise your Majesty of the fact: what might in compliance be said with entire truthfulness is, that I do not know what decree, provision, or ordinance issued for the benefit and aid of the Indians is kept or noticed; and if any promise is made, it is only for courtesy. Never have I seen any man punished who may have violated the decrees, or who may be scandalous in sin; and in order that it may be quite evident to your Majesty how badly your holy laws are kept, I shall proceed to demonstrate by the royal ordinances. 2nd. The second clause, commencing, “those who administer government,” etc., is neither kept nor noticed, because it never is taken into account. Therefore the Indians understand that the good which is to be done them is but to subjugate them and make them pay tribute; and as this is the purpose of those in authority, they never do what is ordered in this clause, but at once send soldiers to force the Indians to submit although they may not desire it; and before they return they leave the natives subjects and tributarios. 4th. Clause four, for the same reason, is not heeded. 20th. In regard to clause 20, although it is so necessary, and so deserves to be obeyed, those in power act as if they were ordered to do the very opposite, as is explained above, where I discuss the wrongs that they inflict. 24th. To what is ordered in clause 24 some respect is now paid in this island; but heretofore everything has been done in contravention of it, and the penalty has never been enforced. 25th. Nor has clause 25 been observed in this island. On the contrary, there has been, I say plainly, a notable diminution in the royal exchequer, and the difficulties which are mentioned in the clause result. 29th. With regard to clause 29, the deeds of those who go on these expeditions are so contrary to the orders given in this clause that it would appear that they are sent to rob, rather than to pacify. 30th. Clause 30 is the least respected of all those contained in this book of ordinances, as was said, and there is most necessity for its observance. It is, moreover, certain that all the other ordinances are regulated by what is here commanded. 32nd. To clause 32, which treats of new settlements, no more attention is paid than if it had not been written. For no settlement is either made or contemplated in this island; no Spanish town has any pasture for cattle, or land for cultivation, although that would be a great convenience; and those who wish to undertake anything of the sort—for there are two or three such—are granted no favor when this matter is discussed; nor is there any one who remembers the law. 33rd. No attention is paid to clause 33, nor is the pacification of the natives conducted on any orderly plan—except that here and there some men are sent to make the Indians tributary, without attention to securing their pacification or settlement. Some attention was, however, given to this in the expedition which was just made to Cagayan. 36th. We all know well that the principal aim of your Majesty is that expressed in clause 36, but this is not the aim of those who govern; accordingly, they do little for the conversion of the Indians, but much for their own profit. 138th. The part of clause 138 which is observed, for good or bad, is to subjugate the Indians and compel them to pay tribute; beyond this there is neither care nor thought. 139th. For the like reason, clause 139 is not observed, nor is there thought of it. 141st. Of what is ordered in clause 141 nothing is observed; for they care no more for rendering justice to the Indians than if these were beasts who lack reason. 144th. The part of clause 144 most important for observance was that beginning “the country being pacified” [ illegible in original MS. ]; it was, indeed, the most necessary for observance. But in order to relate the harm that follows from not observing it, there should be another man who knows better how to say it than I do. This law or clause contains two parts. In the first is stated the obligation of the governor in allotting the Indians; in the second, the obligations of the encomenderos toward their encomiendas. As for the first, it might (and not without reason) be disputed whether, for your Majesty’s peace of conscience and for the welfare of these natives, it is fitting that these encomiendas be allotted. But since this subject requires more time and space than I now have to devote thereto, let it remain for another voyage, when, by the help of God, these and other doubts will be dissipated, for the service of God and your Majesty. I venture to say this because, although your Majesty has so near you so many and so excellent learned men in all subjects, yet, to determine many matters relative to the Yndias, it is doubtless necessary to have dwelt in them, and that for not a few years. For the present it is sufficient to say that if the governors (before allotting the Indians) and the encomenderos (after their allotment) would observe even what is demanded from them in this clause, they would relieve your Majesty from painful scruples, and us from doubt, and thus from a heavy burden of conscience; while to the Indians would be given an extraordinary benefit. But all is contrary to this, because neither do the governors, when allotting the Indians, take notice of what is here required from them—for they make the encomiendas before the Indians are pacified, or even have heard the name of God or of your Majesty—nor do the encomenderos heed the obligation which they take upon themselves; but, confident of the encomienda allotted in this manner, they go to collect the tributes in the manner above stated; and among them are some who do so even more tyrannically. 145th. Of clause 145, that which has to do with the Indians is not observed any more than the foregoing in regard to reserving the chief villages for your Majesty. Your islands are not like Nueva España, where there is a chief village with many others subject to it. Here all are small villages, and each one is its own head. The governors, interpreting this law more literally than is good for the service of your Majesty, have added to your royal crown some very small maritime villages; and the advantage has been given to whomsoever they have wished—whether justly or not, it is not for me to decide. I can assure your Majesty that it is very little in way of tributes that finds its way into the royal chest, although there is much need that your Majesty should have money here to provide many necessities, which others cannot supply if your Majesty cannot. I also say that, according to accounts current here, no Indians are harder worked or less free than those apportioned to the royal crown. There are many other reasons which might be given to make this clear, which are very patent to us here. One is that, as the officials do not go out to collect the tributes, the governor sends one of his servants whom he wishes to favor, to collect them. He collects for your Majesty what they owe, and for himself whatever he desires; and this is most certain, as well as the method of collecting. Your Majesty’s Indians undergo greater oppression than do the others. Those encomenderos visit their Indians, and once in a while they cannot help taking pity on them; but for those of your Majesty, there is no one to grieve and no one to care. I even hear it said that many soldiers, when without food, take it from the Indians, under the pretense that they serve your Majesty and are given nothing—saying that, as it belongs to your Majesty, they may do so. 146th. What is contained in clause 146 is the thing which would most attract the Indians to receive our faith if it were observed. But there is nothing which more impedes the conversion of these barbarians than that, from the very outset, the Spaniards go among them and compel them to become subjects of another and a foreign king whom they do not know; and without more ado demand tribute from them, which is the thing that they most unwillingly acquiesce in. Certainly it is a very great pity and a cause for much grief that such covetousness is found among us, that—through not knowing how to deal with these barbarians, through not having patience with them that they may understand the good which comes with us to them, and through greed for what they now pay us—we may be the cause of thousands of them remaining unconverted, and of those who are converted becoming so more through force than choice. I am certain that if this clause had been observed, all of these islands would be converted, and that not as a pretense, but in all sincerity. From this your Majesty may see the harm done by those who do not observe what your Majesty commands with respect to the pacification of the Indians. And—in order that you may know how these Indians feel about paying the tribute—when my arrival was made known among them, and it was said that I was captain of the clergy, as the governor was of the laymen, they asked if I had come to force on them any tribute, a thing which they so much fear. In the instructions which the governor, Don Gerónimo [ sc. Gonzalo], recently gave to Captain Juan Pablo de Carrión, who made the expedition to Cagayan, there is a clause stating that “tribute shall not be demanded from them for one year”—which marks the beginning of some respect for your Majesty’s orders; and I hope to God that it is to be one of much importance, in order that those Indians, who three or four times have been so wronged and scandalized, may now have peace.