Progress It is hard to believe that such a state of affairs can exist in a civilized country. The position of the French Government has been so clearly defined, however, by the French Premier, Monsieur Méline, that it is plain the French republic has for a time become almost a despotism, ruled by a tyrant known as the French army, which is, of course, the cause of all the trouble. In the Chamber of Deputies the other day Monsieur Méline remarked: "After military justice civil justice has declared itself. It has proclaimed that the members of the court-martial were honest men, who obeyed their consciences. The Zola trial has ended the confusion made by those who presumed to put themselves above the laws of the country. Those who appeared in court were not there as subordinates of the Minister of War, but as individual witnesses under nobody's orders. "Certain generals may have been led on too far, but they were led on by the defence. One general no doubt spoke a word too much, but remember the accusations that were flung in his face. They ascribed to officers hidden intentions to undermine our institutions, but the French army cannot be an army of one man. There is not a single officer capable of an attempt against the country, for our officers have other dreams." From this speech it is plain that the French Government is exerting its power to crush the present movement in favor of Dreyfus. But those who have followed the Zola trial carefully and impartially are convinced that the Government will fail. What the result will be, no one can tell. But there are many who believe that one result will be a revolution ending in the overthrow of the republic. This, however, is an extreme view. No one really believes that Zola will be kept in prison for a year, even if he does go there. He himself has borne his sentence like a hero, and is willing to accept it without an appeal. His lawyer, however, and his friends will do their utmost to save him from suffering so gross an injustice. Even if Zola were guilty of libelling the army, his intentions were so honorable and unselfish that any fair court of justice could not have failed to have acquitted him, or at most to have given him merely a nominal punishment. It is plain that behind the Zola case there lurks a very deep feeling against the Jews. It is thought by students of French life at the present time, that this is the real cause of the terrible bitterness of the French people against ex-Captain Dreyfus and his defenders. They believe that the Dreyfus party represents the Jews of France, for whom they have an intense hatred. It should be explained here that the Jews have acquired an immense power in France, as they have, indeed, all over Europe. They are the great financiers of the world, and their power is so extensive that it has created the alarm and jealousy and malice now finding expression in Paris. The Government of France is now in so dangerous a situation that there is a good deal of discussion as to what will happen in case the republic is overthrown. The President of the republic, Félix Faure, is popular throughout France, but he has hardly strength enough with the people to become a great leader. A few months ago he won enthusiastic approval by the skill with which he arranged his visit to the Emperor of Russia, and by the dignity and simplicity which he displayed during that visit. President Faure is essentially a man of the people. For many years he has been prominent in the commercial and the political life of France, and he has always been a champion of the people's rights. But he is not the kind of leader that would appeal strongly to the army, and, as we have seen, the army practically controls France at the present moment. Consequently, if a revolution were to take place in Paris as a result of the Dreyfus affair, it would probably bring forward a popular military man as a candidate for leadership. Such a man is to be found in General Boisdeffre, who figured in the Zola trial and made a bombastic speech glorifying the army. A revolution would also, of course, bring up the rival claims in France of the Royalist and the Napoleonic parties. The Royalist party is at present headed by the young Duke of Orleans, who thus far has done very little to distinguish himself. In the event of a crisis, however, France might recall the fact that a few years ago the Duke, though exiled from his country, as all the pretenders to the French throne have been in recent years, forced his way into Paris and demanded that he be given the right to join the army. This was a very youthful and theatrical attempt to excite the enthusiasm of the French people. It failed, however, for the republican Government succeeded in placing the Duke in a rather ridiculous position. He was kept in prison for a few months, and then quietly released. The Bonapartist party has for leader Prince Napoleon Victor Jerome Bonaparte, grandson of Prince Jerome, youngest brother of Napoleon the First. Prince Victor has had almost no chance of making himself known to the world, and at the present time his chances of succeeding to the throne of France seem very slight. Our Government has been quietly making provision for strengthening our navy and coast defences in case of war. This fact does not mean that the governmental authorities believe that war is sure to break out. It means simply that they are taking precautions to be prepared for any circumstances which may arise. The Department of the Navy has been hampered by being obliged to wait for the approval of Congress before it can carry out certain important work. It has, however, lately put two more vessels in commission without the approval of Congress and on its own responsibility. They are the monitor Miantonomoh and the harbor-defence ram Katahdin . Since the disaster to the Maine , the Government has received a great number of applications for the regular army and for the naval service. During the past few months some very rich "finds" have been made in the Klondike, and a great deal of excitement has been created there. The facilities for carrying on the work are now greater than they have previously been, and to this fact is attributed the new discoveries. If the latest reports are to be credited, the gold region is proving to be as valuable as it was thought to be during the first excitement. Nevertheless, it is only the few who win great profits, while the majority suffer. The Canadian Government is taking an active interest in the Klondike, and it will probably undertake before long to have surveys made to discover the best route from the interior of Canada to the Yukon, and will also have the Mackenzie-River route improved. Sir Wilfrid Laurier has lately expressed the belief that there are gold regions in the Rocky Mountains yet to be discovered. Our Government has several questions to settle with Canada, arising out of the conflict of opinion regarding the boundaries between the American and the Canadian Klondike. These are likely to be settled, however, in a perfectly friendly way. We continue to hear reports of suffering among the miners, and the Government is doing its best to provide relief. The best relief it can provide, however, is to keep out of the gold regions those who are not sufficiently provided with supplies to keep them alive for a long period. An American correspondent from Dawson City has lately given a gloomy picture of the way affairs are managed in the gold regions. The Canadian Government, he claims, is doing more for the miners than our own authorities. The Canadian mail service, for example, is much better than our own. Throughout the Klondike, governmental discipline seems to be very poor. Most of the money used is United States money, but the store-keepers and the owners of saloons do their best to keep it out of circulation; they naturally find gold more profitable. According to the correspondent, the miners are the men who are making the smallest profits in the gold regions for this very reason, as the store-keepers have their own methods of measuring the gold and estimating its value. No doubt by next summer banks will be established where miners may exchange their gold, at full value, for money. Progress Invention and Discovery THE NICARAGUA CANAL. The Nicaragua Canal has been so often referred to lately that it will prove interesting to our readers to know more about this project and what its successful completion will mean to the maritime nations of the world, and especially to the United States. After Columbus had discovered America and it was known that the Indies had not been reached, but that a new continent barred the way, the early discoverers sought a short route past this continent. Hudson, Baffin, and others sought this route in the North, and others tried every available opening in both North and South America, but of course unsuccessfully, as it was soon known that no such route existed. It must be remembered that the expeditions sailing to the new continent had no knowledge of it geographically. It is hard to understand now, maps are so familiar to all of us now, and we can in a moment call up the shape of the continents, that then they had no knowledge of the Western hemisphere except what could be obtained by their ships slowly crawling along the coasts. It was not unnatural, therefore, when they sailed into what we now call the Gulf of Mexico and observed how far west they went before coming to land, that they should expect to find the passage there. When you look at the map that we print herewith, you will see that it is but a short step—for the mind—from the strait that was not found to the idea of connecting the two oceans by a manufactured strait or canal. Much more than a century ago the suggestion was made, and ever since efforts have been made to build such a canal. The Panama Railroad, a regular steam railroad for passengers and freight, was built across the narrow part of the Isthmus, as indicated in the map, in 1850 to 1855, and at that time negotiations were definitely entered into looking toward the construction of a canal. Ferdinand de Lesseps, a Frenchman, who made himself famous by building the Suez Canal, organized a company in France, and work was commenced on the Panama route. His plan was to construct what is known as a sea-level canal across the very narrow part of the Isthmus (see map). "Sea level" means that it was to be merely a cut in which the water would be all the way at the same level—an open clear waterway from one ocean to the other. This proved impracticable on account of engineering difficulties and the crossing of the Chagres River, and in 1887 it was decided that it could only be built with locks. The system of using locks allows the water in different parts of the canal to be at different levels. This is done by closing both ends of each section of the canal with gates; a second pair of gates is placed a short distance beyond, and the space between these is called a "lock." If a vessel is to be taken into a section of the canal higher than that from which she has come, she goes into the lock; water is then let into this lock from the higher level by opening a water-gate until enough has entered to float the vessel up to the level of the higher section of the canal; the gates before the vessel are then opened and she passes out into the new section. If she is to be taken to a lower section, the reverse of this operation accomplishes this: the water is let out until she is on the lower level. ROUTE OF NICARAGUA CANAL. Mr. Eiffel, the engineer who designed the great tower in Paris which has his name, designed locks for the Panama Canal, but in March, 1889, work was stopped on account of lack of money. How extravagant an operation this canal was, is told by the figures. Two hundred and fifty millions of dollars were spent, and only one hundred and forty millions' worth of work can be shown for it. This great difference created a scandal throughout France, especially as the poorer French people had been led to invest in canal shares, in the belief that they would yield great profit. The Nicaragua Canal plan is a very different one. The distance across the Isthmus at the point chosen for this route is much greater than for the Panama Canal, and yet there are fewer difficulties in the way. Although the route is one hundred and seventy miles long, there will have to be only twenty-seven miles of actual canal and only six locks. This is on account of the use of Nicaragua Lake and the rivers. The lake is the largest of any lying between the Great Lakes of the United States and Lake Titicaca in Peru. The route, as laid out after many exploring expeditions have been sent to Nicaragua, is: From Greytown on the Caribbean Sea to the San Juan River by canal, through this river to the lake, through the lake a distance of over sixty miles in clear open water, then by the Lajas River and by canal to the Pacific Coast at Brito. It will be seen that about seventy-five miles of the course is in the rivers and over sixty miles in the lake. Of course the waterway of the rivers will have to be improved, but the cost of this is small compared to making an entirely new cutting. The engineering expeditions have been over every inch of the route to be traversed, and have made thorough examination both of the surface conditions and of the formation of the soil, etc. All engineers who have investigated the project unite in believing it thoroughly practical and not subject to any extraordinary difficulties. It was at first planned that the United States Government should build and control this canal, but a bill for this purpose was vetoed by President Cleveland on account of the conditions named by the Government of Nicaragua. In 1889 a private company was formed to undertake the work, but this company has since failed. It is now hoped that bills can be passed and financial arrangements made which will enable this company to finish the work and the United States to control the canal. The estimated cost of this canal is $150,000,000, and, as General Tracy said in his speech, the saving, etc., will more than compensate the Government for the outlay. The importance of having this waterway joining the two great oceans has long been recognized and is easily seen. The distance from New York to San Francisco, when vessels have to go all the way around South America, is about fourteen thousand eight hundred miles. If they could pass through a canal at the Isthmus it would be reduced to under five thousand, or about one-third of the distance. Think of the saving in time and money that this would mean! The great advantages of such a plan are evident in a moment. We have referred to the speech of General Tracy, who, you will remember, was, during President Harrison's administration, Secretary of the Navy. In that speech he stated that, were this canal completed, we would need to have but one navy where now we practically must have two,—one to guard the Atlantic coast and one the Pacific coast. If the canal were open, vessels of our navy could be sent from one coast to the other in a very short time. Moreover, the canal would make trade with the East—China, Japan, etc.—much more direct than now, and, because the voyage would be easier and quicker, greatly increase that trade. It has been said that the nation that controls such a canal will hold the "key to the Pacific," and with the considerations of our shipping interests, and the desirability of having our war-ships easily transferable from one coast to the other, and our great expanse of country, it would seem that the United States should control it. SELECTED LIST OF NEW BOOKS There often come into our hands great bargains in DICTIONARIES, ENCYCLOPÆDIAS, &c., &c., and we are glad to give our readers the benefit of these bargains. WE NOW HAVE ON HAND One set of THE AMERICAN ENCYCLOPÆDIC DICTIONARY, 4 volumes, full sheep , in all 4731 pages, illustrated, 1896 edition—published at $20.00, AS NEW, $10.00 One set. The same. Cloth, AS NEW. Published at $16.00 8.00 We should be glad to quote on any dictionary or encyclopædia—in fact any book. Address THE GREAT ROUND WORLD PUBLISHING CO. 5 WEST 18TH STREET, NEW YORK CITY Dr. EDWARD JOYNES , Professor of South Carolina College, Columbia S. 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