Letter of Consolation to the Jesuits of Pintados 1 The manuscript has a side- or sub-heading at the right that reads “Pieces of gold,” and in the margin at this point is the figure 10. 2 Spanish, el cargo de penas de Camara . Cargo , as thus used, refers to the amount charged on the books of the accountant, and especially to the general balance struck; in a general sense, cargo and data , in the old Spanish system of accounting, corresponded to “debit” and “credit” in modern bookkeeping. The difference between these ( alcance ), in an individual account, would be nearly the same as our term “balance of account.” The old Spanish methods of accounting were somewhat different from the modern, and based on more complicated procedure; and it is difficult to find modern equivalents for various words and phrases used therein—especially for some which designate the duties of accountants, and for others which are no longer in actual use. The whole accounting and auditing system was very elaborate and characteristically suspicious. There were, in every case, two men working together; and, if one of them was absent, some different work must be assigned to the other for that day, by the bureau of accounts. There were three classes of employees in this work, in the Spanish colonies: the contadores de cuentas (who apparently were of higher rank than the others), contadores de resultas , and ordenadores de pago . The second of these terms is no longer used in accounting, and no satisfactory explanation of its commercial use is given in lexicons. The ordenadores de pagos (an office abolished at intervals) might correspond to our disbursing officers, save that they did not, I think, actually handle the money; hence, their functions rather correspond to a part of the duties of our auditors. It may be that the term cuentas is used in the accounting system to define accounts in general, items of any and all sorts owed to the state; and resultas , as referring to the accounts kept of money paid out, on one or another account, by the public treasury—its balances ( alcances ) being, therefore, the sums remaining over and above the amounts spent. This would give us a system of accountants for the items owing to the state—in other words, for its incomes; and another system of accountants for the expenditures of the government. In such case, resultas might also designate the balances reverting to the credit of the state—that is, the unspent balances of various funds; this meaning would harmonize with the related functions of the contadores de resultas and the ordenadores de pagos , who supplied each other’s places. These are suggestions rather than definitive statements, for which latter is needed expert knowledge of the old Spanish accounting system. The Recopilación de leyes de Indias contains much information on these points; see especially lib. viii, tit. i, ii, xxix; lib. ix, tit. viii.— James A. LeRoy. 3 Mesada : a month’s pay or salary. The derecho de mesada was a tax of that amount levied (like the half-annat on civil offices) on ecclesiastical benefices and preferments which had been granted by the popes to the crown of Spain as part of its royal patronage of religion. Laws regarding this tax may be found in Recopilación de leyes de Indias , lib. i, tit. xvii; the first of these is dated 1629. See also Teatro de la legislación universal de España y Indias (Madrid, 1791–97). The mesada was to be collected on the basis of the receipts from each preferment during the five years preceding the new incumbent’s entry upon his office.— James A. LeRoy . 4 Estrados : literally, “platforms;” the platform on which stood the royal throne, or the seat of the judge, afterward came to mean the court itself. Perhaps the Manila treasury received from Mexico a sum for the proper maintenance of the dignity of the tribunals, for the hangings, furnishing, platforms, etc. This might also refer to the platforms and carpets and hangings provided in the cathedral for certain royal officials.— James A. LeRoy. 5 In the margin at this point occurs: “4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings.” 6 In the margin at this point occurs: “4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings.” 7 In the margin at this point occurs: “4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings.” 8 In the margin at this point occurs: “88 taes, 1 real of gold.” Letter of Consolation to the Jesuits of Pintados To my beloved fathers and brothers of the islands and residences of the Pintados. Pax Christi, etc.: Great has been the grief that has been caused to us who have been in these missions of the Tagals, by severe hardships that your Reverences have suffered and are suffering in those islands of Pintados, because of the madness and ferocity of so cruel enemies. For who would not be afflicted at hearing of the hatred and hostility of the barbarians against Christ our Lord, which they have displayed against His sacred images, which they have outraged and broken to pieces, and His temples, which they have burned and destroyed? Who would not be struck with pity on seeing the beloved flock of the sheep of Christ our Lord, and his faithful ones with their pastors and ministers, robbed, dispersed, and pursued even into the fastnesses of the mountains, imprisoned, captured, and killed?—and the shepherds, with especial ignominy and cruelty, as we see in [the case of] our most beloved father, Juan del Carpio, who is happy, fortunate, and chosen, since he has purchased the eternal crown by the shedding of his blood. 1 Who would not have compassion at hearing of the fatigues, surprises, necessities, and dangers, of those of your Reverences who are still alive—a life that resembles a continual death rather than life? But this tender compassion must cause pain in us because of the evils, and encouragement and joy because of the blessings, which follow from them—truly one and the other feeling; for who can refrain from weeping at the sight of an offended God, at His holy name blasphemed, His worship violated, His faithful ones captive, and His priests killed? But who will not be consoled with that holiness of the great doctor of the Church, St. Augustine, whom God our Lord permitted [to be visited by] evils in order that he might derive greater blessings therefrom—such as are these greater blessings from so many present evils? Such are the [ word illegible ] acts born from the fervid hearts of my most beloved fathers, so that they have offered themselves to their Creator and Lord in so virulent dangers, not as they might wish, but as a most perfect holocaust, without any fear, placing everything in His hands—health, honor, blood, and life, for the greater glory of his Majesty, and the welfare of souls. Peradventure these are not blessings that enrich those who possess them, but they give courage, fervor, and glory to our province and Society of Jesus, which has such sons and so valorous soldiers, the imitators of their Society of Jesus, their blood shed to deliver their spiritual children and that which pertains to the Divine and Christian worship—which blessings will he not bring to our islands and fields of Christendom, and to our Society of Jesus in those islands? For as says the most illustrious Tertullian in his Apologetica adversus gentis , chapter 49: Semen est sanguis Christianorum. 2 And a Christianity wet with such blood will doubtless give a most abundant harvest. And what encouragement will it give to the sons of the Society in Europa! And what desires will they have to come where they may have opportunity to shed their blood also for the honor of their Creator! Blood shed by the hands of barbarian Mahometans instigated by their casique 3 —especially against the priests, the preachers of our holy faith, as we learned from one who escaped from them; and with so remarkable tokens of special hate against religion, that they tore to pieces the very body of the father, so that the head was the largest part of it. However much they may claim that in order that there should be no planting [of Christianity?] they did not spare his life, their actions show that they took life away from him in hatred of Christ our Lord, and of His holy religion, which the father was preaching and extending. And even if the Mahometans did not have that intention and hate against Christ and His holy faith, which this shows that they have, not only is the death inflicted and suffered in this manner a true martyrdom, but also in more general terms Christ our Lord said through St. Mark in the 8th chapter: Qui perdiderit animam suam propter me, et evangelium, salvam faciet . 4 On those words is founded every form of true martyrdom, which embraces that of the innocents, and those who gave their lives to serve those sick with the plague, and for any virtue whatever; and thus say the saints. St. Augustine pondering these words in his sermon 100 ( De diversis ) section 2, 5 makes a strenuous effort for martyrdom, in the occasion of dying, in these words: “ Qui perdiderit,” inquit, “propter me.” Tota caussa ibi est. “Qui perdiderit,” non quomodocumque, non qualibet caussa, sed “propter me.” Ylli enim yn prophecia yam dixerant martires, “Propter te mortificamur tota die.” Propterea martiremnon facit pena, sed caussa . And if this is Christ our Lord, and one loses his life either in order not to offend Him—for example, by denying His faith, or losing his chastity, or by lying, etc.—or in order to serve Him—for example, by preaching His holy gospel, or by practicing the doctrine of succoring one’s neighbors with the spiritual or corporal works of charity—even if the tyrant does not deprive him of life as a mark of hatred against the faith, assuredly he gains the crown, salvam faciet eam . Accordingly, he who dies in the mountains when fleeing from persecution, or by means of wild beasts or robbers, or who is drowned in the sea, says St. Cyprian in his Epistle number 56, Ad Tibaitanos , is and must be called a martyr, for his death is [suffered] for Christ. Thence can one well see what we feel in the present case, and in the occasions that we have in hand. I will quote his words here, for they are a consolation for all those who are liable to lose their lives, in the sea or in the mountains, because of the preaching of the holy gospel and the persecution of the enemies of the gospel. Si fugientem in solitudine ac montibus latro oppresserit, fera invaserit, fames aut sitis aut frigus afflixerit, vel per maria præcipiti navigatione properantem tempestas ac procella submerserit spectat militem suum Christus ubicunque pugnantem, et persecutionis causa pro nominis sui honore morienti præmium reddit quod daturum se in resurectione promisit. Nec minor est martyrii gloria non publica et [non] inter multos perisse cum pereundi causa sit propter Christum perire. Sufficit ad testimoniam martyrii fui [sc. fuisse] testis ille qui probat martyres et coronat. 6 This is sufficient for a letter, although other testimonials of the saints could be adduced, which show that the institution of martyrdom made by Christ our Lord was not the narrow thing of which certain scholastics speak. Father Teofilo Raynaudo 7 of our Society, in the book that he published, De martyrio per pestem , in the year 1630, proves in a very learned and wise manner that those who die through the exercise of the works of charity with the sufferers of the pest are really and truly, and can be called, martyrs. And clearly it is not less to give one’s life than to exercise spiritual works of charity, for one’s neighbors. Hence we ought to endure in this particular, for Christ our Lord, in bonitate et liberalitate , 8 and since for other lesser works—as leaving father and mother, or positions, etc., for Him—Christ our Lord chose to give as a reward so much in this life, and afterward eternal life, as He said through St. Mark, in the 10th chapter: Centies tantum in tempore hoc et in sæculo futuro vitam æternam . 9 The most heroic and lofty work was necessarily the giving of one’s life for the same cause; and that loss will not give, to him who serves, another reward here, but the reward of eternal life is reserved for the world to come, and with a special diadem. Then may we be consoled, my fathers, in our missions and voyages, if we lose our lives therein in the service of Christ for the preaching of His holy gospel; since according to His royal promise He always maintains it assured, and brighter is the crown. I do not say this in order that we should publish our martyrs, or that we should so talk with those outside (for it is better for us to limit ourselves in that direction), but for our consolation and assurance, I am persuaded that after this pilgrimage we shall recognize that glory in some or many of the fathers of this province who have preceded us—as in the case of the fortunate father Juan Dominico Bilançio, who died a captive of the Mahometan [king of] Jolo, the harsh treatment and sufferings of his captivity being the cause of his death; and Father Juan de las Missas, [who perished] at the hands of the hostile Camucones; besides other fathers. I regard it as superfluous to expatiate further on this, or to attempt to spur on those who are running so gloriously. Therefore I conclude with the words, which the glorious bishop and martyr, St. Cyprian, wrote in a similar case in his epistle number 81, to Sergius Rogatianus and his companions: Saluto vos fratres charissimi [ac beatissimi] optans ipsse quoque conspectu vestro frui, si me ad vos pervenire loci condicio permiteret. Quid enim mihi optacius et lecius pocet [i.e., posset] accidere, quam nunc vovis inhærere? ... Sed quoniam qui [sc. huic] lætiçie interesse facultas non datur has pro me ad aures et [ad] oculos vestros vicarias literas mito, quibus glatulor pariter, et eshortor, ut yn comfessione selestis glorie fortes et estabiles perseberetis et ingressi viam Dominice dignacionis ad acipiendam coronam espirituali virtute pergatis . 10 Manila, February 1, 1635. Juan de Bueras 1 This raid spread fear and alarm throughout the Visayas; and the religious, especially the Jesuits, urged the governor (then Cerezo de Salamanca) to provide some defense against the pirates. Accordingly he ordered (although in the face of much opposition) the establishment of a fort and garrison at Zamboanga, Mindanao; and to aid in the expenses of this enterprise, a contribution of a ganta of rice from each tribute in the Visayas. (Combés says that this measure originated with the Jesuit Bueras.) This contribution was afterward extended to all the provinces, and was known as “the Zamboanga donation.” The fort at Zamboanga (begun June 23, 1635) was planned by the Jesuit Melchor de Vera, and built under his direction. See accounts given by Combés ( Hist. Mindanao , col. 213–224), Murillo Velarde ( Hist. Philipinas , fols. 76b–78a), and Montero y Vidal ( Hist. Filipinas , pp. 190–192). 2 “The seed is the blood of Christians.” 3 A corruption of kasis ( Vol. XVI, p. 134), or kázi , an appellation of Mahometan preachers. 4 Part of the thirty-fifth verse. The quotation should end with eam . The English is: “And whosoever shall lose his life for my sake and the gospel, shall save it.” 5 Translated: “ He that shall lose ( his life ), He says, for my sake. There is the whole cause. He that shall lose , not in any way whatsoever, not for any reason that you like; but: For my sake . In prophecy those other martyrs already said: For thy sake we are killed all the day long (Ps. xliii, 22). Not therefore is it the punishment, that makes a martyr, but the cause.” This is found in St. Augustine’s sermon In natali martyrium (“On the festival of martyrs”), cap. ii, sec. 2; it is Sermon 331, ed. Migne, Paris, 1841 and 1845—in older codices, “Sermon 100 de Diversis .”— T. C. Middleton , O.S.A. 6 Translated: “If a robber should assault, or a wild beast attack, or hunger or thirst or cold afflict, one fleeing in the desert and mountains, or a storm or hurricane drown one making haste through the seas in precipitate navigation, Christ beholds in him His soldier, wherever he may be fighting; and He gives the reward to him who dies persecuted for the name of His honor, which He promised that He would give at the resurrection. Nor less is the glory of martyrdom, in having perished not in public, nor in the midst of a multitude, when the cause for which he dies is to lose his life for the sake of Christ. For the witnessing of martyrdom, it is enough that He was witness who approves and crowns the martyrs.” 7 Théophile Raynaud was born November 15, 1587, at Sospello, in the county of Nice, and entered the Society of Jesus November 21, 1602. He taught grammar and the humanities at Avignon, philosophy for six years and theology for ten at Lyons, where he was also prefect of studies for two years. He lived for some years at Grenoble, Chambéry, and Rome, and passed the last thirteen years of his life at Lyons, where he died October 31, 1633. He was a most voluminous writer, but his style was poor. Some of his works have been printed, while others exist only in manuscript. He had planned to print them all together, but death hindered the project. The book referred to in the text is De Martyrio per pestem Ad martyrium improprium, et proprium vulgare comparato, Disqvisitio Theologica, Theophili Raynavdi Societatis Iesu Theologi .... (Lvgdvni, Sumpt. Iacobi Cardon, M.DCXXX.) See Sommervogel’s Bibliothèque . 8 “In goodness and liberality.” 9 A portion of St. Mark x, 30. The Latin of the entire passage is: Qui non accipiat centies tantum, nunc in tempore hoc: domos, et fratres, et sorores, et matres, et filios, et agros, cum persecutionibus, et in sæculo futuro vitam æternam . The English of the Douay version is: “Who shall not receive an hundred times as much, now in this time; houses, and brethren, and sisters, and mothers, and children, and lands, with persecutions, and in the world to come life everlasting.” 10 Translated: “I greet you, well-beloved and blessed brethren, yearning also myself for the joy of seeing you, if only the conditions of place would allow me to reach you. For what could be more to my wish and my joy than to be with you now? ... But because no opportunity now offers for this happiness of being present myself to your eyes and ears, I am sending this letter instead; whereby I equally felicitate and exhort you to stand strong and firm in your confession of the heavenly glory: and, having entered upon the way that the Lord has honored, to go forward in spiritual strength to receive the crown.” This is the “Letter of St. Cyprian to Sergius and Rogatianus, and other confessors in the Lord”—no. vi in Tauchnitz ed. (Lipsiæ, 1838).— T.C. Middleton, O.S.A. Letter to Felipe IV from Father Andres del Sacramento Sire: Since I have passed thirty years in this province of the discalced Franciscans of San Gregorio of Filipinas, and, since I am a father of this province, I regard it as my obligation to advise your Majesty of its present condition; so that, since you are the one who sends the ministers at the cost of your royal treasury, you might apply the corrective that necessity demands. It is a fact that, although the said province has been established by the discalced religious, and always maintained in its first perfection by the religious sent it by the discalced provinces of España, among those who come some Observantines are generally found, under pretext of going to Japon—who, although they change the habit, do not change their inclination to their own observance. This mingling [of the two branches] is the cause of very great disquiet, because of the opposition that is sucked in there in the milk, as is apparent to your Majesty from many instances. Although the Observantines are so few that they do not number twenty, they make use of their favor with the commissaries-general, who generally appoint them as commissaries of visitation. In parts so remote and deprived of recourse [to superiors], they hold their will as law whenever they choose. For that reason we have always feared that the Observantines would deprive the discalced religious of this province; and that has been done by an Observantine commissary-visitor, who removed all the definitors and a great number of votes, by absolute authority and without sufficient cause. He did it for the sole purpose of succeeding in that design, which he accomplished; hence this province and its definitors are at present in the power of the Observantines. Since the fathers commissaries-general are Observantines, they naturally favor their own party. From that circumstance, serious and long-drawn-out litigation is promised, which your Majesty can prevent by ordering strictly that one or the other branch do not come. The discalced religious, as I said, established this province. They have furnished many martyrs to the church, and have toiled in the ministry with poverty, humility, and good example among Spaniards and Indians, as they relate and as your Majesty can inform yourself. You will also be informed of the manner in which the Observantine fathers administer in Megico; and you can select which [branch] you may please, and order that those religious who do not possess a testimonial from the discalced or from the Observantine provincials (according to which branch your Majesty selects) shall not embark at Cadiz. In case that Observantines are not to come, it is very necessary also to order strictly your viceroy of Mexico not to allow those who should not possess the said testimonials to embark at Acapulco; for, since the commissary-general is in Mexico, he will exert great activity in this respect in order to carry farther what has been commenced. For that purpose they are at present sending an Observantine religious. I beg your Majesty not to consider this as a matter of little moment, for on this one remedy alone depends the preservation of this province on its first foundation, the peace of the religious, the proper administration of the Indians, and the prevention of most serious scandals born from the said opposition and intermixture, of which this whole kingdom is witness. In this letter it is seen that no favor or protection is requested from your Majesty for either myself or anyone else; but I only inform you, as our sovereign lord, so that you may remedy the injury that results from the aforesaid to the consciences of your vassals and in the administration of the Indians. Notwithstanding this, I beseech your Majesty, if you will be so pleased, to keep my name secret from the father commissary-general and the Observantines; for if they learn it, they will give me considerable trouble here. May Heaven prosper your life with the most fortunate successes, as we your Majesty’s most humble vassals and chaplains desire. [Nueva] Caceres, in the province of Camarines, June 2, 1635. Your Majesty’s humble chaplain, Fray Andres del Sacramento , father of this province of San Gregorio. [ Endorsed : “June 16, 638. Collect what may have been written on this matter, and bring it; and have the father commissary-general report whether Observantines go among the discalced fathers who are asked for. A report was asked from the commissary-general on the sixteenth of said month.”] Letter from the Franciscan Commissary-General of the Indias I have received two documents from your Grace, in regard to various matters, and I shall answer them in two others, so that your Grace may be pleased to read them to the gentlemen of that royal Council. In regard to one, I say that since the winter when I had certain advices from the province of San Gregorio of the Filipinas, and of which I informed the council, I have had no further news. That news was certain complaints of the provincial and definitors against the commissary who deprived them of certain things which he found in his visit, although he exceeded [his authority] in it. That case went to the commissary of Nueva España. According to what the discalced provincial of the Filipinas wrote me, who went to follow up the case, penalties were imposed upon the said commissary. Another was sent from the discalced province of San Diego, so that another chapter might be celebrated, and that province appeased. I hope in our Lord that it will be appeased and satisfied; but if not, I have written for them to send me all the documents and all decisions that shall have been rendered. Letters were also written to me then, and I was advised of the great injuries that the governor was causing to the religious. I neglected to inform his Majesty and that royal Council of this, as I considered it certain that, as it had been so public, the matter would have been communicated from there; and that, after having been weighed by those gentlemen, they would despatch orders to reform it. Concerning the lawless act and the audacity of the friars in protecting and aiding the cleric Don Pedro Monroy, and their public censure of the governor, the Audiencia, and others in their sermons, with scandal, for which I feel due regret, although the things that occur there publicly, and the events that happen there, have been very extraordinary, yet the words of their sermons must be according to the statement of the holy Council of Trent: Que sint examinata et casta, eloquia ad edificationem 1 —words used by our father St. Francis, in his rules for preachers. If they are not so, then the word of God will not have the effect on its hearers that it had before the disturbance and scandal—a matter that has always seemed very wrong to me, and deserving blame and condemnation. That will happen on this occasion, for which, in due time, I shall send commission for an investigation and the punishment of the guilty; and [an account of] what shall be done shall be sent, so that I may present it to that royal Council, and it may be seen whether satisfaction has been made; for where that has not been done, I shall endeavor to secure it, as I strive to do in all things that arise. This is my response to the first document sent by your Grace. Given in this convent of St. Francis, in Madrid, June twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. Fray Francisco de Ocaña , commissary-general of the Indias. 1 “Let them be of a considered and chaste eloquence, that they may be a cause for edification.” Opinion of Council and Royal Decree Regarding the Request of the Jesuits of Manila for Alms for Their Residence Sire: By a decree of June first of the former year six hundred and twenty-five, your Majesty granted a concession to the residence of the Society of Jesus of the city of Manila, in the Philipinas Islands, of one thousand ducados in each of ten years, in unassigned Indians, or those who should first become such in the said islands, under the same terms with which your Majesty granted concession to the convent of the Order of St. Augustine in the islands for their buildings. The procurator-general of the said residence has now represented that, after the work was commenced, the church fell to the ground one night—leaving the house in ruins, and in so great danger that they were obliged immediately to borrow a temple for divine worship. For their building, and in order that they might be expeditious in it, and to build part of a house where the religious could be sheltered, it was necessary to raise a large sum of money by an assessment, which has rendered them very needy. It is the seminary for all the religious of the said Society who leave these kingdoms for the cultivation of the holy gospel in those provinces, where they equip themselves and learn the languages of the natives, in order to go out to teach them. It has a school where reading, writing, and Latin are taught, and the arts and theology, to Spaniards and natives; and six congregations—namely, of priests, laymen, students, Indians, and blacks—with great spiritual increase. It is the refuge for all the gospel ministers who fall sick, and who go thither for treatment, as there are no physicians in any other part. There they are treated, entertained, and supported with great charity, until they can return to continue their ministries. There are entertained all those who go by way of Eastern Yndia, when they go to Japon, China, Maluco, and other places. The said residence is very cramped, both in its house and its church, because of the great crowds that go there continually. For the relief of that condition, the order begs your Majesty that—considering the aforesaid, and that your Majesty has twice granted to the convent of St. Augustine in the said islands a bounty of twenty thousand ducados for their building—you will also give the said residence as an alms another ten thousand ducados, so that it may continue the said building, paying it to them in the tributes of Indians who may be unassigned. The matter having been examined in the Council, together with the letter which the royal Audiencia of the said islands wrote to your Majesty, July twenty-nine, six hundred and thirty—in which is mentioned the great necessity for a church which the religious of the residence experience because of the fall of theirs, and the evident danger in which they live, and the great results that they obtain in those parts—the count of Castillo, presiding officer of the said Council, Fernando de Villaseñor, the count of Umanes, and Don Bartolomé Morquecho were of the opinion that, in order to take a resolution in this matter, it is advisable that the governor, the Audiencia, and the archbishop of the said islands report on the condition of the work on the said residence, what is yet to be built, how much it will cost, and whether the said Society of Jesus has funds with which to build it. Licentiate Don Lorenzo Ramirez de Prado, Juan Prado, Juan de Solorzano, and Don Juan de Palafox think that, if your Majesty be so pleased, you can do them the favor of continuing to the said residence the sum as above stated which was given them (of one thousand ducados in each year, for ten years) for two years more—one thousand ducados in each of them to be paid from the said tributes of unassigned Indians, so that they may continue the said work. This should be with the qualification that the governor of the said islands see whether there is any other kind of property from which to pay those two thousand ducados, so that it may not be taken from the treasury of your Majesty, or from the said encomiendas of Indians—in order that the latter may remain free, with which to reward the soldiers who serve your Majesty in those districts with great toil and danger. Those two years of extension shall run from the day on which the ten years of the said grant are concluded, and in each one of those two years they shall not enjoy more than one thousand ducados. Will your Majesty order what is your royal pleasure. Madrid, [ blank ] of [ blank ], six hundred and thirty-five. [The king, having seen the above opinions of his Council, despatched a decree to the president and auditors of the Manila Audiencia, which recites in identical terms throughout the matter preceding the opinion in the first paragraph above, and then continues:] The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, together with the letter which you wrote me on July twenty-nine, six hundred and thirty, and they having conferred with me in respect to the many years during which I made the said concession to the said residence, and our ignorance at present of what had been done with that money, or into what it has been converted, and what still lacks to be built; and as it is in tributes of unassigned Indians, which are to be used as a reward for the soldiers who serve me in those islands with so great toil and danger, without there being any other thing with which to reward them: I command you, in order that our decision in this matter may be made with the knowledge that is advisable, to inform me on the first opportunity that offers of the condition of the work on the said residence, what is still to be built, and how much it will cost; and whether the said Society of Jesus has enough funds with which to build it, without our continuing the said concession and alms, as I have so many alms to grant, and things so greatly needing attention, on which account it is needful to retrench as much as possible. You shall send me the said report, together with your opinion, through the said my Council of the Yndias, so that, after they have examined it, the most advisable measures may be taken. Given in Madrid, July ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. I the King By order of the king our sovereign: Don Gabriel Ocaña y Alarcon Signed by the gentlemen of the Council. Letter from Pedro de Arce to Felipe IV Although my age is now so advanced, and I was very contented in my bishopric of the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jhesus (which is commonly called Cebú), I was forced to leave my quiet because of the death of the archbishop of Manila, Don Fray Garcia Serrano, which happened more than six years ago, in order to come to govern this archbishopric of Manila during the period of its vacancy, as such was ordered by his Holiness Paul V, in a bull which he gave at the petition of your Majesty’s father (whom may holy Paradise keep!), providing that the senior bishop of Philipinas should come to govern the church at Manila for three vacancies in this metropolitan see. Thus the lot fell to me to come; and the urgency with which the governor and the Audiencia begged me to come gave me no room for excuses, or to represent my indispositions and advanced age. During the time while I have been in this government, there has been great peace and harmony between the ecclesiastical and civil powers; and we have always endeavored to promote the cause of our Lord and the service of your Majesty, as we all are bound to do. I have not left the government until now, when the bulls of this archbishopric came for Don Fray Hernando Guerrero; for, although he had a decree from your Majesty, the bulls, as I say, had not arrived, and I was governing by a bull of his Holiness, with a decree from your Majesty. Having consulted in regard to it with erudite men, theologians and jurists, as to whether I could give up the government of the archbishopric to Don Fray Hernando Guerrero, all counseled me in the negative, and charged my conscience. Finally, the Lord has been pleased to relieve me of that charge, and to leave me the old responsibility of my own failures; and, accordingly, I am returning thither with much pleasure and happiness, to finish my days among my people, aiding them in whatever I can; for they have suffered considerably during these years from the enemy from Mindanao and Jolo, who are very powerful, and who make extensive raids with their fleets—burning villages, firing churches, destroying images, and capturing many Indians. Especially last year did those enemies display themselves most insolently; whereupon Governor Don Juan Cerezo Salamanca was obliged to apply the only remedy which we believed there to be—namely, to construct a fort at Samboanga, in the land of Mindanao, which might serve as a check to both enemies. That fort was commenced when Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera arrived to govern these islands. Hearing of the advisability of that work, he determined to forward it, for its benefit is great, and its cost to the royal treasury but slight; and even thus it is hoped that it will be of great advantage in a few years, for those enemies will be obliged to pay tribute to your Majesty—and, in fact, whole villages have already begun to enter your Majesty’s obedience. I hope that they will also enter the obedience of our Majesty [ i.e., of God]. For that purpose, I have given and entrusted the spiritual affairs of those islands to the fathers of the Society, so that by their excellent method of procedure and their gentleness they may continue to attract and convert the natives, who are very numerous. Already have they set their hands to the labor, although the number of subjects that they have is few; because those of this order come but very seldom, and they have much to which to attend, and every day they have more. For I, for only the time during which I governed the archbishopric of Manila, have, in consideration of the welfare of the Indians and the devotion and efficient method of administration which those of the Society preserve among them in all parts, entrusted them with new posts. Both in the island of Negros and in that of Mindoro, besides the old Christians, they have three or four thousand heathen to whom to attend; and they are already baptizing these, in addition to the said heathen of Mindanao, who number many thousands. Consequently, I petition your Majesty for two things: one that your Majesty be pleased to confirm them in the said mission of Mindanao, for the bishops have entrusted it to them alone for many years (as did I also), through expectation of great results in the conversion, by means of the said fathers of the Society of Jesus; the other, that your Majesty send a goodly reënforcement of the subjects of that order, so that they may attend to everything. I think a good reënforcement would be about forty, if most of them are priests, who can immediately begin to instruct. May our Lord preserve the royal person of your Majesty, as all kingdoms need, and as I, the least of your Majesty’s chaplains, beg in my sacrifices and prayers. Manila, October seventeen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. Fray Pedro, Bishop of Santisimo Nombre de Jhesus. Documents of 1636 Discussion regarding Portuguese trade at Manila . Joseph de Navada Alvarado, and others; 1632–36, Decree extending the tenure of encomiendas . Felipe IV; February 1. Military services of Filipinos . Juan Grau y Monfalcon; June 13. Conflicts between civil and ecclesiastical authorities, 1635–36 . Casimiro Diaz, O.S.A. Letter from a citizen of Manila to an absent friend . [Unsigned; Fabian de Santillan y Gavilanes?]; June 15. Request for Jesuit missionaries . Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera; June 19. Letter from the bishop of Nueva Caceres to Felipe IV . Francisco de Zamudio, O.S.A.; June 20. List of prominent ecclesiastics in Manila and the islands . Hernando de Guerrero, archbishop of Manila; 1636. Sources : All but three of these documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The second is from the “Cedulario Indico” of the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; the fourth, from Diaz’s Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas; the fifth, from a MS. in the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid. Translations : All but one of these documents are translated by James A. Robertson; the last is by Robert W. Haight. Discussion Regarding Portuguese Trade at Manila Copy of seventeen articles which Joseph de Navada Alvarado, regidor of the distinguished and loyal city of Manila, proposed to the municipal council [ayuntamiento] of that city, in which he represents the injuries and troubles which follow and have been experienced from the Portuguese of Macan continuing the trade which they have begun to introduce in that city [of Manila]. These articles were presented to Don Juan Niño de Tavora, and afterward to Don Juan Cerezo de Salamanca, governor of those islands—who, having examined them, wrote his opinion to his Majesty, and how advisable it was to suppress the trade of Macan with the said city of Manila, as is apparent by the said letter. Captain Joseph de Navada Alvarado, regidor of this city of Manila, represented in this city council that, as was public and well known, from the year six hundred and nineteen until the present of thirty-two, the Portuguese inhabitants of Macan have come to this city in various vessels, without fail in all the years above mentioned, laden with Chinese merchandise, in order to sell it here; and that, with their said coming, it seems that they have obtained possession of this trade, which is so strictly prohibited by various royal decrees. On account of that trade they have waxed rich, while the inhabitants of this community now find themselves in their so wretched present condition, by the great sales which have been generally made to them; and because with the said trade that which the Sangleys had by coming yearly to this said city, with the greatest abundance of goods, has ceased. It appears that necessity has always obliged them to have to buy from the said Portuguese. Notwithstanding that the prices have usually been very high, the profit which the inhabitants of this said city have made in Nueva España has been very slight; and at times it has been little more than the prime cost of the goods here, besides the heavy expenses and duties which they carry, both in these islands and in the said Nueva España. For that reason, he feels that it is very advisable for the preservation of the said inhabitants and of this community that the said trade of the Portuguese cease, and that they be ordered not to come to this city; for this is permitted by the royal will, under the penalties expressed in the said decrees in which he orders it, to which we refer, since there are so many and so fundamental reasons as the following. The first, that the said Portuguese of Macan having tried in years past to open this trade, and having come to this city with merchandise to sell it there, this city council, seeing the damage that might grow from it (which is the damage bewailed today), opposed the said coming, and made various decisions in regard to demanding that the royal will be observed, and that the Portuguese be ordered not to return to this city. And in fact they did not come for the time being, or for many years after, until the said year of six hundred and nineteen—[since] when, not encountering the resistance which had been formerly made, they have continued the said trade, as aforesaid. The second, for proof of the aforesaid, is that, as is notorious, the amounts of capital [invested by] the inhabitants of these islands were very great in the first years of the coming of the said ships from Macan; but with the high prices which the Portuguese have always set upon their merchandise, and (as aforesaid) because the citizens have bought from them more by force than willingly, by reason of the lack of the goods which the Chinese brought formerly, for that reason the said investments of capital have stopped, and are so greatly diminished as has been, and is seen in general; because the gains have been very slight compared with the profits that have been made in Nueva España, considering the high prices that they demand here, as has been previously stated. The third point which ought to be considered is, that the customs duties on the merchandise brought by the Chinese to this city were worth to his Majesty from eighty to one hundred thousand pesos annually; while those on the merchandise of the ships which have come from Macan have not been worth more than twenty thousand pesos in any one year, and it is considered as certain that some years the duties have not exceeded twelve thousand. In regard to this truth, as a point so worthy of consideration—and of which this city council ought to take so much notice, as it is the body whom the increase of the royal revenues to their possible extent concerns so fully—we refer to what shall appear from the amounts of the said duties which the Sangleys now for twenty years have put into the royal treasury, and to those which the Portuguese have put in from the year six hundred and nineteen, the goods which they have generally brought being valued at about one million and a half, defrauding to a greater sum the said import and export duties so rightfully due his Majesty. The fourth matter that must be considered for the greater proof of the aforesaid statement is, the quickness of the voyage from the said city of Macan to this of Manila, since it can be made in twelve days or a fortnight (or in one week, as has already happened), and the short time that they spend in this city selling their goods. Those were causes which could ensure the success of the contract which the citizens of this city have offered to make with them, several years—namely, to give them forty per cent clear profit upon the first cost which they [ i.e. , the Portuguese] had invested. But as the Portuguese have always beheld themselves powerful and masters of the said trade, they have always refused to accept it—from which one can infer the great gains which they have made and are making in the trade, since, in short, more than sixty per cent [profit] has now to be given for everything. That is a hardship which sufficiently accounts for the present condition of the inhabitants of this city who are afflicted with the many troubles which attend them by reason of the said diminution of their wealth; and for the total ruin of others, who see themselves dispossessed of what they had. For that reason they make no further investments, because they have not the wherewithal. Fifth, it ought to be considered how long and dangerous is the voyage from these islands to the said Nueva España, and the heavy costs and expenses caused by the investments; while the returns for what is sent from here are not received even if good fortune attend them, except at the end of two years, and sometimes more. Sixth, that with the coming of the said Portuguese and ships from the city of Macan to this of Manila, the commerce and trade which the Sangley merchants of China usually carried on every year with this city has ceased, because of the keen intelligence which the Portuguese have employed in preventing it. That they have succeeded in doing, entirely by means of a very astute plan which they have followed, by taking to the annual fairs which are usually held at Canton so many thousands of pesos to invest and to bring to this city, as, in short, has already been said. In that way the Chinese sell them all that they want, at a profit of twenty-five or thirty per cent. That arrangement is so agreeable to the Sangleys, with the said profit in their own land and without trouble, that they have ceased to come to this city as they did formerly, risking the capital which they brought hither. This has been aided greatly by the Portuguese persuading the said Sangleys that the wealth of the inhabitants of this city is very nigh gone, and to so great an extent that they cannot find an outlet even for all the goods which they bring; and that, for that reason, they give trust for the greater part of it—a thing that has never happened, nor been done, for they have always received money, and the value for everything that they have sold. To that is added also that the said Portuguese have been wont to frighten the said Sangley traders by telling them of the danger that they will experience in their coming because of the Dutch pirates and the fleets of bancons 1 with which some of the Chinese nation themselves go about committing depredations along those coasts. At the same time they have represented to the Chinese the heavy dues that they pay here, and the injuries that are inflicted upon them in this city, notwithstanding that they have [not] known that the Chinese have any complaint of this. All is with the purpose of turning them from any design that they have had of coming to this city with merchandise; for they fear that if the Chinese did so it would result in impairing their trade 2 and discrediting that which the said Portuguese hold so firmly. The seventh is in regard to the Chinese merchants who refuse to sell their goods in Canton to the said Portuguese of Macan, saying that they prefer to bring them at their own cost and risk to this city in their champans to sell them to the inhabitants of this city, and to enjoy in their entirety the profits and gain which they can thereby get. In order to dissuade these men from that purpose and resolve which they have had, the said Portuguese have offered (as many Chinese merchants who have come to this city this present year have said) for the sake of peace to bring the goods of the said Sangleys to this city at their own account and risk in order to sell them here—as they could do, if they should carry them—making a contract, by which for their administration [of this business] they were to get five per cent. That has been seen now for two years, during which they brought in this way more than one hundred and fifty thousand pesos on account of Sangley merchants of Canton. They also take the funds of the Chinese to make a return at so much per cent, and bring it to this city, so that the Sangleys may not come here with the said goods. That is a well known fact, and has been learned from some of the Portuguese of Macan themselves. The said Portuguese make those efforts in order to have the monopoly for themselves of the merchandise brought to this city from the kingdom of China, and so that all might pass through their hands; since, in whatever form the aforesaid goods are brought, the Portuguese prove to be so interested, and, for the same reason, as has already been stated, the inhabitants of this city come to be so despoiled of their wealth. No less [injury] is possible, except that, if the said trade is not suppressed, they will finish by losing the little that they have within very few years. The eighth. In regard to the aforesaid, we must consider that the said Portuguese of Macan have always refused to agree by way of pancada on a general price, although the said pancada is so usual among them in all parts where they buy and sell. During one of the last few years, having agreed to the said pancada, and in order to begin it having appointed a person both on their part and on that of this city, when the prices were set those of Macan refused to accept them, as they were not so high as they wished. For always with the consideration of having a port to leeward (which is that some of the said Portuguese remain in this city to sell their goods which they have left over, in which no opposition has been shown them, either, although it is so much to the prejudice of the common welfare of this city), they become obstinate in whatever they desire—those who spend the winter making a monopoly of their merchandise that is left over, selling it at very high prices to the inhabitants who need it, and selling some to the Sangleys of the Parián. The latter afterward retail such merchandise to all manner of persons, doing that in the course of the year with some gain. The ninth point, and one which ought to be carefully considered, is, that besides some of the Portuguese remaining in this city who come from the city of Macan with the said merchandise, with the intent and for the causes stated in the above article, they accomplish their ends in another way, no less injurious to this community—namely, that some of them have sent a very heavy export of their merchandise in the ships despatched to Nueva España, although that is so stringently prohibited by decrees and orders of his Majesty. Taking advantage of the said opportunity, they sent it by the hands and under the names of persons of this city, who have protected and are protecting them. Although this city, on account of the notice given to it of this conduct, has made all possible efforts to prevent so harmful a proceeding—having even requested and received letters of excommunication, which have been read and published in the churches—yet it has not been learned that these have been sufficient to prevent it. This is verified by the unlading of the flagship “Santa Maria Magdalena,” which was despatched from the port of Cavite in these islands in the first part of August of the past year, six hundred and thirty-one, for Nueva España, but whose voyage did not take place, because of the disaster that happened. Through that mishap it became known what the Portuguese of Macan had embarked in it, as can be related by Captain Andres Lopez de Azaldiqui, depositary-general of this court, who was present at the discharge of cargo with a commission from this city council. The tenth is, that what the ships bring from Macan is only silks, in bundles and in fabrics. If they have brought any cotton cloth needed by the poor, each piece of cloth has been sold at three or three and one-half pesos. The same price is received for one cate of sewing thread, and a dish of average quality sells for one real; and notwithstanding that they bring but little of this for the supply of this community, they have always sold the said articles at the prices quoted, because of reducing the cargo of the said ships to the said silks and stuffs, on account of the profits arising from such freights. The ships give little or no place for the lading of cotton cloth and other wares needed so badly by the poor, because of their volume and of the little profit made from such cargoes. Such things are also needed by those who are not poor; and even a single ship of those usually brought by the Sangleys from China to this city fills the land with the said common goods, which are so necessary, as can be understood; and the poor are supplied with these by the convenience of their prices, which are very low. They are still lower when a number of ships come, as was formerly the case. That is verified by the few which have come with the said goods for some years past, so that these articles have been valued at prices so low as the fourth part, and less, of the prices at which they have been sold by the said Portuguese, as has been stated. The eleventh is, that it would not have been any trouble for the Chinese to come to engage in this trade with a quantity of goods—as they did before the Portuguese represented to them the dangers of enemies or the other things aforesaid—if the trade of Macan had been suppressed. For the greed of gain, which they are so well known to possess, would have conquered everything, and they would come here; since an outlet for the merchandise in which they trade in China must be sought beneath the water. If the Chinese can know for only one year that no ships have come from Macan to this city, it is certain that they will come, and that beyond all doubt. Also the reëstablishment of the trade of the said Chinese will be effected; and, since there will be great abundance in the goods which they trade, the customs duties will amount to the sums which I have already stated. Consequently, there will be a stop put to the loans, so numerous and usual, that we are wont to require every year from the inhabitants in order to supply the needs of the royal treasury; or at least the loans will not be so large, since the said duties will be able to supply much. The twelfth is that, as is well known, in the merchandise brought by the Portuguese from the city of Macan to this of Manila, there are no articles that can, with known reason, have an outlet with profits or even without profits, in any other part, because of this—namely, that what they take to Japon is only raw silk, which they call of the first value, and the cream of that of China, whose products they bring here. No other thing is used in Japon; and the skins which they also carry, besides being in small quantity, are but little used by the Japanese, according to their customs; so that all the rest which the inhabitants of Macan buy is for conveyance to this city. If they do not come here with it, then, it is certain that they will not buy it. Consequently, the Chinese will come with it, for it is their trade, and they have to procure an outlet and profit for their merchandise. The thirteenth is that the efforts exerted by the said Portuguese of Macan in preventing the commerce of the Chinese have been by as many roads of state as they have been able to attempt. This came to such a pass that a ship returning from this city to that of Macan, whence it had come with merchandise, with some Portuguese aboard it, while coasting along the Ilocan shore some two years ago, sighted two ships of the Sangleys, which were coming from China laden with merchandise to this city. The said ship from Macan attacked them while passing, and chased them, the while discharging its artillery, with the intention of pillaging and sinking them, and preventing their coming here. By the strenuous efforts that they made, the Chinese escaped from their hands, although they received great damage from the artillery. Through the delay that they suffered in these perils, their arrival here was postponed, and having entered the bay during a terrible storm, one ship was wrecked in the neighborhood of Parañaque, and the other in sight of the walls [of Manila]. Consequently, the Sangleys lost their goods, and were in danger of losing their lives. As soon as they entered this city they gave notice of that injury, and this city council having seen the reason of it, voted that an investigation should be made of the aforesaid affair, and that it be done by Licentiate Nicolas Antonio de Omaña, as he was alcalde-in-ordinary of the city. He began to make an investigation, but ceased because the governor said that it belonged to the jurisdiction of the war department. Thereupon the Sangleys—seeing that they would not obtain the justice which they desired in respect to the said investigation; and that the said Portuguese returned to this city, because they did not continue their voyage, on account of the wreck of the said ship in which they were going along the said coast of Ilocos—had recourse to the royal Audiencia of these islands, where they filed a complaint against the Portuguese who was leader of the said ship, and the others. From the papers which were drawn up, it resulted that the said Audiencia ordered the said Portuguese who was commander of the said ship to be arrested. That was done, and the latter was a prisoner for many days in the houses of the city council, until at the end of some time he was freed, without any one knowing in what condition the said case remained. The fourteenth is, the long experience that we have of the injuries that have been committed on the Castilians who have gone from this city to the said city of Macan in the Portuguese ships, with some money which they have taken to invest and with which to pay their passage and the freight on their investments. Having reached the said city of Macan they are arrested, and the said money is sequestered. Some who have escaped this harsh treatment have taken refuge in churches, and have at last embarked, fortunate to be at liberty with their money, in order to return to this city. Having gone through those kingdoms and experienced the delay of the long time during which they have been suffering this molestation, and the others who, as aforesaid, have escaped it by availing themselves of the said churches, these have employed their capital in buying the merchandise of the Portuguese of that city—and always at so high prices that, from one hand to another, the Portuguese gain twenty-five or thirty per cent with our people. For no lesser rate was open to the latter, in order to redeem themselves from the injury inflicted on them, of little or no liberty; while the Portuguese have so much freedom in this said city, as has been and is seen, as I have already stated. Consequently, what our people have brought from that city has always been too dear, by reason of the aforesaid profit which the said Portuguese have made of it. They, not content with this, have (as is well known also), whenever opportunity has arisen to send any ship of his Majesty from this city to bring back at his royal account military supplies for the provision of the royal magazines, refused to let these be bought by the hands of those who have the matter in charge, but [insist that it be] by those of inhabitants of Macan. Thus they make use of what goods they have, and sell them at the prices which they choose. That has always resulted in great loss to the royal treasury, which is sufficiently notorious, because it has been said openly by all who have gone from here for that purpose. Such comment has not been less, even though many citizens of this city are so patiently enduring such injustice; for, these having delivered their goods to the said Portuguese that they might take them hence to the said city of Macan and invest them, and bring them back or send them the proceeds, the Portuguese have kept the goods, and have not thus far made any return to our people. For that reason those who sent the goods have been completely ruined by such great losses, which in their total amount to a very large sum. With that, and with all the profits and gains aforesaid, those of Macan are today known to be very powerful, and to have great wealth—although they had no considerable wealth in the said year of six hundred and nineteen, when they began to come here to avail themselves of the said trade. The fifteenth is, that if the trade of the said Portuguese ceases, there can be no doubt that the Sangleys will come in their ships from China, laden with merchandise, in order to sell it in this city. And even should this not be to the number of those who formerly came, nor with so great an amount of goods during these first years, yet with the few that do come with valuable goods, and with those which can come from the island of Hermosa, and the wax which is obtained in these islands, there will be enough goods to complete the two hundred and fifty thousand pesos which his Majesty allows the inhabitants of this archipelago to trade with the said Nueva España—and even to exceed that amount, in general, according to the scarcity of wealth that they have today. The great investments which are made today through the hands of agents who are here—who have the money of certain citizens of Mexico in large quantities, many thousands of pesos, with which they disturb the trade and commerce of our citizens—will be prevented. For, as these men who have the agencies enjoy an interest of ten per cent of what they thus invest by their own authority (even though it be bought very dear), they will not consider the removal of obstacles in the prices of the merchandise—making them exceptions to the general loss of all this community; for the Portuguese have continued their sales at the same prices, without its having been possible to apply the corrective which so great an injury demands. If that loss cease, our citizens alone will enjoy the said investments, complying therein with his Majesty’s will, and will make them at favorable prices, whereby considerable profit will accrue to them. For this they will share the merchandise which will come, both from China and from the island of Hermosa and other places, in accordance with their means. From it will also result another advantage with the coming of the said vessels from China, to the citizens who have possessions in the Parián, who will thus have someone to occupy those possessions. The limited time during which the said Sangleys are wont to remain here will be worth more to those citizens than the rent and payment for their property which they now usually obtain for all the year. With that income the tax which they ought to pay for the arable land in the said possessions, at the [current] values of this city, will not be so long delayed, and will be paid with greater ease, promptness, and willingness than is done now; for, as is well known to this city council, about eight thousand pesos are owing to the said public property for the said reason, according to the accounts that have been rendered by Juan de Arguelles and Juan Lopez de Andoin.