Dr. Stearns's Tour from London to Paris

CHAP. XX. An Account of several Insurrections, Mobs, and Riots in France.— Of an Attempt to seize and kill the Queen.—The King, Queen, &c. go from Versailles to Paris.— An Account of several other Riots.—The King, a wise and prudent Man. It appears by the information I received in France, and a number of publications that I have read, that there have been divers tumults and outrages in different parts of the kingdom, in consequence of the Revolution: for besides the taking of the Bastille, where more than three hundred were slain, exclusive of those that were afterwards executed, hostilities have commenced in other places. It has been said, they first began in the park of the Thuilleries , by a regiment of German troops, commanded by Le Prince Lambache, who is cousin to the queen. This park being thronged by Parisians, and the prince conceiving something that had passed among the people as a gross insult, ordered his regiment to fire:—His orders were obeyed. The populace immediately beat to arms, and a vast concourse joined the standard, drove the prince and his regiment out of the park, and obliged them to fly to Germany. The prince narrowly escaped with his life. His carriage was burnt to ashes, his horses killed, and a reward was offered for his head. How many were slain in this action I have not been able to learn. The people have been much enraged against Le Compte de Artois, and have supposed that he was the author of their wrongs. His estate has been confiscated, and his horses, with three hundred of his houses, sold. It was thought at Paris, that he cannot return at present with safety. Some time in the spring, 1789, a proprietor to a large manufactory in Paris, reported that fifteen sous per day would be sufficient to support a journeyman and his family, providing certain taxes were abolished. His house was soon surrounded by the manufacturers, who came in a very hostile manner. The guards were sent to preserve the peace. But the enraged multitude killed several of the soldiers with stones. The military was drawn forth, and a battle ensued, in which more then six hundred persons were killed on the spot. At St. Germin and Poissy, the populace seized all the arms belonging to the invalids; and upwards of six hundred went to the house of one Sauvage, where they found between six and seven hundred sacks of flour. He was a miller, and it is probable they supposed he meant to hoard up his flour. He was dragged to a convent, was examined by the friars, and declared innocent: but notwithstanding, the mob led him to a butcher, who cut off his head; and carried it about the streets; and they were so inhuman as to insist upon the miller's sons being present at the execution. His daughter, unable to bear the sight, threw herself over the bridge, into the water, and was drowned. Dreadful were the outrages committed at Rouen: Many of the citizens were killed by the troops, and some suffered greatly by the populace, who ransacked and pillaged all the houses where they suspected corn was concealed. Two vessels were stripped, and all sorts of carriages attacked and robbed. On the 14th of July, 1789, an insurrection happened at Lions, wherein three peasants were killed by the dragoons, who suppressed the mob. At the castle of Quinsay, as an immense crowd of citizens and soldiers were amusing themselves with festivity and dancing, on account of the Revolution, they were blown up by a powder plot, and found floating in their blood. Scattered corpses, and dissevered members, palpitating for life, were seen, after some spectators had arrived, near the place where the horrible catastrophe happened. This plot was supposed to be laid by the very man who had prepared the feast, and had invited the people, but had withdrawn himself before the powder took fire. On the 5th of Oct. 1789, 5,000 women, armed with different weapons, marched from Paris to Versailles, followed by a great multitude of people, among which were several detachments of the city militia. The Marquis de la Fayette arrived at Versailles late in the evening, with 20,000 corps, who were under arms all night, in order to prevent acts of violence. About two in the morning of the 6th, a number of persons in women's dresses, many of whom, it is said, were guards, having gained the outward entrances of the castle, forced their way into the palace, and went up the stair-case leading to the queen's apartment, with an intent to seize and murder her; but they were fired upon by the king's guard. Seventeen were killed on the spot, the rest retreated, and things remained quiet till day-light. The Parisian troops demanding an entrance into the palace, were fired upon by a regiment of the king's body guard. The Parisians returned the fire; and the action becoming more general, the Count de Lusignan, commandant of a regiment of Flanders, ordered his troops to fire, but they refused, and laid down their arms. The king's body guard finding themselves overpowered, took to flight. The troops then forced the entrances of the castle, but were prevented from entering the palace by the prudent management and command of M. de la Fayette. It is thought that the king, queen, and royal family, would have fallen victims to the troops, had they entered the palace. The Marquis was soon introduced to the king, with some of the magistrates of Paris, and communicated the desire of the city, that he might conduct his majesty and the royal family thither. On being assured of protection, the king complied with the request; and their majesties, with the dauphin, &c. the king's aunts, with their attendants, proceeded toward town in eighteen carriages, attended by M. de la Fayette, and about 5,000 guards. The road from Versailles was so thronged by the mob, notwithstanding 50,000 Parisian troops had been sent to keep the way clear, that the royal family were eight hours in reaching the Hotel de Ville , though only twelve miles distance. This tedious journey must have been rendered the more painful, by the thoughts of being led captives in triumph to the city of Paris, and the fear of what might follow. The king, with the royal family, stayed near two hours at the Hotel de Ville , and were afterwards conducted to the old ruinous place of the Thuilleries , which had not been inhabited since the days of Lewis XIV. and where nothing was prepared for their reception. The regiment of the king's body guards, both officers and privates, were composed of persons of the second order of nobility in France. About thirty of them were killed, and their heads carried in triumph to Paris, and shewn about the streets on tent poles. Eighty were carried prisoners to this city; but the rest saved themselves by flight. About fifty of the Parisian troops and mob were killed in the affray. On the 7th, the avenues of the Thuilleries were guarded by 1000 men, and the gates of the palace were secured by a train of cannon, to prevent any surprize or escape. This day being court day, their majesties received the foreign ministers in the palace. The king looked uncommonly dejected; the queen was in tears the whole time, and only talked a little to the imperial ambassador. The sight was uncommonly gloomy, and the court broke up after a short time. In the evening the districts of Paris passed a resolution, that the regiment of the king's body guard should be immediately broken, and never more revived; and that in future his majesty should be guarded by citizens instead of soldiers. This evening the National Assembly at Versailles resolved to adjourn to Paris; and that its meeting should ever be inseparable from the king's place of residence. Just before the affray at Versailles, several riots had commenced at Paris. It is said, that whilst the king, queen, &c. were on their journey from Versailles, nothing but the watchful eye of the Marquis de la Fayette, and the confidential guards around the royal coaches, prevented the mob from committing the most violent outrages. The queen's name was handed about in very gross terms: One barbarian asked his companion, "Whether he thought her head would not make a very pretty tennis-ball?" In short, her majesty must be in the most imminent danger. The harmless spectators were in a dangerous condition at this tumultuous scene. An English gentleman, dressed in white clothes, on a riotous day, was seized by a mob, when one cried out, "That is the miller of——, who secreted so many bags of flour:" He told them he was an Englishman, and was innocent: but all was in vain: they insisted he was the man; and he was so much affrighted that he spake nothing but French. They dragged him to the place of execution, he protesting all the way that he was an Englishman: at last one of the mob cried out, "D——n you, if you are an Englishman, speak English ." He then spake in his own language, and was released. Besides these insurrections, I understand that two happened in May last: one was at Montpellier, and the other at Saumur, where several lives were lost. I was told in Paris, that the king would have lost his kingdom, if he had not been a wise and prudent man; that had he opposed the National Assembly, he would have been no longer king. And it was reported that the representatives of the nation, are able to raise an army of seventeen hundred thousand men, in the defence of liberty. CHAP. XX. Of the Birth, Marriage, and Character of the King of France—Of the Birth and Character of the Queen.—An Account of the Dauphin, and of the Princess Royal.—Where the Royal Family may be seen. His most Christian Majesty, Lewis XVI. king of France and Navarre, was born August 23, 1753. He was married May 16, 1770; to Marie Antoinette, sister to the late Emperor of Germany. The king began to reign, May 10, 1774; and was crowned June 11, 1775. He is of a middling stature, something corpulent, and of a light complexion. His majesty is good humoured, very humane, kind, and affable; and as he is easy of access, and possesses the most amiable virtues, he is much beloved by his people. The queen was born November 2, 1755. She is very handsome, and of a civil, mild, complaisant, and obliging deportment. And although the public clamour was violent againt her for a time, on a supposition that she wished the king absolute; yet I was informed, that the spirit of discontent has subsided. Madame la princesse royal is about thirteen years of age. She is very handsome, and possesses excellent accomplishments. The dauphin is about seven years old: an active, beautiful child. The royal family may be seen at the royal chapel on Sundays, and also upon every other day in the week, at the same place, when they are at Paris. CHAP. XXI. Some of the Nobility and Clergy opposed to the Revolution.—Monks and Nuns have Liberty to marry.—The Standing Army reduced.—Soldiers Wages augmented—And the Incomes of the lower Orders of the Clergy.—Why the Revolution is called Glorious.—The Protest of a Bishop.—Observations on the King's Oath. It is said, that some of the nobility and clergy are much opposed to the Revolution, because the titles of honour are abolished, the annual incomes diminished, and all are obliged to pay taxes in proportion to their abilities. I was informed, that the salaries of the bishops are reduced from twenty-five thousand pounds per annum , to one thousand; only that some of them could not live with twenty-five thousand, without running in debt, and that they are now in a disagreeable situation. It was reported that the National Assembly have given leave to the monks and nuns to marry, a privilege that people of those orders have been debarred from through many ages and generations. I asked, what must be done on account of the solemn vows by which they had devoted themselves to Heaven, by engaging to shun the pomps and vanities of this wicked world, and the sinful lusts of the flesh? and was informed that they were all absolved and abolished. The standing army is to be reduced from two hundred to one hundred and fifty thousand: but the soldiers' wages have been augmented: and although the incomes of the bishops are greatly reduced, yet those of the inferior orders of the clergy are to be increased; and the sale of judicial offices will no longer be permitted. The impost on salt is also abolished. Before the Revolution the king had the disposal of the whole of the national revenue; and with unbounded generosity gave 1,500,000 pounds annually to the nobility, as I was informed. Some call the Revolution in France Glorious , 1. Because (they say) that no Revolution ever conferred liberty and equal laws upon so great a number of people. 2. Because it has been brought about with so little effusion of blood. 3. Because they suppose that other nations will follow the laudable example, until liberty, in its meridian splendor, is extended and established through the world! It is said, that the prince bishop of Spiers has again solemnly protested against the proceedings of the National Assembly, in choosing mayors, and municipal members in the towns and places of Elsas, belonging to his bishopric, and other innovations against his rights and privileges. In this important protest he says, "That he had laid before the king, in the most earnest manner, his opposition to the decrees of the National Assembly; which decrees had absolutely overset all the existing treaties with France: that he had delivered a memorial to the emperor and to the realm upon this important subject; notwithstanding which they had proceeded to the appointment of new municipal officers in Elsas, according to the decrees of the National Assembly, and against his right of jurisdiction and appointment; that the new mayors committed great outrages, and set his subjects against paying him any dues, and were endeavouring to make them throw off his dominion:" and he concludes by saying, "that his powers leave him no other remedy than to protest against what is done, which he does in the most solemn manner." A spirit of discontent will undoubtedly reign for a time among some of those that have had their incomes diminished in consequence of the Resolution. Agreeable to the bishop's opinion, in regard to the existing treaties, &c. being overset, is the following paragraph, inserted in the St. James's Chronicle, July 24, 1790. "The king of France has now bound himself by a sacred oath, to adhere to the decrees of the National Assembly, and support the constitution in its renovated form; consequently there is an end to all foreign interferences on his behalf, either in Spain, Sardinia, or any other quarter. To countenance such an interference would be an act of perjury, and justify his subjects in such measures as might be fatal to himself and the whole house of Bourbon. His majesty may be deemed unfortunate; but no prince ranks higher in the estimation of mankind, as an honest and conscientious man." The National Assembly have decreed to strengthen, by a treaty, the family compact between France and Spain, and to augment the Gallic navy in consequence of the armaments of the different nations in Europe. CHAP. XXII. The Author sets out for London.— Falls in Company with a Lady.—Arrives at Amiens.— Views the Convent, Cathedral, &c. in Company with the Lady—With whom he is left alone.—They discourse about Matrimony. Paris, July 23 , Having viewed the greatest hospitals and principal curiosities in this city, and the parts adjacent, and obtained an account of the late observations on the operation of medicines, and collected intelligence upon political subjects, I paid my reckoning at the hotel, bid the people farewel, and set off for London. My landlady sent a servant after me, praying that I would put up there again when I came to Paris. I returned her my thanks, and told the servant that I would endeavour to come there if I should ever visit the city again. Some days before I had engaged a passage back to London, on board the diligences, for which I paid five Louis d'ors . My servant who had waited upon me, seemed urgent I should take him to England, having an inclination to live with me; which I should have done, had I not determined to spend much of my time in travelling. I left Paris about noon, in company with two Spanish, one French, one Irish, and two English gentlemen: one of the latter was a lawyer, who had travelled through many countries on the European continent. I inquired where we should dine; and was informed that we were to have no dinner that day, unless we payed for it ourselves, although we were to be found on the way, according to the agreement we had made when we paid for our fare, entertainment, &c. at Paris. As we had no inclination to starve, we stopped at a hotel, where we dined and paid for our dinners a second time. At evening we came to Clermont, where we supped and lodged, but was called up before day-light, to proceed on our journey. At this place a lady came into our coach, who had come in a post-chaise on the preceding day from Paris. July 24. At about twelve we came to Amiens, having breakfasted by the way. We put up at a hotel, where the lady that came in company with us, said she had an inclination to go and see the convent. Several of us waited upon her to the convent; but just after we had set out, she said she had so much silver with her that she could not walk; and desired I would ease her of a part of her burthen. I took a large number of her crowns into my pocket, and she walked betwixt the lawyer and myself. After we had viewed the convent, and conversed with the nuns, we went to a very elegant cathedral church at Notre Dame, where some of the inside pillars are said to be one hundred and thirty feet high. The pulpit is made of beautiful white marble, gilt with gold, and the cloths of the altar are ornamented with beautiful gold and silver embroidery: many rich vessels, and other splendid ornaments also dignify this cathedral. Afterwards we viewed the town, in which are eleven parish churches. Amiens is the capital of the province of Picardie, which is esteemed the most fruitful of all the provinces in France, for corn and flax. As we continued our walk, our company took a wrong street, and left me with the lady. Now, forsooth, said I to myself, we shall be taken for man and wife ; however, that will not trouble me, inasmuch as she is a decent behaved person, and one that appears to have an excellent education, with a proper share of good sense and understanding. She told me by the way that she belonged to Great Britain, but had had her education in a convent in France: That she had been a widow about three years, was left with four children, viz. with two sons and two daughters, and had been to Paris to get her daughters into a convent, as she esteemed such places to be the best for the instruction of young persons. I told her that as she was but young herself, it was probable she would marry again; but she said that she did not intend to marry. Said I, Perhaps you will alter your mind, peradventure you may find an agreeable companion. Said she, If I should be inclined to marry, nobody will have me, because I have so many children. My answer was, You ought not to be despised because you have children. Undoubtedly many would be glad to marry you, though you have sons and daughters. As we had arrived at the hotel, we dropped our discourse upon this subject; I returned her silver, and she thanked me for my kindness. She was a beautiful woman, and was besides well stocked with cash, which often makes the mare to go . But as I was not in pursuit of a wife, I did not attempt to court her on my own account; but told her, however, that I believed I could send her an agreeable companion. CHAP. XXIII. The Lady concludes to lodge at Abbeville.— Observations on her Plan.—She being disappointed about getting a Post-chaise, continues in the Stage Coach.—A short Description of Montreul.— They arrive at Calais.— Embark for and arrive at Dover.— Of Disputes upon Philosophical Subjects. Saturday, July 24. We dined at the hotel, and set off towards London. Sometime before night, our lady told me, that she was almost beat out; that she had had but a little sleep for several nights, and intended to lodge at Abbeville, and go from thence in a post-chaise in the morning to Calais; as she supposed that she could get there as soon that way, as she should if she kept in the stage coach, which was to travel all night. She told me, by the way, that she had no company, and wished she could get somebody to ride in the post-chaise with her. I informed her, that I had paid for my passage and entertainment to London: but if she could do no better, I would tarry all night, and ride with her in the morning. She thanked me, and said, it should cost me nothing; for she had money enough . Now, thought I, you are opening a fine door for another discourse upon matrimony; now you are laying a foundation whereby we may be taken for man and wife. This may be an artful plan of yours to get another husband, as you may suppose I am a batchelor, or a widower; and that we may converse, eat, drink, and even sleep together, and escape undiscovered. She said she was in a great hurry to get to England; that she had tarried longer than she had expected, and wanted to see her family, as she supposed they thought she was dead by that time: and withal informed me that she lived forty miles from London. But I did not ask her name, thinking it would be an impertinent question, and esteemed unpolite. At length we arrived at Abbeville, where we supped; and as our lady found she could not have a post-chaise till the next Monday, and as she felt much refreshed by her supper, she concluded to take the stage again. We travelled all night, and arrived in the morning at Montreul, where we viewed the town and went to breakfast. This town is situated on a high hill, and is strongly fortified with great walls, intrenchments, &c. There are some good buildings in it, and many genteel inhabitants. From Montreul we went to Boulogn, where we were obliged to dine at too early an hour, viz. at about eleven. Many of us had an inclination not to dine at all; but on being informed that there would be no other dinner for us, we consented. We left this place about twelve, and arrived at Calais at about four in the afternoon, much fatigued with our journey. As we had rode all night, we escaped being haunted by the beggars, which I have spoken of in the beginning of this Tour ; and from hence it did not cost me quite so much to come from Paris as it did to go there. We drank tea and supped at the hotel in Calais, and were visited again by the same monk or priest, who had begged of me at the hotel before. We gave him some money, and he pronounced a blessing, and departed. As the tide was down, we were not able to set off for Dover till late in the evening. At about nine we were obliged to go down near the vessel, and tarry till it was high-water, because we had to pass through several gates that the people were ordered to shut at that hour. We stayed at a public-house, where we drank punch, negus, &c. and at about eleven we embarked for Dover, and arrived at our desired haven about four the next morning, having had a very pleasant and agreeable passage. But as it was low water when we came to Dover, we were obliged to go ashore in a boat, and to pay three shillings a-piece to the boatman for carrying us about half a mile. Whilst I was on the way to and from Paris, we had some warm debates upon several philosophical subjects, viz. Chymestry, electricity, the cause of earthquakes, the variation of the compass; the formation, preservation, and dissolution of the human body, &c. and, although I do not take much delight in arguments, but have rather endeavoured to shun and avoid them as much as possible; yet inasmuch as I had begun upon a good basis, and found myself violently opposed, I stood my ground, supported and maintained my cause, and at last had the satisfaction of seeing my opponents convinced of their error. CHAP. XXIV. Further Claims on our Bounty.—French Coin exchanged for English.—Views the Castle and Town of Dover.— Arrives at Canterbury.— A Description of the Abbey.—Comes to Rochester, and at length reaches Piccadilly. July 26. When we had arrived at Dover we breakfasted at the hotel, where the captain of the vessel, the steward, porters, &c. came and begged of us. We gave the captain half a crown a-piece, and something to the rest of the beggars; but were now obliged to get our French money changed for English, and to lose considerably by the exchange. Afterwards we walked upon the High-lands at Dover, and viewed the castle and the town: and when the tide was up, our vessel arrived with our baggage: our trunks were searched at the Custom-house, and one in our company, who had brought a number of prints from Paris, had them seized, because they were prohibited goods. A thing he said he did not know till they were taken from him. He told me they were worth about thirty pounds. When our business was done at the Custom-house, we returned to the hotel, where our lady, the lawyer, and one of the merchants, set off in a post-chaise for London, because they had not paid their fare any further than to Calais, and could travel faster in the chaise than they could in the diligences. I told the lady before we parted, that I intended to give the public a narration of my journey. She prayed I would let her have one, and promised to call on me when she came to London. The two Spanish gentlemen, a Frenchman, and two other gentlemen, with myself, left Dover about noon, and dined at Canterbury, where we viewed the abbey, which is a very ancient and elegant building: A part of it has been built eleven hundred years. We were there in the time of divine worship. They chanted the service, and their vocal and instrumental music was very excellent: The former bishops of Canterbury are buried here, and there are many statues and paintings in commemoration of ancient kings, bishops, and generals. Before we left the hotel we were obliged to pay for the wine we had drank. At about ten in the evening we came to Rochester, where we called for supper: but were informed that if we had one we must pay for a part of it, as the money was all exhausted that we had paid for our passages and entertainment, excepting five shillings. We had a supper, and paid an extravagent price for it, but were careful to have the five shillings deducted. After we had supped, we pursued our journey, and arrived at the White Bear Inn, Piccadilly, about five the next morning, greatly fatigued; as we had been but about eighty-nine hours upon our journey, which is nineteen hours short of the time commonly allowed for the performance thereof. I had not been in bed for three nights, only I lay down a few minutes on a mattress when we were crossing the English Channel. I do not think that the owners of the diligences can afford to carry people to and from Paris for a less sum than what they demand, nor to give better entertainment than such as we received, as it is a great distance, and half a guinea is given, out of five for the conveyance of a passenger over the English Channel: but people ought to know how they are to fare before they set off to France; and for that reason I have been more minute in many circumstances, than at first sight might appear to some to be necessary. CHAP. XXV. Definition of Liberty.—All have a Right to it, but some deprive themselves of that Right by their own Conduct, and some by the Conduct of others.—Of the Duty of Nations.—The evil Effects of bad Constitutions.—Of the French Revolution.—The happy Condition of the British Empire. As liberty consists in the free exercise of our religion, the enjoyment of our rights, and the profits of our labour, with the protection of our persons and properties, it is a privilege of an immense value. And as it is the natural right of every man, it is our indespensible duty to seek after it, whenever we are deprived of its benefits. But we find that many deprive themselves of liberty by their own evil conduct—by breaking the good and wholesome laws of the land, by doing things dishonourable to the Creator, and injurious to mankind. Thus thieves, robbers, murderers, &c. destroy their own freedom by their vicious behaviour; and expose themselves, not only to confinement, but to more severe punishments. We also find, that many are deprived of liberty by the inhuman conduct of tyrants, who oppress and persecute those over whom they have usurped dominion and power, by taking from them the liberty of conscience, and loading them with burthens which they are unable to bear. It is the duty of every nation to guard against all these evils; and from hence arises the necessity of having a good constitution and system of laws in every kingdom or state; binding upon all ranks, orders, and degrees of men. Hence also arises the necessity of having kings, counsellors, governors, magistrates, and other officers appointed for the administration of justice, and the preservation of public tranquillity. Various constitutions and systems of laws have been framed and established amongst different nations; and where ignorance and superstition have reigned triumphant, the constitution and laws have been very deficient, so that things have been established and practised that were repugnant to the principles of justice and humanity. What numerous multitudes have been massacred for a difference of opinion in matters of religion and modes of worship! And how many thousands have worn out their days in vassalage and slavery, because laws have been made contrary to the requisitions of the great law of reason! But whenever the minds of the people are illuminated, and the clouds of darkness, ignorance and superstition are dispelled, the spirit of liberty breaks forth like the sun in its meridian splendor. The constitutions are altered, oppressive laws abolished, the bands of tyranny and oppression are broken asunder, distressed objects are discharged from confinement, the liberal and mechanical arts and sciences thrive and flourish, and all enjoy those liberties which are the natural right of every man. The illumination of the minds of the people in France, has been productive of the great and glorious Revolution; of the forming of a new constitution, the enacting of new laws, and the abolishing of those things that were repugnant to the interest and prosperity of the kingdom. How pleasing must it be to see both the King and the National Assembly unite together in establishing the new constitution, and in promoting whatever may conduce to the good of the nation, and benefit of mankind in general! May the flame of liberty, like the refulgent beams of the sun, be extended over the face of the whole globe; and may all nations partake of the great and glorious blessings of natural freedom! And with pleasure we recollect, that once in the British Empire , the inhabitants, fired with the love of liberty, drove ignorance, darkness, and superstition before them; made a glorious stand for their rights, and were thereby brought into a happy situation. We are now blest with a good king, with good rulers, and with a good constitution and system of laws.—Here a man enjoys a free toleration of religion.—Here he is rewarded for his labour.—Here he is protected in his person and property.—Here agriculture, navigation, trade, commerce, architecture, and the manufactories thrive and flourish; and the nation has arrived to an inconceivable pitch of grandeur and affluence. Our constitution, being pregnant with a variety of privileges, is admired by distant nations: foreigners come from afar, and find shelter and protection, liberty and freedom, under our government! CHAP. XXVI. THE GREAT CONSTITUTION OF LIBERTY, Founded upon the Principles of Justice, and the Laws of Humanity . Every constitution and system of laws ought to be constructed upon the principles of justice and humanity, which will ensure the rights of a king, and the peace, liberty, and happiness of his subjects. I shall therefore beg leave to observe: 1. That every man has a legal right to perform religious worship according to the dictates of his conscience, at such times and places as shall be most agreeable to himself; providing he doth not injure others in their persons, characters, or properties. 2. That it is unlawful to persecute any of the human race, for a difference of opinion in matters of religion or modes of worship. 3. That public teachers are needful to instruct people in the principles of religion and morality. 4. That good rulers, both in church and state, ought to be reasonably rewarded for their services, out of the public funds; and impowered to remove officers for malconduct; and, by and with the advice and consent of the body corporate, to expel members for vicious practices. 5. That the freedom of speech, and the liberty of the press, are the natural rights of every man, providing he doth not injure himself nor others by his conversation, or publications. 6. That legislative and executive officers, consisting of kings, counsellors, governors, judges, magistrates, representatives, and other rulers, are necessary to make and execute laws for the preservation of the public tranquillity in empires, kingdoms, and states. 7. That it is unlawful for rulers to make and execute laws repugnant to those of the great Governor of the universe, or destructive to the peace and prosperity of the community at large. 8. That the people have a right to chuse and send delegates, to represent their state and condition in a legislative assembly. 9. That a legislative body ought to consist of a mixture of monarchical, aristocratical, and democratical governments, and be divided into three branches, as that of a king, lords, and commons. 10. That each branch ought to have a negative voice on the other branches; and no bill ought to be passed into a law without the advice and consent of, at least, two-thirds of the members of two of the branches of the legislature. 11. That legislators ought to meet once in a year, and as much oftener as the circumstances of the nation may require, at such times and places as may be most convenient. 12. That the people have a right to petition the legislature for a redress of grievances. 13. That every branch of an empire ought to be subject to the supreme legislative head of a nation: To render all proper honour and obedience to the king, and to all in authority, and to be subordinate to the good and wholesome laws of the land. 14. That a king ought to be considered as the first supreme legislative and executive officer in a kingdom, and to be empowered to grant pardons to criminals whenever it may be needful. He has a right to a free liberty of conscience; to protection in his person, character, and property; to rule and govern his people according to the constitution, statutes, laws and ordinances of his realm; to that honour and obedience that is due to personages in such an exalted station; and to such a revenue as his circumstances may require, and his subjects be able to raise. 15. That no man ought to be chosen into office, unless he is endowed with wisdom and knowledge, and can be well recommended for good works and pious actions. 16. That it is lawful to confer titles of honour upon, and to give rewards to such persons as may merit them, by their vigorous exertions and good conduct. 17. That legislators ought to be exempted from being arrested for debt, whilst they are passing to, remain at, and are returning from the legislative assemblies, because an arrestment would impede the public service. 18. That courts of justice ought to be established, and justice administered to all, without respect of persons. 19. That every man ought to be allowed a trial by jury. 20. That those under confinement ought to know what they are confined for; who their accusers are; not be compelled to bear witness against themselves; be allowed to bring evidence, with the benefit of counsel; and should not be condemned, unless found guilty by the testimony of two or three credible witnesses. 21. That excessive bail ought never to be demanded, excessive fines required, nor excessive punishments inflicted. 22. That criminals under confinement, ought to have no punishment laid upon them, but that which is requisite for the securing of their bodies; unless after they have been found guilty, it is ordered by the judges, agreeable to the laws of the land. 23. That no man ought to be imprisoned for debt, providing he gives up his property to his creditors, and has not waited his time in idleness, nor his estate by intemperance, gaming, or any other vicious practice. 24. That persons falsely imprisoned, ought to be immediately liberated, and to have ample satisfaction for the injuries they have received; and those guilty of the abomination of confining the innocent, ought to be severely punished for their atrocious conduct. 25. That every one who is a subject of taxation, ought to be allowed to vote for a representative. 26. That every man ought to be taxed in proportion to his abilities. 27. That the power of levying and collecting taxes, duties, imposts, &c. with that of coining money, emitting bills of credit, borrowing money for the public use, entering into treaties and alliances with foreign powers, appointing, commissioning, and sending of ambassadors, ministers, consuls, messengers, &c. belongs to the legislature. 28. That such treaties ought to be esteemed as a part of the law of the land; kept inviolate; and whenever they are broken, restitution ought to be made to the party injured. 29. That as money is a defence as well as wisdom, a circulating medium ought to be established, consisting of gold, silver, copper, and bills of exchange. Its credit should be kept up, and but one currency established in a kingdom. 30. That churches ought to be built for the accommodation of the people when they perform religious worship; public schools, colleges, academies, and universities erected, for the promotion of literature; hospitals founded for the reception of the sick; work-houses for the employment of idle persons; and prisons for the securing of thieves, robbers, murderers, and other felons;—and societies instituted, for the purpose of making further discoveries and improvements in the liberal and mechanical arts and sciences. 31. That custom-houses, post-offices, and post-roads, ought to be established in every kingdom and state. 32. That weights and measures ought to be alike in every part of an empire, if not through the world. 33. That all foreigners ought to be treated with hospitality, and protected by the laws of the land. 34. That the heirs of an estate ought not to be disinherited by reason of the ill conduct of their parents; nor thrown out of their posts of honour and profit, in consequence of the unlawful behaviour of their relations. 35. That every author ought to have the benefit of his own productions, whether they be upon theological, mathematical, philosophical, physical, mechanical, or any other subject. 36. That all officers, whether ecclesiastical, civil, or military, with every other person, ought to guard against sedition, treason, rebellion, and every thing that may tend to sow discord amongst brethren, destroy the public tranquillity, and make mankind unhappy. Thus have I framed a CONSTITUTION , which appears to me to be according to the law of reason, and the dictates of sound policy. Perhaps some things have escaped my observation, that might justly be added. However, I believe that one calculated and established upon these principles, would secure the rights of kings and those of their subjects, which is all that any rational person can desire. CHAP. XXVII.

Related documents

• Malibu Campus Tour#654055
• A Street of Paris and Its Inhabitant#35000
• Enhancing human reliability in ECDIS application and usability during navigational watch in congested waters: A SOHRA method analysis#323651
• Geography of London#259095
• The Lives of Celebrated Travellers, Vol. 2 (of 3)#60821