The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 4: Acadia and Quebec, 1616-1629

Charles Lalemant's Lettre au R.P. Supérieur du Collége des Jésuites à Paris I have, perhaps, dwelt longer upon this than was necessary, but I am so pleased to relate the special acts of God's providence, as it seems to me every one must take pleasure in them; and in fact, if he had gone back to France that year, we would have made hardly any more progress than the Reverend Recolet Fathers did in 10 years. May God be praised for all! In this way we passed the greater part of the winter. Besides these occupations, I, in my turn, have not failed to go, on holydays and Sundays, to say Mass for the French, to whom I have made an exhortation every time I have been there. Father Brebeuf did the same on his part; and, by the grace of God, we have made such progress that we have won the hearts of all the people of the settlement, and have induced most of them to make general confessions, and have lived on good terms with the Chief. About the middle of Lent, I ventured to ask the Captain to give us the Carpenters of the settlement to help us erect a little cabin at the place we had begun to clear away, and he very courteously granted my request. The carpenters asked for [13] nothing better than to work for us, and in fact they had previously given us their promise; so they worked with such good will, that, notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the weather and of the season (for there was still a foot and a half of snow), they had finished our cabin by Monday of Holy week; and besides, they had sawed over 250 planks, both for the roof and for the sides of the cabin, twenty rafters, and hewn over twenty-five large pieces necessary for the erection of the cabin. These are very happy beginnings, thank God; but, considering my imperfections still continue, I do not know how much progress will be made. Further, there is no security for our lives among these Savages. If a Frenchman has in some way offended them, they take revenge by killing the first one they meet, without any regard for favors which they may have received from the one whom they attack. If during the night they dream they must kill a Frenchman, woe to the first one whom they meet alone. They attach great faith to their dreams. Some of them will tell you two days before the coming of a ship the hour of its arrival, and will give no other explanation except that they have seen it while asleep. These are reputed among them to have intercourse with the Devil. Their conversion will give us no little trouble. Their licentious and lazy lives, their rude and untutored minds, able to comprehend so little, the scarcity of words they have to explain our mysteries, never having had any form of divine worship, will tax our wits. And yet we do not lose courage, thank God; trusting in this truth, that God will not have so much regard to the fruits that we produce, as to our good will and the trouble we take; and besides, the greater the difficulty in their conversion, and the more distrust we have in ourselves, so much the greater will be our trust in God. If I can, I shall go among some of the other tribes; and, in that event, no further news need be expected from me, because I shall be so far away that it will be very hard to communicate with you; and if that should happen, I say farewell to you and to every one until we meet in Heaven. Do not forget the prayers for our souls, and make them from time to time. In any case when you remember us in your holy sacrifices, offer them up for such and such a one, living or dead. The help which has reached us from France is a good beginning for this Mission, but things [14] are not yet in such a condition that God can be faithfully served here. The heretic holds as complete dominion here as ever, and therefore I send back Father Noiroit, according to the permission that I have received from the Superiors, in order that he may finish what he has begun; he is the most capable one for this affair. If our Fathers wish the strengthening and the success of this Mission, it is by all means proper that they should allow him to proceed. 32 He returns very much against his inclination, principally on account of his sufferings upon the sea. I send his companion 31 with Father Brebeuf, 300 leagues from here, to one of those tribes which has a permanent location. They will soon be there if they find Savages to conduct them, otherwise they will be obliged to return here; I am expecting news from them daily. I have just learned that they have gone. The Devil, who feared their approach, tried to play some of his tricks on them, for, when our Fathers had embarked, the Savages tried two or three times to make them go ashore, asserting that their canoes were too heavily loaded; but at last God triumphed over him, and the Savages were won by means of presents. If it please God to give success to this mission, it will open a way, so to speak, to an infinite number of tribes which have permanent settlements. I should have been very glad to be one of the party; but our Fathers did not deem it expedient, considering it well that I should remain here, both for the establishment of our little home and for the welfare of the French. Your Reverence will be astonished, perhaps, at my having sent Father Brebeuf, who already had some knowledge of the language of this tribe; but the talents that God has given him influenced me, the fruits which are expected from those tribes being very different from those hoped for here. If it please God to bless their labors, we shall have great need of workers; the disposition on the part of the Savages is such that something good may be looked for. When the interpreter asked one of their Captains in my presence, if they would all be glad if some one of us should go among them to teach them to know God, he answered that it was not necessary to ask that, that they desired nothing better; then, having examined the house of the Recollets where we were, he added that they indeed could not build us a stone house like that one; [15] "But ask them," said he to the interpreter, "if they will be satisfied upon their arrival to find a cabin made similar to ours." He could not manifest more affection for us than he did. Moreover, there was a drought in their country this year, and they attributed it to the fact that they had no Religious among them; all this gives us strong hopes. As to the people of this Tribe, I had them called together to say whether they wanted to be instructed, and to give us their children for the same purpose. They all answered that they did. They are waiting for us to build; and it is for us, in the meantime, to cultivate their affection and to learn their language. Meanwhile, I would request those who are interested in this country not to be disappointed if they do not promptly receive news of the hoped-for converts. The conversion of the Savages takes time. The first six or seven years will appear sterile to some; and, if I should say ten or twelve, I would possibly not be far from the truth. But is that any reason why all should be abandoned? Are not beginnings necessary everywhere? Are not preparations needed for the attainment of every object? For my part, I confess that, if God shows me mercy, although I expect no fruits as long as it will please him to preserve my life, provided that our labors are acceptable to him, and that he may be pleased to make use of them as a preparation for those who will come after us, I shall hold myself only too happy to employ my life and my strength, and to spare nothing in my power, not even my blood, for such a purpose. However, if our Superiors do not think we should go farther, I am ready to submit to their will and to follow their judgment. A little Huron is going to see you; he longs to see France. He is very fond of us and manifests a strong desire to be instructed; nevertheless, his father and the Captain of the nation wishes to see him next year, assuring us that, if he is satisfied, he will give him to us for some years. It is of importance that he should be thoroughly satisfied; for, if this child is once instructed, it will open the way to many tribes where he will be very useful. And the return of the interpreter of that tribe to France is very opportune,—the Interpreter whom he loves so much, that he calls him his father. I pray our Lord to be pleased to bless his voyage. I also thank Your Reverence for the courage [16] you have given me. I have read your letters four or five times, and I have not been able to keep the tears from my eyes for several reasons; but especially in reflecting upon my imperfections ( coram Deo loquor ) which are far from the merit necessary for this vocation, and inspire me with grave fears that I am opposing the purposes of God's grace in the establishment of Christianity in this country. After that, I fear nothing. I beseech you, in the name of all you hold most dear in Heaven, not to become weary in appealing to the divine goodness, either to do me the favor of removing me from here, or, if my unworthiness is so great that I must yet be chastened, let it not be to the disadvantage of our poor Savages; let not my shortcomings prevent the effects of his mercy, nor my weak will be a hindrance to the order that his goodness wishes to establish in this country. Our sympathetic relations with Father Joseph 26 are stronger than ever. He is the only Priest of his Order here, one having gone with our Fathers to the Hurons, and the other now returning to France; he has two good brothers with him. M r . Champlain is always very kind to us, and has chosen me as his confessor. Gaumont has done the same, and I shall take special care of him, according to the recommendations of your Reverence. The advice which your Reverence gives me in regard to the dedication of our first Church, is in thorough harmony with my views. If the Superiors leave it to me, it will never be otherwise named than "N. Dame des Anges." Therefore I beg Your Reverence to send us a beautiful Picture surrounded by Angels. It is one of the great Fête days of the Recolet Fathers, who have dedicated their Chapel to St. Charles; the River upon which they and we live is called the river St. Charles, so called some time before our arrival. As to sending letters, I think I have not passed over any one, either of our well-known benefactors or any of those who have written to me; and I confess to you that I am a little tired; this is the 68th, and it is not the last. May it please our good God that everything may be done here for his glory. Our Reverend Father Assistant manifests a great deal of affection for this Mission; I send him a map of this country. With assurances that I will be, during my life, of Your Reverence, The very affectionate servant in Our Lord, Charles l'Allemant . Kebec, this 1st of August, 1626. XIX Charles Lalemant's Lettre au R.P. Supérieur du Collége des Jésuites à Paris Bordeaux : Nouembre 22, 1629 Source : The Title-page and Avant-Propos follow O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 3; but the Text has been compared with the original publication in Champlain's Voyages (Paris, 1632), part ii., pp. 275-279. The bracketed pagination in the Text is that of Champlain. LETTRE du Reuerend Père L'ALLEMAND , Supérieur de la Mission des Pères Iésuites , en la NOUUELLE FRANCE Enuoyée de Bordeaux au R.P. Supérieur du Collége des Iésuites à Paris , et datée du 22 Nouembre , 1629. Imprimée d'après l'exemplaire que l'on trouve dans les Voyages du Sieur Champlain. A PARIS, M. DC. XXXII. LETTER from the Reverend Father L'ALLEMAND , Superior of the Mission of Jesuit Fathers , in NEW FRANCE Sent from Bordeaux to the Reverend Father Superior of the Jesuit College at Paris , and dated 22nd November , 1629. Reprinted from the copy to be found in the Voyages of Sieur Champlain. PARIS, M. DC. XXXII. 232 Avant-Propos. L E R. Père Charles Lallemant , qui a écrit la Lettre suivante, entra à l'âge de vingt ans dans la Compagnie de Jésus. En 1613, il avait accompagné M. de la Saussaye, à Pentagouët. Argal s'étant emparé de cet établissemement, le P. Lallemant s'en retourna en France, d'où il partit pour le Canada en 1625. C'estoit la première fois que des Pères Jésuites entrerent dans ce Pays. Quelques années aprés, il fût envoyé avec le P. Philibert Noyrot, Procureur de la Mission, chercher en France du secours pour la Colonie, et ayant trouvé de quoi fretter un batiment avec des vivres, ils s'y étoient embarqués vers la fin du mois de Juillet, 1629. Le vaisseau fit naufrage sur la côte de l'Acadie, et c'est de cet naufrage et d'autres événements qui suivirent que traitte la presente lettre. [O'Callaghan.] Preface. T HE Reverend Father Charles Lallemant , who wrote the following Letter, entered the Society of Jesus at the age of twenty years. In 1613, he accompanied M. de la Saussaye to Pentagoüet. 44 Argal took possession of this settlement, and Father Lallemant returned to France, whence he departed for Canada in 1625. This was the first time that the Jesuit Fathers had entered that Country. Several years later, he was sent with Father Philibert Noyrot, Agent for the Mission, to France, to seek aid for the Colony; and, having secured the means to load a ship with supplies, they embarked upon it toward the end of July, 1629. The ship was wrecked upon the Acadian coast; and it is this shipwreck and other subsequent events that the present letter describes. [O'Callaghan.] 234 Lettre du Reuerend P. l'Allemand, au R.P. Supérieur, à Paris. [275] A ÃYT sejourné deux iours à Dieppe ie m'acheminay à Rouën, où ie m'arrestay deux autres iours, & appris comme le vaisseau des Reuerends Peres l'Allemand & Noyrot s'estoient perdus vers les Isles de Canseau, & me fit-on voir vne lettre dudit Reuerend Pere l'Allemand, Superieur de la Mission des Peres Iesuites, en la nouuelle France, enuoyée de Bordeaux au R.P. Superieur du College des Iesuites à Paris, & dattée du 22. Nouembre 1629. comme il s'ensuit. [Champlain.] Letter from the Reverend Father l'Allemand to the Reverend Father Superior, at Paris. [275] A FTER having sojourned two days at Dieppe, I journeyed to Rouën, where I remained two more days, and learned how the ship of the Reverend Fathers l'Allemand and Noyrot had been wrecked upon the Canseau Islands; and I was shown a letter from the Reverend Father l'Allemand, Superior of the Mission of the Jesuit Fathers in new France, sent from Bordeaux to the Reverend Father Superior of the Jesuit College at Paris, and dated November 22nd, 1629, as follows. [Champlain.] [276] M on Reverend Pere , Pax Christi. Castigans castigauit me Dominus & morti non tradidit me, Chastiment qui m'a esté d'autant plus sensible que le naufrage a estè accompagné de la mort du R.P. Noyrot & de nostre frere Louys, deux hõmes qui deuoient, ce me semble grandemẽt seruir à nostre Seminaire. Or neantmoins puis que Dieu a disposé de la sorte, il nous faut chercher nos contentements dans ses sainctes volontez, hors desquelles il n'y eut iamais esprit solide ny content, & ie m'asseure que l'experience aura fait voir à vostre reuerence que l'amertume de nos ressentiments détrempée dans la douceur du bon plaisir de Dieu, auquel vne ame s'attache inseparablement, perd (ou le tout) ou la meilleure partie de son fiel; Si que s'il reste encore quelques souspirs pour les souffrances, ou passées ou presentes, ce n'est que pour aspirer dauantage vers le Ciel, & perfectionner auec merite 236 ceste conformité dans laquelle l'ame a pris resolution de passer le reste de ses iours; De quatre des nostres que nous estions dans la barque, Dieu partageant à l'esgal, en a pris deux, & a laissé les deux autres. Ces deux bons Religieux tresbien disposez & resignez à la mort, seruiront de victime pour appaiser la colere de Dieu iustement iettée contre nous pour nos deffauts, & pour nous rendre deformais sa bonté fauorable au succeds du dessein entrepris. [276] M y Reverend Father , The peace of Christ be with you. Castigans castigavit me Dominus & morti non tradidit me, a Chastisement all the more keenly felt by me, as the shipwreck was accompanied by the death of the Reverend Father Noyrot and of our brother Louys, 20 two men who were destined, it seems to me, to be of great service to our Seminary. But nevertheless, since God has so ordained, we must seek our consolation in his holy will, outside of which there never was a peaceful or contented mind; and I feel sure that experience will have shown your reverence that the bitterness of our grief, tempered with the sweetness of doing the will of God, to whom a soul is inseparably attached, loses (either all) or the greater part of its sting. And yet, if there still remain some sighs for the sufferings either of the past or of the present, it is only to make us aspire more earnestly to Heaven, and to perfect with merit this harmony in which the soul is determined to pass the rest of its days. Of the four of us who were in the barque, God equally divided them, taking two and leaving two. These two good Religious, who were thoroughly prepared and resigned to die, will serve as victims to appease the wrath of God, justly provoked against us for our shortcomings, and to cause him to grant in the future his goodness, that it may be favorable to the success of the project undertaken. Ce qui nous perdit fut vn grand coup de vent de Suest, qui s'efleua lors que nous estions à la riue des terres, vent si impetueux que quelque soin & diligence que peust apporter nostre Pilote auec ses Matelots, Quelques vœux & prieres que nous peussions faire pour destourner ce coup, iamais nous ne peusmes faire en sorte que nous n'allassions heurter contre les rochers: ce fut le 26. iour d'apres nostre depart, iour de sainct Barthelemy, enuiron sur les neuf heures du soir; De 24. que nous estions dans la barque, dix seulement eschapperent, les autres furent estouffez dans les eaux. Les deux nepueux du Pere Noyrot tindrent compagnie à leur oncle, leurs corps ont esté enterrez, [277] entre autres celuy du P. Noyrot & de nostre frere, des sept autres nous n'en auons eu aucune nouuelles, quelque recherche que nous en ayons peu faire. De vous dire comment le Pere de Vieuxpont & moy auons eschappé du naufrage, il me seroit bien difficille, & croy que Dieu seul en a cognoissance, qui suiuans les desseins de sa diuine prouidẽce nous a preseruez, car pour mon regard ne iugeant pas dans les apparences humaines qu'il me fust possible d'éuiter ce danger, i'auois pris resolution de me tenir dans la chambre du nauire auec nostre frere Louys, nous disposans tous deux à receuoir le coup de la mort, qui ne pouuoit tarder plus de trois Miserere, lors que i'entendis qu'on m'appelloit sur le haut du nauire, ie 238 croyois que c'estoit quelqu'vn qui auoit affaire de mon secours, ie montay en haut, & trouuay que c'estoit le P. Noyrot qui me demandoit derechef l'absolution: Apres luy auoir donnée, & chanté tous ensemble le Salue Regina, ie fus contrainct de demeurer en haut; car de descendre il n'y auoit plus de moyen, la mer estoit si haute, & le vent si furieux, qu'en moins de rien le costé qui panchoit sur le rocher fut mis en pieces, i'estois proche du P. Noirot lors qu'vn coup de mer vint si impetueusement donner contre le costé sur lequel nous estions qui rompit tout, & me separa du P. Noyrot, de la bouche duquel i'entendis ces dernieres paroles , In manus tuas Domine, &c. Pour moy de ce coup ie me trouuay engagé entre quatre pieces de bois, deux desquelles me donnerent si rudement contre la poictrine, & les deux autres me briserent si fort le dos que ie croyois mourir auparauant que d'estre enueloppé des flots, mais voicy vn autre coup de mer qui me desengageant de ces bois m'enleua, & mon bonnet & mes pantoufles, & mist le reste du nauire tout à plat dans la mer: Ie tombay heureusement sur vne planche que ie n'abandonnay point, de rencontre elle estoit liée auec le reste du coste de ce nauire. Nous voilà doncques à la mercy des flots, qui ne nous espargnoient point; ains s'esleuans ie ne sçay combien de couldées au dessus de nous, tomboient par apres sur nos testes. Apres auoir flotté longtemps de la sorte dans l'obscurité de la nuict, qui estoit desia commencée, regardant à l'entour de moy ie m'apperceus que nous estions enfermez d'espines & sur tout enuironnez & prest du costau qui sembloit vne isle, puis regardant vn peu plus attentiuement ie contay six personnes qui n'estoient pas fort esloignées de moy, deux desquels m'apperceuans m'exciterent à faire tous mes efforts pour m'approcher, ce ne [278] fut pas sans peine, car les coups que i'auois receus dans le debris du vaisseau m'auoient fort affoiblis: Ie fis tant neantmoins, qu'auec mes planches 240 i'arriuay au lieu où ils estoient, & auec leur secours ie me trouuay assis sur le grand mast, qui tenait encore ferme auec vne partie du vaisseau, ie n'y fus pas long-temps car comme nous approchions plus prés de cette isle, nos Matelots se lancerent bien-tost à terre, & auec leur assistance tous ceux qui estoient sur le costé du nauire y furent bien tost apres. Nous voilà donc sept de compagnie, ie n'auois bonnet ny souliers, ma soutane & habits estoient tous deschirez, & si moulus de coups que ie ne pouuois me soustenir, & de faict il fallut qu'on me soustint pour aller iusques dans le bois, aussi auois-ie receu deux rudes coups aux deux jambes, mais sur tout à la dextre, dont ie me ressens encore, les mains fenduës auec quelque contusion, la hanche escorchée, la poitrine sur tout fort offencée, nous nous retirasmes donc tous sept dans le bois, moüillez comme ceux qui venoient d'estre trempez dans la mer: la premiere chose que nous fismes fut de remercier Dieu de ce qu'il nous auoit preseruez, & puis le prier pour ceux qui pourroiẽt estre morts. Cela faict pour nous eschauffer nous nous couchasmes les vns proches des autres, la terre & l'herbe qui auoient esté moüillez de la pluye du iour n'estoient encore propre pour nous seicher, nous passasmes ainsi le reste de la nuict, pendant laquelle le P. de Vieuxpont (qui graces à Dieu n'estoit point offencé) dormit fort bien. Le l'endemain si tost qu'il fut iour nous allasmes recognoistre le lieu où nous estions, & trouuasmes que c'estoit vne isle de laquelle nous pouuions passer à la terre ferme, sur le riuage nous trouuasmes force choses que la mer y auoit ietté, i'y trouuay deux pantoufles, vn bonnet, vn chappeau, vne soutanne, & plusieurs autres choses necessaires. Sur tout Dieu nous y enuoya pour viures cinq bariques de vin, quelques dix pieces de lard, de l'huile, du pain, des fromages, & vne harquebuse, & de la pouldre tout à propos pour faire du feu. Apres 242 qu'on eut ainsi tout retiré, le iour de sainct Louys tous s'employerent à faire le possible pour bastir vne chalouppe du desbris du vaisseau, auec laquelle nous irions rangeant la coste chercher quelque nauire de pescheurs: On se mit doncques à trauailler auec meschans ferremens que l'on trouua, elle estoit bien aduancée le quatriesme iour, lors que nous eusmes cognoissance d'vne chalouppe qui estoit sous voile venant vers le lieu où nous estions, ils receurent dedans vn de nos matelots qui alla tout seul plus proche du lieu [279] où elle deuoit passer, ils le menerent dans leur vaisseau parler au Maistre, auquel il racõta nostre disgrace, le maistre tout aussi-tost s'embarqua dans vne chalouppe & nous vint trouuer, nous offrit à tous le passage: Nous voila en asseurance, car le lendemain tous les hommes coucherent dans son vaisseau: C'estoit vn vaisseau Basque qui faisoit pesche â vne lieuë & demie du rocher, où nous fismes naufrage, & pour autãt qu'il restoit encores bien du temps pour acheuer leur pesche, nous demeurasmes auec eux ce qui restoit du mois d'Aoust, & tout le mois de Septembre. Le premier d' Octobre arriua vn Sauuage qui dist au Maistre que s'il ne s'en alloit il y auroit danger que les Anglois ne le surprissent. Cette nouvelle le disposa au depart: Le mesme Sauuage nous dist que le Capitaine Daniel estoit â vingt-cinq lieuës de là qui bastissoit vne maison, & y laissoit des François auec vn de nos Peres: Cela me donna occasion de dire au P. de Vieuxpont qui me pressoit fort que ie luy accordasse de demeurer auec ce Sauuage dans ceste coste, qui estoit bien l'vn des meilleurs Sauuages qui se puisse rencontrer, Mon Pere voicy le moyen de contenter vostre reuerence, le Pere Vimond fera bien aise d'auoir vn compagnon. Ce Sauuage s'offre de mener vostre Reuerence iusques au lieu où est Monsieur Daniel, si elle veut demeurer là elle y demeurera, si elle veut aller 244 quelque mois auec les Sauuages, pour apprendre la langue elle le pourra faire, & ainsi le R. Pere Vimond & vostre Reuerence auront leur contentement: le bon Pere fut extresmement ioyeux de ceste occasion qui se presentoit, ainsi il s'embarque dans la chalouppe du Sauuage, ie luy laissay tout ce que nous auions sauué, horsmis le grand Tableau duquel le matelot Basque s'estoit saisi, mais i'auois bien pensé au retour de luy faire rendre, si vne autre disgrace ne nous fut arriuée. Nous partismes donc de la coste le 6. Octobre, & apres auoir enduré de si furieuses tempestes que nous n'auions encores experimẽtées, le quarantiesme iour de nostre depart entrãt dãs vn port proche de S. Sebastiẽ, nous fismes de rechef vn second naufrage, le Nauire rompu en mille piéces, toute la moluë perduë, ce que ie peus faire ce fut de me sauuer dans vne chalouppe, dans laquelle ie me iettay auec des pantoufles aux pieds, & vn bonnet de nuict en teste, & en ceste esquippage m'en aller trouuer nos Peres à S. Sebastien, d'où ie partis il y a huict iours, & suis arriué à Bourdeuac proche de Bordeaux le 20. de ce mois. Voila le succeds de nostre voyage, par lequel vostre Reuerence peut iuger des obligations que i'ay à DIEV . Our wreck was caused by a heavy gust of wind from the Southeast, which arose when we were near the shore,—a wind so strong that in spite of all the diligence of our Pilot and his Sailors, and the vows and prayers which we made to avert the disaster, we could not avoid striking upon the rocks. This was on the 26th day after our departure, saint Barthelemy's day, about nine o'clock in the evening. Of the 24 who were in the barque, ten only escaped, the others being suffocated in the water. The two nephews of Father Noyrot kept company with their uncle, and there the bodies were buried, [277] among others that of Father Noyrot and our brother; of the seven others we have no tidings, notwithstanding the search that has been made. It would be difficult for me to tell you how Father de Vieuxpont 45 and I escaped shipwreck, and I believe it is known only to God, who, in harmony with the purposes of his divine providence, has preserved us; for in regard to myself, not thinking it within the bounds of human possibility that I could escape this danger, I had resolved to remain in the ship's cabin with our brother Louys. We were preparing ourselves to meet death, which could not be farther away than three Miserere's, when I heard some one call me on the deck of the ship. I thought it might be some one who was planning my rescue. I went up and found it was Father Noyrot, who asked me to again give him absolution. After having given it to him, and having all sung together the Salve Regina, I was obliged to remain above, for there was no means of descending; the sea being so high and the wind so furious, that, in less than no time, the side which leaned toward the rocks was broken in pieces. I was near Father Noyrot, when a wave struck the ship so hard on the side where we were that it broke everything, separating me from Father Noyrot, from whose lips I heard these last words : In manus tuas Domine, &c. I found myself after this blow entangled in four pieces of wood, two of which struck me so hard on the chest and the other two hit me so heavily upon the back, that I thought I should die before being engulfed in the waves; but then came another sea, which, freeing me from these pieces of wood, carried me off, and my cap and slippers, and scattered the rest of the ship over the sea. Fortunately, I fell upon a plank to which I clung, and which happened to be attached to the rest of the side of the ship. We were then at the mercy of the waves, which did not spare us, but which rose, I know not how many cubits above us, and then fell forward over our heads. After having floated about a long time in this manner, in the darkness of the night, which had already set in, looking around me I saw that we were surrounded on all sides by pine trees, and everywhere environed by, and near the shores of what seemed to be an island; then examining a little more closely I counted six persons who were not far from me, two of whom noticed me, and motioned for me to try and come near them. This [278] was not without difficulty, for the blows I had received from the debris of the ship had weakened me. I did so well, however, that with the aid of my planks, I reached the place where they were, and, with their assistance, I found myself sitting upon the mainmast, which was still firmly fastened to a part of the ship. I did not remain there long, for as we neared the island our Sailors soon leaped to the land; and, with their assistance, all those who were on the side of the ship were soon brought to the shore. There were then seven of us together; I had neither cap nor shoes, my cassock and clothes were all torn, and I was so bruised by blows from the wreck, that I could not stand up; and, in fact, some one had to support me while I was trying to reach the woods; for I had received two hard blows upon both legs, but especially upon the right one, which I still feel; my hands were cut and bruised, the flesh torn from my hips; above all I was badly wounded in the chest. All seven of us withdrew into the woods, as wet as those who have just been soaked in the sea. The first thing we did was to thank God for having preserved us, and then we prayed to him for those who might be dead. This done, we lay down very near to each other to keep warm; the ground and the grass, which had been wet by the rain of the previous day, were not yet in a condition to dry us; thus we spent the rest of the night, during which Father de Vieuxpont (who, thank God, was unharmed) slept well. The next morning, at day-break, we reconnoitered the place where we were, and discovered that it was an island, from which we could go to the mainland. We found many things upon the shore that had been thrown up by the sea; I found there two slippers, a cap, a hat, a cassock, and several other necessary articles. Best of all, God sent us as food, five barrels of wine, about ten pieces of lard; oil, bread, and cheese; also an arquebuse, powder, and everything necessary to make a fire. After having drawn all these upon the shore, on saint Louis's day, everybody went to work in earnest to build a boat out of the wreck of the ship, in which we might sail along the coast in search of some fishing boat. So we began to work with the poor tools at our disposal, and considerable progress was made by the fourth day, when we learned of a boat under sail, coming towards the place where we were. They received on board one of our sailors, who went alone to the place [279] near which it was to pass. They took him into their ship to speak with their Captain, to whom he related our misfortune. The captain immediately entered a boat and came in search of us, offering a passage to all of us. Behold us then in safety, for the next night we all slept in his ship. It was a Basque, which was fishing a league and a half from the rock where we were wrecked; and, as they would not finish their fishing for some time, we stayed with them during the remainder of the month of August and the entire month of September. On the first of October a Savage arrived, and told the Master that if he did not leave he would be in danger of being surprised by the English. This news decided his departure. The same Savage told us that Captain Daniel 46 was twenty-five leagues away, and was building a house, and that he had left the French with one of our Fathers there. This led me to say to Father de Vieuxpont, who urged me earnestly to permit him to remain with this Savage upon this coast, for he was one of the best Savages that could be found; "My Father, here is the way we can satisfy your reverence; Father Vimond 47 will be very happy to have a companion. This Savage offers to conduct your Reverence to the place where Monsieur Daniel is; if you wish to remain there, you may do so; if you wish to go to spend a few months with the Savages to learn their language, you may do so; and so the Reverend Father Vimond and your Reverence will be satisfied." The good Father was very happy at this opportunity which offered itself, so he embarked in the Savage's boat. I gave him all that we had saved, except the large Painting, which the Basque sailor had taken possession of; but I had intended to make him surrender it upon our return, if another misfortune had not overtaken us. So we left the coast on the 6th of October; and after having suffered the most furious tempests that we had yet experienced, we entered, the fortieth day after our departure, the port near St. Sebastien, where we were wrecked a second time, the Ship being broken into a thousand pieces and all the codfish being lost. All I could do was to escape in a shallop into which I threw myself, in my slippers and nightcap, and in this outfit I went to find our Fathers at St. Sebastien, whence I departed eight days later, and arrived at Bourdevac, near Bordeaux, the 20th of this month. This is the result of our voyage, from which your Reverence can judge of my obligations to GOD . BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL IV XIV Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii., completing the document, are given in the present volume. The preceding chapters, with Bibliographical Data, are found in our Volume III . XV-XVII Documents XV. and XVI. are letters from Charles Lalemant to Sieur de Champlain and the provincial of the Récollets, respectively, dated at Quebec, July 28, 1625. They are taken from Sagard's Histoire du Canada (Paris, 1636), pp. 868, 869, 870; in the Tross reprint of Sagard (Paris, 1865), they are in vol. iii., pp. 789, 790. 48 Document XVII. is a letter from Lalemant to his general, at Rome, dated New France, August 1, (presumably 1626). It was written in Latin, the original being preserved in the Archives of the Gesù at Rome. This is one of the letters copied for Carayon, by Father Martin, in 1858, and translated by the latter into French, for the Première Mission , where it appears on pp. 117-121,—see Bibliographical Data for Document XIII., in our Volume III. We follow the Martin apograph, in Latin (preserved at St. Mary's College, Montreal), and our translation into English is made therefrom. 49 The above three letters by Lalemant were selected by O'Callaghan from Sagard and Carayon,—the third being, of course, Martin's French translation,—and published at Albany in 1870, with a brief "Avis" giving the sources of the documents. This publication, known in the Lenox Catalogue as "O'Callaghan Reprint No. 2," bears the following title-page: Copie de Trois | Lettres | escrittes ès années 1625. et 1626. | Par le P. Charles Lallemant | Superieur des Missions de la Compagnie | de Iesvs en la | Novvelle France. | A Albanie | De l'Imprimerie de J. Munsell | M.DCCC.LXX. Collation of O'Callaghan's Reprint. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Edition tirée à vingt cinq exemplaires. O'C.," 1 p.; "Avis" (by O'Callaghan), 1 p.; text, pp. 5-14. For further references, see Brown, vol. ii., no. 316 and p. 166; Harrisse, nos. 426, 427, 429; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38679; O'Callaghan, nos. 1209, 1250; Winsor, p. 301; Lenox, p. 18. XVIII We follow the original publication (Paris, 1627), now in the Lenox Library, of Lalemant's letter to his brother, Jerome; it is described in the Lenox Catalogue, p. 4, under "H. 41." There are extant, four different reprints of this document, as follows: 1. It appears to have first been reprinted in Mercure François , tome xiii., pp. 12-34; the portion of the journal wherein this is found, is devoted to the events of the year 1626, but the royal Privilege for the volume was "Donné au camp de la Rochelle le 28. de Septembre, l'an de grace 1628." The original publication appeared without statement of Privilege; it is, therefore, impossible to say when in 1627 permission to print was granted. In the Quebec edition of the Relations (1858), it is inadvertently stated (vol. i.) that this letter commences on p. 1 (instead of p. 12) of tome xiii. of Mercure , an error which Sabin, Harrisse, and others have repeated. As will be seen by a comparison of our text with that of issues which follow the Mercure , the differences between the original and this first reprint are slight. 2. The next reprint appears in Danjou's Archives Curieuses , 2nd series, tome iii. (Paris, 1838), pp. (405-426). This follows the text of the original, and not that of the Mercure . The following clause in the Lenox Catalogue, p. 19,—the final sentence of note under "7(b)" in list of O'Callaghan's Reprints,—is misleading: "The copy in the Astor Library of that work is printed from the original letter of 1627." The "copy in the Astor" is simply this reprint in Archives Curieuses , of which rare collection the Astor has a set. 3. The third reprint, but the first in separate form, was issued by O'Callaghan at Albany, 1870, and is the one designated in the Lenox Catalogue (p. 19) as "7(b)." The text of the Mercure reprint is followed, with a made-up title-page, as follows: Relation | de ce qvi s'est passé | en la | Novvelle France | en l'annee M.DC.XXVI. | Enuoyée au Père Hierosme L'Allemant | par le P. Charles L'Allemant Superievr de | la Mission de la Compagnie de Iesvs | en | Canada. | D'après la Copie dans le Mercure François | Tome 13. | A Paris | Chez Estienne Richer ruë S. Iean de Latran | M.DC.XXIX. Collation of same. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Edition tirée a vingt-cinq exemplaires, O'C.," 1 p.; Tables des Matieres, 2 pp.; text, pp. 1-51; Table, pp. 53-59. 4. A second separate reprint was issued by O'Callaghan in 1871, and is that referred to in the Lenox Catalogue (p. 19) as "7(a)." This follows the original text, and not that of the Mercure ; it is set in small type in imitation of the original (Paris, 1627), and comes into the same number of pages. Upon the otherwise blank page facing the last page of the text, is the inscription: "Calqué sur l'exemplaire dans la collection | de Mr. James Lenox, de New York." The title-page is apparently photo-lithographed from the original. For further references to this document, which has had a curious bibliographical history, see Harrisse, no. 41; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38680 (original), and no. 38682 (reprint); Carayon, nos. 1254, 1255, and p. 1179; Ternaux, no. 496; Winsor, pp. 300, 301; Historical Magazine , vol. iii., p. 19; Brown, vol. ii., p. 166; Lenox, p. 4 (H. 41), 19; and the Barlow (no. 1272), Murphy (no. 1480), and O'Callaghan (nos. 1250, 1982) sale catalogues. Title-page. We give a photographic facsimile of original. Collation of Original. Title, 1 p.; text, pp. 1-16. XIX Charles Lalemant's letter of Nov. 22, 1629, to the superior of the Jesuit College at Paris, originally appeared without title or headlines, in Les voyages du Sieur de Champlain (Paris, 1632), 2nd part, pp. 275-279. O'Callaghan reprinted it in what is known in the Lenox list as "No. 3," of which,—as with others of the O'Callaghan series,—but twenty-five copies were published. He omitted the preliminary editorial note, on p. 275, made up a title-page of his own, and furnished the Avant-Propos. In the present issue, we reproduce the O'Callaghan title-page and Avant-Propos, but in all other respects strictly follow the original publication. See further references in Winsor, p. 301; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38681; Lenox, p. 18. Title-page. We imitate O'Callaghan's Reprint. Collation of O'Callaghan's Reprint. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Tirée à vingt cinq exemplaires, lesquels ne font | pas à vendre. O'C.," 1 p.; Avant-Propos (by O'Callaghan), 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 5-15; colophon, 1 p.: "Achevé d'Imprimer à Albany, N. Y., par | J. Munsell, çe 14 Juin, 1870." NOTES TO VOL. IV ( Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text. ) 1 (p. 15 ).— The pilot : see vol. ii ., note 88 . 2 (p. 15 ).— Pretended Religion : see vol. iii ., note 31 . 3 (p. 21 ).—On Turnell, see vol. i , note 66 . 4 (p. 33 ).— The Marshal : Sir Thomas Dale (spelled Deel, by Biard). See vol. i , note 64 . 5 (p. 33 ).— The General : this was Sir Thomas Gates, one of the prominent men of his time in both military and civil service. He was of Devonshire, and probably at this time a little over 50 years of age; had been an officer in the Drake-Sidney expedition to America (1585-86) and published an account of it in 1589; later, had military commands in Spain and Holland; was commander of the English expedition to Virginia in 1608, and appointed the first sole and absolute governor to the colony there; returned to England in April, 1614. He lived about six years longer, and took much interest in the affairs of Virginia. Both he and Dale were men of energy and executive ability; to their efforts are mainly ascribed the establishment and continuance of the Jamestown colony. 6 (p. 69 ).—The French name for the English Channel; given on account of its shape, resembling a sleeve (Fr. manche ). It gives its name to the maritime department of France in which are situated Cherbourg and St. Lô. 7 (p. 75 ).— The ambassador : see vol. ii ., note 94 . 8 (p. 85 ).—On Betsabes, see vol. iii ., note 16 . 9 (p. 91 ).— River of smelts : the Liesse River of Lescarbot (see vol. ii ., note 37 ). 10 (p. 95 ).—On this point, cf. Maurault ( Hist. Abenakis , p. 95, note 4): "The Abnakis always exhibited profound grief at the death of a child; the parents were inconsolable. The cause of this great sorrow was the belief of the savages that a child was wretched in the other world, because it was too young and weak to procure for itself the necessities of life there." 11 (p. 101 ).—The letters patent here referred to were those issued to Sir Thomas Gates and others, for the establishment of colonies in Virginia, and constituted the colonial charter. This document, dated April 10, 1606, granted some 20,000 square miles to the two companies, but claimed for the crown all of North America between 34° and 45° north latitude, presumably amounting to some 2,000,000 square miles, as the width of the continent was then understood. The text is given, with collateral and illustrative papers, in Brown's Genesis , pp. 52 et seq. 12 (p. 105 ).—For a graphic account of the colonial enterprises of Jean Ribaut and René de Laudonnière in Florida (1562-65), consult Parkman's Pioneers , pp. 33-150. Cf. Laudonnière's own narrative, and Ribaut's journal, as given in Goldsmid's Hakluyt , vol. xiii., pp. 407-507; also Guérin's Navigateurs Français , (Paris, 1846), pp. 180-204. 13 (p. 105 ).—Concerning these early discoveries by the French, see vol. ii ., notes 49 , 72 ; and vol. iii ., notes 5 , 9 . 14 (p. 107 ).—Biard here refers to the colony established in 1610 by John Guy and others at Cupids Harbor (opening into Conception Bay), N. F. Lord Bacon was prominent in this enterprise, and it was his influence that secured the charter and subsidies granted to the Newfoundland Colonization Company, as it was called. The company seems to have existed till at least 1628. For Guy's charter, and letters written by him, with an account of his enterprise and of other early colonies in that region, see Prowse's Hist. N.F. , pp. 92-133. 15 (p. 107 ).—The map of Ortelius (1570) shows New France as extending southward to 40°. Van der Aa's "Canada" (1619, ca. ) and Blaeu's "Extrema Americæ" (1620), give the Kennebec river as the dividing line between New England and New France; the latter region is extended by Van der Aa to the south of the Great Lakes, and as far as the Mississippi river. Winsor gives ( Cartier to Frontenac , p. 9), a sketch reduced from a tracing of the alleged map of Denis (1506), mentioned in vol. iii , of the present series, note 4 . 16 (p. 109 ).—Reference is here made to the "Pandects," or Corpus Juris Civilis , a collection of the Roman civil law, made in the sixth century by Emperor Justinian. The "law of Alluvions" has two branches,—the law of abandonment, and that of accretion ( acquirendo ). Biard's reference is to the Corpus Juris Civilis , Digest, book 41 (" De adquirendo rerum dominio "), 29 and 30. The sign ff, used in our text, was employed by early jurisconsults to signify the Digest, and even the Pandects as a whole; it is supposed to be a corruption of the Greek character π͂ (or perhaps of θ).—See Hermann Hugo's De Prima Scribendi Origine (Antwerp, 1617), p. 153. 17 (p. 109 ).—Regarding the Count de Soissons, see vol. ii ., note 24 . 18 (p. 109 ).—Cf. with these arguments of Biard, Champlain's " Abregé des decovvertvres de la Nouuelle France ," in his Voyages (ed. 1632), part 2, pp. 290-296; and Hinsdale's "Right of Discovery," in Ohio Archæol. and Hist. Quarterly , Dec., 1888. 19 (p. 113 ).—Concerning the French fisheries in Newfoundland, which, with the neighboring Banks, furnished the greater part of the Canadian product, see Prowse's Hist. N.F. , pp. 49-50; and Dionne's Nouv. France , chaps. viii., ix. For a detailed account of the Canadian fisheries at the present time, see Joncas's "Fisheries of Canada," in Canadian Economics (Montreal, 1884), pp. 41-73. Lalemant says (doc. no. xviii., post ) that the usual exportation of beaver skins from New France was 12,000 to 15,000 annually; and that it had, in one year, been 22,000. These skins were sold in France at a pistole each, or ten livres. The Company of Merchants is said to have realized an annual dividend of 40 per cent on its investment. Garneau cites De Caen as saying, when Quebec was restored to him by Kirk, in 1632: "But as for our settlement, my people have found it utterly consumed, along with 9,000 beaver skins, valued at 40,000 livres."— Histoire du Canada (4th ed., Montreal, 1882), vol. i., p. 127, note *. See, also, chapter on "New France and the Fur-trade," in H. H. Bancroft's N.W. Coast , vol. i., pp. 378-403; and Dionne's Nouv. France , chap. xiii. Gagnon's Essai de bibliographie canadienne (Quebec, 1895), p. 128, mentions Bruslons's Dictionnaire universel de commerce (Savary's ed., Paris, 1723) as "an immense compilation, containing highly valuable information in regard to Canadian commerce in the seventeenth century." 20 (p. 171 ).—Charles Lalemant (also written L'Alemand, L'Almand, Lallemant, and Allemand) was born at Paris Nov. 17, 1587, and became a novice of the Jesuits July 29, 1607, at Rouen. He studied philosophy at La Flèche, 1609-12; during the following three years, he was an instructor in the college of Nevers; four years more he devoted to the study of theology at La Flèche, and one year at Paris. He was a professor in the college at Bourges, 1620-22; and, for three years more, principal of the boarding school of Clermont, Paris. In March, 1625, he was appointed superior of the mission at Quebec, whither he went with his brethren Massé and Brébeuf, and the Récollet missionary Joseph La Roche-Daillon, arriving in June of that year. Here Lalemant remained till November, 1627, when he went to France to procure supplies. Returning in the following May, the ship was captured by Admiral Kirk, the Jesuits being sent to England, and later to France. In June, 1629, Lalemant, with several other Jesuits, made a second attempt to return to Canada; but they were shipwrecked on the rocks near Canso. Noyrot and Malot perished in the waves, Vieuxpont joined Father Vimont at Grand Cibou, and Lalemant was taken back to France by a Basque fishing vessel, arriving at St. Sebastien after still another shipwreck. Quebec having been meanwhile captured by the English, the Canadian missions were interrupted until 1632, when the region was restored to France. Lalemant, upon his return to France, in 1629, was appointed rector of the college at Eu; and, later, of that at Rouen. In April, 1634, his superiors granted his earnest request that he might again go to Canada. He was placed in charge, with Massé and De Nouë, of the chapel "Notre-Dame de Récouvrance" (built by Champlain on his return to New France), and was the latter's friend and spiritual director, attending him at his death. Lalemant returned to France in 1639, and there, during several years, acted as agent for the Canadian missions; he was afterwards successively rector of the colleges at Rouen, La Flèche, and Paris, and at the last place superior of the Maison Professe. There he died, Nov. 18, 1674. 21 (p. 171 ).— The General. This was Emery de Caen, who, with his uncle, Guillaume de Caen, was placed by Montmorency in charge of commercial affairs in New France; both were Huguenots—the latter a merchant, the former a naval captain. It is necessary, in this connection, to outline the commercial monopolies that successively dominated New France in its infancy. For an account of the first of these, granted to De Monts, see vol. i ., note 2 . His patent was finally canceled in 1609; and in January, 1611, he gave up his claims in America to Madame de Guercheville. Meanwhile, Champlain (see vol. ii ., note 42 ) was continued as lieutenant of the King in New France, with personal command over the Quebec colony, which was sustained mainly through his efforts, with the aid of the Rouen merchants who had been associated with De Monts. Company of Associates. —The Rouen associates withdrew from the enterprise, toward the close of 1611; and, in the following year, Champlain undertook the formation of a new company, to be composed of merchants from Rouen, Havre, St. Malo and La Rochelle. It was open to all who were willing to share both the profits and the losses, thus avoiding the jealousies that had been aroused against the limited membership of De Monts's company. The Rochelle men finally declined to enter the company, which afterwards lost heavily by the illicit trade in which the former engaged with the savages. Champlain also accuses these merchants of selling arms and ammunition to the natives, and exciting their hostility against the Quebec colonists.—See his Voyages (1632), part 2, pp. 2, 3. The Count de Soissons (vol. ii , of this series, note 24 ) was appointed governor of New France, with Champlain as his lieutenant. After considerable delay, the Company of Associates was organized (1613-14); among its members were, besides De Monts and Champlain, Thomas Porée, Lucas Legendre, Mathieu Dusterlo, and Daniel Boyer. Quarrels arose among the associates, caused by commercial and even religious differences of opinion; and some of them tried to eject Champlain from his command. Although this attempt failed, his work was greatly hindered and embarrassed, until the Duke of Montmorency, Condé's successor as viceroy, came to his aid (1620). Company of De Caen. —Dissensions and complaints still arising, the Company of Associates was summarily dissolved by Montmorency, in November, 1620, and a new company formed. At its head were the De Caens; there were, also, Guillaume Robin, Jacques de Troyes, and François Hervé, merchants; François de Troyes, chief of royal finance at Orléans; Claude Le Ragois, receiver-general of finance at Limoges; Pierre de Verton, counselor and secretary of the King; and others. The old company had resented Montmorency's order of dissolution; but within a year its membership and interests were consolidated with those of the new association. The latter received a monopoly for eleven years, to which the King added eleven more; but it also was dissolved by Richelieu, early in 1627, to make room for his "Company of New France," also known as the "Company of the Hundred Associates." Company of New France. —This association was personally controlled and managed by Richelieu; and had members in official positions about the court, and in Paris, Rouen, and other cities of France. Among these were Marquis Deffiat, superintendent of finance; Champlain; Claude de Roquemont; the Commander de Razilly; Sebastian Cramoisy, the Parisian publisher; Jean de Lauson, long the president of the company, and intendant of Canada; Louis Houel, secretary of the King, and controller of the salt works at Brouage; and several leading merchants of Paris, Rouen, Dieppe, and Bordeaux. The reasons for the formation of this company, the royal charter granted to it, and its articles of association, are given in Mercure François , vol. xiv. (1628), pp. 232-267. For a complete list of the (107) members, see Creuxius' Hist. Canad. ; for a copy of the list, with the company's charter, and other interesting particulars, see Sulte's Histoire des Canadiens-Français (Montreal, 1882-84), vol. ii., pp. 27-33. The company was granted jurisdiction over the territory extending from Florida to the Arctic Circle, and from Newfoundland to the "great fresh lake" (Huron). Only Catholics were permitted to join this association, or to settle in its colonies; and no Huguenot or foreigner might enter Canada. The capture of Quebec by the English (1629) temporarily broke up this monopoly; but it resumed operations when that region was retroceded to France (vol. ii ., note 42 ). The charter of the company obliged it to send 4,000 colonists thither before 1643; to lodge and support them during three years; and then to give them cleared lands for their maintenance. The vast expense attending this undertaking was beyond the ability of the Associates; therefore, in 1645, they transferred to the inhabitants of Quebec their monopoly of the fur trade, with their debts and other obligations,—retaining, however, their seigniorial rights. Finally (Feb. 24, 1663), the Hundred Associates abandoned their charter, and New France again became the property of the crown. All these monopolies appear to have sought mainly their own financial interests. They sustained the Quebec settlement, but in penurious fashion, and only so far as it aided their trade with the natives; but they did nothing to make it an agricultural community, or to forward Champlain's schemes for the permanent colonization of Canada,—neither of which objects could well be attained under the feudal tenure by which the colonists held land under the companies. For more extended accounts of these enterprises, see Parkman's Pioneers , pp. 364-366, 419-432; his Jesuits , pp. 155-157, 194, 195, 331; Ferland's Cours d'Histoire , vol. i, pp. 161, 162, 167, 185, 189, 197-201, 215, 217, 220, 226, 338-340; Rochemonteix's Jésuites , vol. i., pp. 128-135, 159, 163, 164, and vol. ii., pp. 65-66; Slafter's "Memoir of Champlain," in Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. i., pp. 110-114, 122, 144-158, 187; Faillon's Colon. Fr. , vol. i., pp. 132-136, 150, 160-175, 189-232, 268-272, 333-352; Winsor's Cartier to Frontenac , pp. 130, 131, 167, 168; Garneau's Canada , vol. i., pp. 63-75; and Margry's Collection de manuscrits relatifs à la Nouvelle France (Quebec, 1883), vol. i., pp. 62-85. The losses of the De Caens at the capture of Quebec (referred to note ante , 19 ) were heavy; and, as some compensation therefor, they were granted a monopoly of the fur trade in the Gulf of St. Lawrence for one year. Emery De Caen was therefore appointed provisional governor of Canada for that period, upon the restitution of the province by the English; and on July 13, 1632, he took formal possession of Quebec in the name of his King. Laverdière gives ( Champlain , close of vol. ii.) numerous "Pièces justificatives;" see pp. 6-31 of these, for documents showing De Caen's losses through Kirk's attack, and his attempts to secure redress from the latter through the English government. L'Abbé H. A. B. Verreau, in Report on Canadian Archives (1874), p. 197, mentions that in Paris he found documents granting islands in the West Indies to De Caen, in 1633 and 1640. 22 (p. 171 ).—Champlain, in thorough accord with the policy then dominant at the court of France, was fully as desirous of establishing the Christian religion among the savages of America as of gaining new possessions for France. He had tried, in 1612, to induce Madame de Guercheville to send the Jesuits to Quebec, and to aid De Monts in establishing a colony there; see his Voyages (1632), pt. i., pp. 112, 113. This proposal was rejected, on account of De Monts's Calvinistic faith. But when the Company of Merchants was formed, two years later, Champlain at once made plans for the establishment of missions in New France. Consulting Louis Houel, of Brouage, the latter advised him to apply to the Récollets (vol. ii ., of the present series, note 41 ), who had already won renown from their successful missions in Spanish America.

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