The Early Norman Castles of the British Isles.

APPENDICES The greatest architectural change witnessed at the end of the 12th century was the victory of the round keep over the square. Round towers were built by the Romans as mural towers, but the universal type of mediæval keep appears to have been the square or oblong, until towards the end of the 12th century. [1188] The polygonal keep was probably a transitional form; we have seen that Henry II.’s polygonal keep at Orford was begun as early as 1165. Many experiments seem to have been made at the end of the 12th century, such as the addition of a stone prow to the weakest side of a keep, to enable it better to resist showers of missiles. Richard I.’s keep at Chateau Gaillard is a round keep with a solid prow of this kind. Five-sided keeps are said to be not uncommon on the left bank of the Rhine and in Nassau; this type was simply the addition of a prow to a square keep. The only English instance known to the writer is that of Mitford, Northumberland, but this is merely a five-sided keep, the prow is not solid, as at Chateau Gaillard. The castle of Étampes, whose plan is a quatrefoil, is assigned by French archæologists to this period of experiment. [1189] But the round keep was eventually the type preferred. Philip II. thought it necessary to add a round keep to the castle of Gisors, after he had taken it from John, and he adopted the round keep for all his new castles, of which the Louvre was one. [1190] Along with the round keep, ground entrances became common. [1191] Viollet le Duc states that when the French soldiers broke into the inner ward at Chateau Gaillard the defenders had no time to escape into the keep by the narrow stair which led to the first floor, and consequently this proud tower was surrendered without a blow; and that this event so impressed on Philip’s mind the danger of difficult entrances that he abandoned the old fashion. This may be true, but it is a pure guess of Le Duc’s, as there is nothing whatever to justify it in William the Breton’s circumstantial narrative. It is, however, certain that Philip adopted the ground entrance to all his keeps. In England we find ground entrances to many round keeps of the 13th century, as at Pembroke; but the older fashion was sometimes retained; Conisburgh, one of the finest keeps in England, has its entrance on the first floor. [1192] After the introduction of the trébuchet, we might expect that the walls of keeps would be made very much thicker, and such seems to have been the case in France, [1193] but we do not find that it was the rule in England. [1194] The lower storeys were now generally instead of occasionally vaulted. In the course of the 13th century it became common to vault all the storeys. But in spite of the military advantages of the round keep, in its avoidance of angles favourable to the battering-ram, and its deflection of missiles, the square keep continued to be built in various parts of both France and England till quite late in the Middle Ages. [1195] On the Scottish border, square towers of the ancient type, with quite Norman decorations, were built as late as the 15th century. [1196] The advantage of the square tower was that it was more roomy inside, and was therefore preferred when the tower was intended for habitation. We come now to the greatest of all the changes introduced in the 13th century: the keepless castle, in which the keep is done away with altogether, and the castle consists of a square or oblong court surrounded by a strong wall with massive towers at the angles, and in large castles, in the curtain also. [1197] Usually this inner quadrangle is encircled with an outer quadrangle of walls and towers, so that this type of castle is frequently called the concentric . But the castles of the keepless kind are not invariably concentric; those built by Edward I. at Conway, Carnarvon, and Flint are not so. [1198] Instead of a dark and comfortless keep, the royal or noble owner is provided in this type of castle with a palatial house. In England this house is frequently attached to the gateway, forming what we may call a gatehouse palace; good examples may be seen at Beaumaris, Harlech, and Tonbridge. [1199] The gate way itself is always defended by a pair of massive towers. Edward I. is generally credited with the introduction of this type of castle into England, but until the Pipe Rolls of Henry III.’s reign have been carefully examined, we cannot be certain that it was not introduced earlier. It was certainly known in Germany fifty years before Edward’s accession to the throne, and in France as early as 1231. [1200] It is always supposed that this type of castle was introduced by the Crusaders from Syria. But when did it make its first appearance in Syria? This is a point which, we venture to think, has not been yet sufficiently investigated. We do not believe that it can have existed in Syria at the time of the third crusade, otherwise Richard I., who is universally acknowledged to have been a first-class military architect, would have brought the idea home with him. [1201] Yet his favourite castle of Chateau Gaillard, built in accordance with the latest military science, is in the main a castle of the keep-and-bailey type, and has even a reminiscence of the motte, in the scarped rock on which the keep and inner ward are placed. The new type of keepless castle never entirely displaced the old keep-and-bailey type. We have already seen that keeps of the old sort continued to be built till the end of the Middle Ages. Hawarden Castle has a good example of a 14th-century round keep; Warkworth a most remarkable specimen of the 15th, the plan being a square tower with polygonal turrets set on each face. [1202] In France and Germany also the old type appears to have persisted. [1203] We have already trespassed beyond the limits of our subject; but as we offer this chapter more as a programme of work than as a categorical outline, we trust it may not be without use to the student who may feel disposed to take up this much-neglected subject. A few words must yet be said about the state of the law relating to castles. Nothing explicit has come down to us on this subject from the 11th century in England, but it is clear that the feudal system which William introduced, and which required that all lands should revert to the king on the death of the holder, forbade the building of any castle without the king’s license, and, further, allowed only a life tenure in each case. The Council of Lillebonne in 1080 had laid it down in express terms that no one should build a castle in Normandy without the permission of the duke; [1204] and William, after his great victory over his revolted barons, had enforced the right of garrisoning their castles. He was not able to do this in England, while he must have desired to check the building of private castles as far as possible. On the other hand, he had to face the dilemma that no Norman land-holder would be safe in his usurped estates without the shelter of a castle. In this situation we have the elements of the civil strife which burst forth in Stephen’s reign, and which was ended by what we may call the anti-castle policy of Henry II. [1205] The rights secured by this able king were often recklessly sold by his successors, but in the reign of Henry III. it was evidently illegal even to fortify an ordinary house with a ditch and stockade without royal permission. [1206] Feudalism was an inevitable phase in the evolution of the Western nations, and it ought neither to be idealised nor execrated. After the break-up of the tribal system the nations of Europe sought refuge in the forms of imperialism which were devised by Charlemagne, and even the small and distant island of England strove to move in the same direction. But the times were not ripe for centralisation on so great a scale, and when the system of the Carlovingian Empire gave way under the inrush of Northmen and Huns, European society would have fallen into ruin had it not been for the institutions of feudalism. These offered, in place of the old blood bond of the tribe, a social compact which, though itself artificial, was so admirably adapted to the general need that it was speedily adopted by all the progressive nations of Europe. The great merit of feudalism was that it replaced the collective responsibility of the tribe by the individual responsibility of the man to his lord, and of the lord to his man. In an age when the decay of mutual trust was the worst evil of society it laid stress on individual loyalty, and insisted that personal honour should consist in the fulfilment of obligations. Being a system so wholly personal, its usefulness depended largely on the nature of the person in power, and it was therefore liable to great abuses. But it is probable that feudalism worked better on the whole in England than in any other part of Western Europe. The worst evils of French feudalism never appeared in this country, except during the short and disastrous reign of Stephen. The strong kings of the Norman and Plantagenet Houses held in check the turbulence of the barons; and private war was never allowed to become here, as it was on the Continent, a standing evil. To follow out this subject would lead us beyond the limits of this book, but it is interesting to remember that not only the picturesque ruins of our castles, but also the neglected green hillocks of which we have treated in this work, while they point to the skilful machinery by which the Norman Conquest was riveted on the land, bear witness also to something still more important. They tell of a period of discipline and education through which the English people passed, when in spite of much oppression and sometimes even cruelty, seeds of many noble and useful things were sown, from which succeeding generations have garnered the enduring fruit. APPENDICES APPENDIX A PRIMITIVE FOLK-MOOTS The popular meetings of the Anglo-Saxons, those of the hundred and the shire, were held in the open air. Since many of those who attended them had to travel far, some sign was necessary to mark out the place of meeting, and some striking feature, such as a hillock, or a particular tree, or an ancient barrow, was chosen. Thus we have the Shire Oak, near Leeds, which gives its name to the wapentake of Skyrack; and in a charter of Edgar we find the mot-beorh mentioned, and translated Congressionis Collem = the meeting barrow. ( M. A. , ii., 324.) It does not appear that a hillock was an essential feature of these meeting-places, though this is popularly supposed to be the case, because the “Thing-wall” in Iceland and the “Tynwald” in the Isle of Man have hillocks from which laws were proclaimed. The Thingwall, or field of meeting in Iceland had a natural rock just above it, isolated by a stream, and though proclamations were made from this rock, deliberations took place on the level. (Gomme’s Primitive Folk-Moots , 31.) The Tynwald Hill, in the Isle of Man, which is also still used for the proclamation of new laws, was probably an ancient barrow, as there are other barrows in the immediate neighbourhood. (Kermode and Herdman, Illustrated Notes on Manx Antiquities , pp. 23 and 61.) At Thingwall, near Liverpool, and Thingwall in Wirral, both probably Norse settlements, there is no hillock. In Scotland, the use of a former motte as a meeting-place for the baronial court appears to have been much more common than in England. Mr George Neilson’s explanation of this fact is referred to in Chapter X., p. 307 . APPENDIX B WATLING STREET AND THE DANELAGH It has been pointed out by Schmid ( Gesetze der Angelsachsen , xxxviii.) that the document called Alfred and Guthrum’s Peace cannot belong to the year of Guthrum’s baptism at Wedmore; and Mr J. R. Green ( Conquest of England , p. 151) goes further, and doubts whether the boundaries laid down in this deed refer to anything except to the East Anglian kingdom of Guthrum. But Mr Green gives no adequate reason for rejecting the generally accepted conclusion that the Watling Street was the boundary between English and Danish Mercia, which is borne out by the following facts: (1) the Danish confederacy of the five boroughs, Lincoln, Stamford, Leicester, Nottingham, and Derby, pretty well covers the part of Mercia north of Watling Street, especially when Chester is added, as it sometimes is, to the list; (2) the division into wapentakes instead of hundreds, now believed to be of Danish origin, is found in Lincolnshire, Notts, Derbyshire, Rutland, Leicestershire, and Northamptonshire. Staffordshire, it is true, is not divided into wapentakes, but it was apparently won by conquest when Ethelfleda fortified the town. Chester was occupied by her husband in 908. Watling Street furnishes such a well-defined line that it was natural to fix upon it as a frontier. APPENDIX C THE MILITARY ORIGIN OF ALFRED’S BOROUGHS Keutgen ( Untersuchungen über den Ursprung der Deutschen Stadtverfassung , 1895) appears to have been the first to notice the military origin of the Old Saxon boroughs; and Professor Maitland saw the applicability of the theory to the boroughs of Alfred and Edward the Elder. ( Domesday Book and Beyond. ) The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle , in 894, speaks of “the men whose duty it was to defend the towns”; this proves that Alfred had made some special arrangement for the defence of the towns; and this arrangement must have been something quite apart from the ordinary service of the fyrd or militia, which was only due for a short time. It must have been something permanent, with an adequate economic basis, such as we have in Henry the Fowler’s plan. APPENDIX D THE WORDS “CASTRUM” AND “CASTELLUM” If we take the chroniclers of the reign of Charlemagne and his successors in the 9th century, we find the word castrum constantly used for places such as Avignon, Dijon, Macon, Rheims, Chalons, Cologne, Andernach, Bonn, Coblenz, etc., all of which are known to have been Roman castra , when there can be no doubt that the city is meant. Take, for instance, the Annales Mettenses (Pertz, i., 326), 737: Karl Martel hears that the Saracens have taken “castrum munitissimum Avinionem” (Avignon); he marches against them, and “ predictam urbem obsidione circumdat.” But these cities are not only called castra , they are also called castella . Thus the chronicle ascribed to Hincmar calls Macon both castrum and castellum in the same breath. ( Migne , 125, 1298.) The fortifications built by Charlemagne against the Saxons are called castra , castella , and civitates . ( Chron. Moissiacense , Pertz, i., 308. Ann. Einhardi , ibid., 196, 204.) The camps of the Northmen, which as we have seen, were of great size, are also called not only castra , but civitates , castella , munitiones , oppida . ( Annales Fuldenses , Pertz, i., 397.) The camp built by Charles the Bald at Pistes in 868 is called a castellum , though it was evidently an enclosure of great size, as he measured out quarters in it for his nobles, and formed an elaborate scheme for its maintenance. (Hincmar, Migne , 125, 1242, 1244.) Coming to the 10th century, the following passage from Flodoard will show the vagueness of the words in common use for fortifications: “Heribertus Ansellum Bosonis subditum, qui prædictum custodiebat castrum (Vitry), cum ipso castello recipit, et Codiacum S. Remigii municipium illi cum alia terra concedit. Nec longum, Bosonis fideles oppidanorum proditione Victoriacum (Vitry) recipiunt, et Mosonum fraude pervadunt. At Heribertus, a quibusdam Mosomensibus evocatus, supervenit insperatus, et entrans oppidum , porta latenter a civibus aperta, milites Bosonis, qui ad custodiam loci residebant, ibidem omnes capit.” ( Migne , 135, 297.) Here it is clear that castrum , castellum , municipium , and oppidum all mean the same thing, and the one word civibus betrays that it is a city which is meant. Undoubtedly the chronicler thinks it elegant to change his words as often as he can. Munitio is another word frequently used; in classical Latin it means a bulwark, a wall or bank; in the chroniclers of the 10th century it is used indifferently for a town or castle, though certain passages, such as “subversis multarum munitionibus urbium” (Flodoard, i., vi.), show that the right sense is not far from the mind of the writer. The numerous passages in which we are told of monasteries being enclosed with walls and converted into castella , show that the enclosure is the chief idea which the chroniclers associate with this word. The citations made above are not exceptional, but typical, and could be paralleled by countless others. Since the above was written, I have read Keutgen’s Untersuchungen über den Ursprung der Deutschen Stadtverfassung . He remarks that the Latin words for a town (in the 10th and 11th century writers) are urbs , castellum , civitas , sometimes arx ; for a village, villa , oppidum , vicus . This absolutely agrees with what I have observed in these writers, except that I have certainly found oppidum used for a town, as in the passage from Flodoard cited above. APPENDIX E THE BURGHAL HIDAGE The Burghal Hidage has been printed by Birch, Cartularium , iii., 671. The manuscript is very corrupt, and several of the places cannot be identified. Those which can be identified are: Hastings, Lewes, Burpham (near Arundel), Chichester, Porchester, Southampton, Winchester, Wilton, Tisbury, Shaftesbury, Twineham, Wareham, Bridport, Exeter, Halwell, Lidford, Pilton, Barnstaple, Watchet, Axbridge, Lyng (near Athelney), Langport, Bath, Malmesbury, Cricklade, Oxford, Wallingford, Buckingham, Eashing (near Guildford), and Southwark. The list thus seems to give an outline of Alfred’s kingdom as it was at his death, or at the beginning of the reign of his son. Dr Liebermann refers it to the latter date. ( Leges Anglorum , 9.) APPENDIX F THELWALL A writer in the Manchester Guardian a few years ago suggested a new solution of the name Thelwall. He believes that the Thelwall raised by Edward was a boundary wall of timber, stretching from Thelwall to Runcorn. The Mersey, he argues, above Thelwall formerly broadened out into a series of swamps which would effectually defend the frontier towards the east. But westward from Thelwall there were no such obstacles, and it is assumed that Edward made a timber wall from Thelwall to Ethelfleda’s fortress at Runcorn. Some support to this hypothesis is given in the names of places between Thelwall and Runcorn: Stockton, Walton (twice), Stockham, Walford, Wallmore, and Wall-hes. Further, when the bed of the Mersey was delved for the Ship Canal, discovery was made of “a remarkable series of submerged piles, 9 feet long, arranged in two parallel ranks which were 30 feet apart. The intervals between the piles varied, but seem to have averaged 5 to 6 feet. Between the ranks were diagonal rows of upright stakes, each stake about 5 feet long, extending from either rank chevron-wise to the middle and there overlapping, so that the ground-plan of them makes a kind of herring-bone pattern. By this plan, anyone passing through would have to make a zigzag course. In some places sticks and sedges were found interwoven horizontally with the stakes, a condition of things which probably obtained throughout the whole series. The tops of the tallest piles were 10 feet below the present surface of the ground, which fact goes far toward precluding the possibility that this elaborate work may have been a fish-weir. The disposition of the stakes points to a military origin. So arranged, the advantage they offered to defending forces was enormous.” I think it worth while to reproduce this account, especially because of the place-names, but those who are learned in the construction of fish-weirs may perhaps think that the description will apply to a work of that kind. APPENDIX G THE WORD “BRETASCHE” This word, which also appears as bretagium, britagium, or bristega, evidently means a tower, as is clear from the following passages: Order from King John to erect a mota et bretagium at Roscrea, in Ireland (Sweetman’s Calendar , i., 412); Order by Henry III. to the dwellers in the Valley of Montgomery “quod sine dilatione motas suas bonis bretaschiis firmari faciant” ( Close Rolls , ii., 42); Order that the timber and bretasche of Nafferton Castle be carried to Newcastle, and the bretasche to be placed at the gate of the drawbridge in place of the little tower which fell through defect in its foundations ( Close Rolls , i., 549b). The word is also expressly defined by William the Breton as a wooden castle: “Circuibat castrum ex omni parte, et fabricavit brestachias duplices per septem loca, castella videlicet lignea munitissima.” (Bouquet, xvii., 78.) See also Wright, “Illustrations of Domestic Architecture,” Arch. Journ. , i., 212 and 301. In these papers it is clear that “breteske” means a tower, as there are several pictures of it. At a later period it seems to have been used for a wooden balcony made for the purpose of shooting, in the same sense as the word “hurdicium”; but I have not met with any instance of this before the 14th century. APPENDIX H THE WORDS “HURDICIUM” AND “HORDIARI” These words refer to the wooden galleries carried round the tops of walls, to enable the defenders to throw down big stones or other missiles on those who were attempting to attack the foot of the walls. “Hurdicia quæ muros tutos reddebant.” ( Philippidos , vii., 201; Bouquet, xvii.) The word “alures” is sometimes used in the same sense. See a mandamus of Henry III., cited by Turner, History of Domestic Architecture , i., 198: “To make on the same tower [of London] on the south side, at the top, deep alures of good and strong timber, entirely and well covered with lead, through which people can look even to the foot of the tower, and better defend it, if need may be.” The alures of the castle of Norwich are spoken of as early as 1187, but this mention, and one of the alures round the castle of Winchester in 1193, are the only ones I find in the 12th century in England. APPENDIX I “HERICIO, ERICIO, HERITO, HERISSON” This is derived from the French word hérisson , a hedgehog, and should mean something bristling, perhaps with thorns or osiers. Several passages show that it was a defence on the counterscarp of the ditch, and it may sometimes have been a hedge. Cohausen, Befestigungen der Vorzeit , shows that hedges were frequently used in early fortifications (pp. 8-13). The following passages seem to show clearly that it was on the counterscarp of the ditch: “[Montreuil] il a bien clos, esforce e ferme de pel e hericon .” (Wace, 107.) “Reparato exterioris Ardensis munitionis valli fossato et amplificato, et sepibus et ericiis consepto et constipato.” (Lambert of Ardres, 623, circa 1117.) The French poem of Jordan Fantosme, describing the siege of Wark by the Scots in 1174, says the Scots attacked and carried the hericon , and got into the ditch, but they could not take the bayle, i.e. , they could not get over the palicium. APPENDIX K THE CASTLE OF YALE In the year 1693, the antiquary Edward Llwyd was sitting on the motte of Tomen y Rhoddwy engaged in making a very bad plan of the castle [published in Arch. Camb. , N.S., ii., 57]. His guide told him that he had heard his grandfather say that two earls used to live there. Llwyd called the guide an ignorant fellow. Modern traditions are generally the work of some antiquary who has succeeded in planting his theories locally; but here we have a tradition of much earlier date than the time when antiquaries began to sow tares, and such traditions have usually a shred of truth in them. Is it possible that this castle of Tomen y Rhoddwy and the neighbouring one of Llanarmon were built by the earls of Chester and Shrewsbury, who certainly went on expeditions together against Wales, and appear to have divided their conquests? It is to be noted that the township is called Bodigre yr Yarll , the township of the earls. APPENDIX L THE CASTLE OF TULLOW OR “COLLACHT,” p. 335 This information is kindly supplied by Mr Goddard H. Orpen, who writes to me: “I visited Tullow lately, and asked myself where would a Norman erect a mote, and I had no difficulty in answering: on the high ground near where the Protestant church stands. When I got up there the first thing that I noticed was that the church stood on a platform of earth 10 to 14 feet higher than the road, and that this platform was held in position by a strong retaining wall, well battered towards the bottom on one side. I then found on enquiry that the hill on which it stood and the place to the N.W. of it was called the ‘Castle Hill.’ On going round to the N.W. of the church I found a horseshoe-shaped space, scarped all round to a height of 6 to 10 feet, and rising to about 16 feet above the adjoining fields. There is no doubt that this was the site of the castle, and that it was artificially raised. To my mind there was further little doubt that it represented an earlier mote. In a field adjoining on the W. I could detect a platform of about 50 to 70 paces, with traces of a fosse round the three outer sides.... This was certainly the Castellum de Tulach mentioned in the deeds concerning Raymond le Gros’ grant to the Abbey of St Thomas.— Dublin Reg. St Thomas , pp. 111, 113.” APPENDIX M THE CASTLE OF SLANE Mr Westropp says that the “great earthworks and fosses” on the Hill of Slane are mentioned in the “Life of St Patrick” ( Journ. R. S. A. I. , 1904, p. 313). What the Life really says is: “They came to Ferta Fer Fiecc,” which is translated “the graves of Fiacc’s men”; and the notes of Muirchu Maccu-Machtheni add, “which, as fables say, were dug by the slaves of Feccol Ferchertni, one of the nine Wizards” ( Tripartite Life , p. 278). It does not mention any fort, or even a hill, and though Ferta Fer Fiecc is identified with Slane, there is nothing to show what part of Slane it was. APPENDIX N THE WORD “DONJON” Professor Skeat and The New English Dictionary derive this word from the Low Latin, dominionem , acc. of dominio , lordship. Leland frequently speaks of the keep as the dungeon, which of course is the same word. Its modern use for a subterranean prison seems to have arisen when the keeps were abandoned for more spacious and comfortable habitations by the noble owners, and were chiefly used as prisons. The word dunio , which, as we have seen, Lambert of Ardres used for a motte, probably comes from a different root, cognate with the Anglo-Saxon dun , a hill, and used in Flanders for the numerous sandhills of that coast. APPENDIX O THE ARRANGEMENTS IN EARLY KEEPS We get a glimpse of these in a story given in the “Gesta Ambasiensium Dominorum,” D’Archery, Spicilegium , 278. Sulpicius the Treasurer of the Abbey of St Martin at Tours, an important personage, built a stone keep at Amboise in 1015 ( Chron. Turonense Magnum ), in place of the “wooden house” which his brother had held. In the time of Fulk Rechin (1066-1106), this keep was in the hands of the adherents of the counts of Blois. Hugh, son of Sulpicius, with two other men, hid themselves by night in the basement, which was used as a storehouse; it must therefore have had an entrance from outside. With the help of ropes, they climbed up a sewer into the bedchamber, which was above the cellar, and evidently had no stair communicating with the cellar. Here they found the lady of the house and two maids sleeping, and a watchman who was also asleep. While one of the men held these in terror with a drawn sword, the other two climbed up a ladder and through a trap-door up to the roof of the tower, where they unfurled the banner of Hugh. Here we see a very simple keep, which has only one storey above the basement; this may have been divided into two or more apartments, but it was thought a fitting residence for a lady of rank. It had no stairs, but all the communications were by trap-doors and ladders. We may be quite sure that the people of rank of the 11th and 12th centuries were content with much rougher accommodation than Mr Clark imagined. Even Richard I.’s much admired keep of Chateau Gaillard appears to have had no communication but ladders between the floors. APPENDIX P KEEPS AS RESIDENCES The description of a keep which we have already given from Lambert of Ardres (Chap. VI.) is sufficient to prove that even wooden keeps in the 12th century were used as permanent residences, and this is confirmed by many scattered notices in the various chronicles of France and England. It was not till late in the 13th century that the desire for more comfortable rooms led to the building of chambers in the courtyard. APPENDIX Q CASTLES BUILT BY HENRY I. The castles, which according to Robert de Monte, Henry I. built altogether [ ex integro ] were Drincourt, Chateauneuf-sur-Epte, Verneuil, Nonancourt, Bonmoulins, Colmemont, Pontorson, St Denis-en-Lyons, and Vaudreuil. Many of these may have been wooden castles; Chateauneuf-sur-Epte almost certainly was; it has now a round donjon on a motte. The “Tour Grise” at Verneuil is certainly not the work of Henry I., but belongs to the 13th century. APPENDIX R THE SO-CALLED SHELL KEEP We have three accounts of motte-castles from the 12th century: that of Alexander Neckham, in the treatise De Utensilibus ; that of Laurence of Durham, cited in Chapter VII., p. 147 ; and the well-known description of the castle of Marchem, also cited in Chapter VI., p. 88 . All these three describe the top of the motte as surrounded by a wall (of course of wood), within which is built a wooden tower. The account of Marchem says that it was built in the middle of the area. This supports the conjecture in the text. Mr H. E. Malden has shown ( Surrey Archæolog. Collections , xvi., 28) that the keep of Guildford is of later date than the stone wall round the top of the motte. Remove this tower, and there would be what is commonly called a shell keep. It would appear, therefore, that it was a common practice to change the bank or stockade round the top of the motte into a stone wall (no doubt as a defence against fire), leaving the keep inside still of wood. Four of the pictures from the Bayeux Tapestry (see Frontispiece ) all give the idea of a wooden tower inside a stockade on a motte. APPENDIX S PROFESSOR LLOYD’S “HISTORY OF WALES” I regret that this valuable work did not appear until too late for me to make use of it in my chapter on Welsh Castles. It is worth while to note the following points in which Professor Lloyd’s conclusions differ from or confirm those which I have been led to adopt. Aberystwyth and Aberrheiddiol.—“After the destruction of the last Aberystwyth Castle of the older situation in 1143, the chief stronghold of the district was moved to the mouth of the Rheiddiol, a position which it ever afterwards retained, though people still insisted on calling it Aberystwyth” (514). “The original castle of Aberystwyth crowned the slight eminence at the back of the farm of Tan y Castell, which lies in the Ystwyth valley 1½ miles S. of the town. There is the further evidence of the name, and the earthworks still visible on the summit” (426, note ). Carreghova.—I ought perhaps to have included this castle in my list, though on the actual map its site is within the English border; but as there are absolutely no remains of it [D. H. M.] it does not affect the question I am discussing. Cardigan and Cilgerran.—“Dingeraint cannot be Cilgerran, because Cilgerran is derived from Cerran , with the feminine inflection, not from Geraint ; nor is Cilgerran ‘close to the fall of the Teifi into the sea,’ as the chronicler says Dingeraint was. The castle built by Earl Roger was probably Cardigan” (401). Professor Lloyd afterwards identifies Cilgerran with the castle of Emlyn (661). This seems to me questionable, as the “New Castle of Emlyn,” first mentioned in Edward I.’s reign, presupposes an older castle, and as I have stated, a mound answering to the older castle still exists not far from the stone castle. Carmarthen.—Professor Lloyd thinks this castle stood at the present farm of Rhyd y Gors, about a mile below the town; but I see no reason to alter the conclusion to which I was led by Mr Floyd’s paper, that the Rhyd y Gors of the castle was a ford at Carmarthen itself. The fact that Henry I. founded a cell to Battle Abbey at Carmarthen (431) seems to me an additional piece of evidence that the castle was there; castle and abbey nearly always went together. Dinweiler.—Professor Lloyd assumes Dinweiler to be the same as the castle in Mabudryd built by Earl Gilbert, and to be situated at or near Pencader (501). It should be noted, however, that Dinweiler reads Dinefor in MS. B. of the Brut , in 1158. I am in error in supposing St Clair to be the castle of Mabudryd (following a writer in Archæologia Cambrensis ), as St Clair is not in that commote. Professor Lloyd’s map of the cantrefs and commotes differs widely from that of previous writers. Llangadoc.—“Luchewein” should not be identified with this castle; Professor Lloyd thinks it may refer to a castle at Llwch Owain, a lake in the parish of Llanarthney, where there is an entrenchment known as Castell y Garreg. Maud’s Castle.—Camden identified “Matildis castrum” with Colewent or Colwyn, but Professor Lloyd is of opinion that “a careful collation of the English and Welsh authorities for the events of the years 1198 and 1231 will make it clear that Payne’s Castle and Maud’s Castle are the same.” This of course does not affect what is said about Colwyn Castle in the text. Montgomery.—Professor Lloyd deems that the emphasis laid (especially in the Charter Rolls , i., 101) on the fact that the building of Henry III.’s reign was New Montgomery, leaves no doubt that the former town and castle stood elsewhere, probably at Hên Domen. This, if true, would greatly strengthen my case, as Hên Domen is an admirable motte and bailey. SCHEDULE OF ENGLISH CASTLES KNOWN TO DATE FROM THE ELEVENTH CENTURY [1207] IN TOWNS No. Name of Castle. Type. [1208] Whole Area of Enceinte or Bailey. Value. 1. Arundel M. and B., O. Whole area 4½ acres Risen. 2. Bamborough K. and B. Whole area 4¾ acres ... 3. Barnstaple M. and B. Bailey 1⅓ acres Not given T. R. E. 4. Bristol M. and B., O. Whole area nearly 4 acres Not given T. R. E. 5. Buckingham M. and B. ? Risen. 6. Caerleon M. and B., O. Bailey 4¾ acres Risen. 7. Cambridge M. and B. Bailey 4¼ acres Not given T. R. W. 8. Canterbury (Dungeon Hill) M. and B., O. Whole area 3 acres Risen. 9. Carlisle K. and B., O. Whole area 4 acres ... 10. Chester M. and B., O. First ward ¾ acre Risen. 11. Colchester K. and B. Inner ward and keep about 2 acres Risen. 12. Dover K. and B. Inner castle about 6 acres Risen. 13. Durham M. and B., O. Bailey 1 acre ... 14. Ely M. and B., O. Bailey 2½ acres Fallen, but rising. 15. Exeter B. only now 2 acres ... 16. Gloucester M. and B., O. ? Risen. 17. Hastings M. and B., O. ? Fallen, but rising. 18. Hereford M. and B. Bailey 5½ acres Risen. 19. Huntingdon M. and B., O. Inner bailey 2½ acres Stationary. 20. Lewes M. and B. Bailey 3 acres Risen. 21. Lincoln M. and B. Bailey 5¾ acres Risen. 22. Monmouth K. and B. Bailey 1¾ acres Not given T. R. E. 23. Newcastle M. and B., O. Whole area 3 acres 1 rood ... 24. Norwich M. and B., O. Inner bailey 3¼ acres Risen. 25. Nottingham M. and B., O. Bailey 1⅔ acres Risen. 26. Oxford M. and B., O. Bailey 3 acres Risen. 27. Pevensey K. and B. Bailey 1 acre Risen. 28. Quatford M. and B., probably O. Bailey 1 acre ... 29. Rochester (Boley Hill) M. and B., O. Whole area about 3 acres Risen. 30. Old Sarum. M. and B. Inner ward 1¾ acres Risen. 31. Shrewsbury M. and B., O. Bailey ⅘ of an acre Risen. 32. Stafford M. and B., O. Bailey 1⅗ acres Risen. 33. Stamford M. and B. Bailey 1¾ acres Risen. 34. Tamworth M. and B., probably O. Bailey 1 acre Not given. 35. Totnes M. and B., O. Bailey ¾ of an acre Risen. 36. Tower of London K. and B. Originally? Not given. 37. Wallingford M. and B. Bailey 4½ acres Risen. 38. Warwick M. and B., O. Bailey 2½ acres Risen. 39. Winchester M. and B., O. Whole area 4½ acres Not given. 40. Worcester M. and B., O. Whole area between 3 and 4 acres Risen. 41. York M. and B., O. Whole area formerly about 3 acres Risen. 42. The Baile Hill, York M. and B., O. Whole area 2¾ acres ... IN MANORS No. Name of Castle. Type. Head of District T. R. E. Whole Area of Enceinte or Bailey. Value. 43. Abergavenny M. and B. ? Bailey 1 acre. ... 44. Belvoir M. and B.? No ? Risen. 45. Berkeley or Ness M. and B Yes Bailey 1½ acres Risen. 46. Berkhampstead M. and B Yes Bailey 3 acres Fallen. 47. Bishop’s Stortford M. and B No Bailey 2½ acres Fallen. 48. Bourn M. and B. Yes Bailey 3 acres Risen. 49. Bramber M. and B. No Bailey 3 acres Risen. 50. Carisbrooke M. and B. No Bailey 2¾ acres Risen. 51. Castle Acre M. and B. No Bailey 2 acres Risen. 52. Chepstow K. and B. No Whole area 1⅔ acres Risen. 53. Clifford M. and B. No Bailey 2⅓ acres Risen. 54. Clitheroe M. and B. No Bailey 1 acre Fallen. 55. Corfe M. and B. No Bailey 1½ acres Risen. 56. Dudley M. and B. No Bailey 1¾ acres Fallen. 57. Dunster M. and B. No Bailey 1¾ acres Risen. 58. Ewias M. and B. ? Bailey 2⅓ acres Not given T. R. E. 59. Eye M. and B. No Bailey 2 acres Risen. 60. Launceston M. and B. No Bailey 3 acres Fallen. 61. Montacute M. and B. No ? Not given T. R. E. 62. Morpeth M. and B. ? ? ... 63. Norham M. and B. ? Bailey 2 acres ... 64. Okehampton M. and B. No Bailey½ an acre Risen. 65. Oswestry M. and B. No ? Risen. 66. Peak Castle K. and B. No Bailey 1 acre Risen. 67. Penwortham M. and B. No ? Risen. 68. Peterborough Motte only now ? ? ... 69. Pontefract M. and B. Probably Bailey 2⅓ acres Fallen. 70. Preston Capes M. and B. No ... Risen. 71. Rayleigh M. and B. Yes Bailey ¾ acre Risen. 72. Richard’s Castle M. and B. No Bailey⅔ acre Stationary. 73. Richmond K. and B. No Bailey 2½ acres ... 74. Rockingham M. and B. No First bailey 3 acres Risen. 75. Skipsea M. and B. No Bailey 8¼ acres Fallen. 76. Stanton Holgate M. and B. No ... Risen. 77. Tickhill M. and B. No Bailey 2 acres Risen. 78. Tonbridge M. and B. No Bailey 1½ acres Stationary. 79. Trematon M. and B. No Bailey 1 acre Fallen. 80. Tutbury M. and B. No Bailey 2½ acres Not given T. R. E. 81. Tynemouth ? ? ? ... 82. Wigmore M. and B. No Bailey 1 acre Risen. 83. Windsor M. and B. No Upper bailey 6½ acres Fallen, but rising. 84. Wisbeach M. and B. No Whole area 4 acres Fallen. It has been thought best to tabulate the chief defensible area of each castle. The total area, including ditches and scarps, is liable to great variation owing to the nature of the ground. INDEX Aber, 261 Aberavon, 296 Abercorn, 308 Aberdovey, 300 Abereinon, 301 Abergavenny, 97 Aberlleinog, 261 Aberystwyth, 281 , 393 Aggeres, 77 , 111 Aldreth, 150 Alfred, King, 13 , 14 , 15 Amwell, 52 Annan, 309 Anstruther family, 308 Antrim, 331 Appledore, 50 Aq’i, 331 Aquila, castle of, 77 Ardfinnan, 331 Ardmayle, 331 Ardnurcher, 331 Ardree, 331 Ardres, 75 , 89 Area of Norman castles, 97 Arques, 361 Arundel, 98 Arx, 211 , 384 Ashlar masonry, 356 Askeaton, 332 Askelon, 332 Athelney, 14 Athlone, 333 Auchterless, 309 Avenel family, 308 Baginbun, 333 Bailey, ballium, 4 , 5 , 92 , 207 Bakewell, 47 Balimore Eustace, 333 Balliol family, 308 Ballyknockan, 341 Ballynaclogh, 346 Bamborough, 11 , 100 , 355 , 357 Banff, 319 Barclay, 309 Barnstaple, 102 Barnwell, 376 Baronies, 307 Basements of keeps, 359 , 362 Basingwerk, 267 Bastille, the, 376 Bayeux Tapestry, 87 , 158 , 393 Bayford Court, 49 Bedford, 40 Beith, 317 Belesme, Roger, 100 , 191 ; castle, 77 Belvoir, 102 Benfleet, 50 Bensington, 28 Berkeley, 103 , 367 Berkhampstead, 105 Bernard de Neufmarché, 273 , 276 Bervie River, 316 Biggar, 313 Bishop’s Stortford, 107 Blaenporth, 282 Bleddfa, 293 Blois, 75 Blythe, 219 Boley Hill, 49 , 196 , 199 , 200 Bordlands, 307 Borgue, 317 Boroughs, 21 , 258 , 382 Boulogne, 376 n. 1 Bourn, 107 Bowes, 366 Bramber, 109 Braose, De, 109 , 276 , 292 Brecknock, 276 , 290 Bremesbyrig, 32 Bretasche, 91 , 386 Bridgenorth, 33 , 52 Bristol, 23 , 110 Bromborough, 32 Bruce family, 309 Brut y Tywysogion, 254 Buckingham, 25 , 40 Burghal Hidage, 28 , 98 , 160 , 385 Burgh Castle, 44 n. 1 . Burgus, 85 Burh, 17-19 , 123 ; Clark’s theory of, 20-29 Buttington, 51 Cadwalader, 266 Cadzow, 314 Caen keep, 361 Caereinion, 300 Caerleon, 113 Caerphilly, 376 n. 1 Caerwedros, 283 Caherconlish, 333 Cambridge, 55 , 57 , 115 Camps, of refuge, 29 ; prehistoric, 6 ; of Danes, 61 Canterbury, 116 Carbury, 333 Cardiff, 294 Cardigan, 274 , 275 ; Castle, 280 Carisbrook, 121 Carlingford, 334 Carlisle, 25 , 128 , 365 Carlovingian Empire, 66 Carmarthen, 275 , 394 Carnarvon, 261 , 375 Carnwath, 318 Carreghova, 271 , 394 Carrick, 334 Carrickfergus, 334 Carrickittle, 339 Carrigogunell, 332 Castel, the word, 24 , 98 Castellum, castrum, 25 , 67 , 169 , 383 Castles, private, Ch. V .; product of feudalism, 66 ; in Normandy, 76 , 77 ; wooden, 78 ; stone, Ch. XII .; sites given to church, 259 n. 2 . Castle Acre, 124 Castledermot, 347 Castle guard, 175 Castleknock, 341 Castlemore, 338 Castle Rough, 49 Castle Rushen, 377 n. 1 Castletown Delvin, 334 Cathcart family, 310 Catter, 315 Ceredigion, 274 , 275 Chapels in castles, 355 Chartres keep, 74 Chastell Gwalter, 282 Chateaudun keep, 75 Chateau Gaillard, 372 , 376 , 391 Chepstow, 125 Chester, 31 , 126 , 367 Chevron moulding, 100 Cheyne family, 310 Chilham, 368 Chimneys, 357 Chinon, 75 Chippenham, 55 Chirk, 269 Christison, Dr, 8 , 31 , 304 , 306 Cilgerran, 281 , 394 Citadels, 6 , 54 , 56 Clare, house of, 275 , 281 Clark, G. T., 2 , 8 , 19 , 26 , 48 Clears, St, 288 , 394 Cledemuthan, 43 Clifford, 128 Clitheroe, 129 Clonard, 334 Clonmacnoise, 335 Colchester, 41 , 132 , 223 , 354 , 355 Collacht, 335 Colville family, 310 Comyn family, 310 Concentric castles, 375 Cooking in castles, 359 Corfe, 135 , 363 Coucy, 65 , 372 Courcy, John de, 336 Court hills, 310 , 391 Covington, 313 Crail, 319 Crimond, 311 Crogen, battle of, 266 Cromarty, 316 Crometh, 335 Cromwell, 220 , 336 Croom, 335 Crossbow, the 370 Cunningham family, 311 Cupar, 320 Cymmer, 299 Cynewulf, murder of, 13 Cynfael, 300 Cyricbyrig, 37 Dalswinton, 311 Dane John, 116 , 118 , 121 Danes in Ireland, 60 Dangio, 75 Danish raths, 48 ; camps, 61 ; colonies, 59 , 60 Darnhall, 317 David I. of Scotland, 123 , 163 , 303 Deganwy, 259 , 270 Dernio, 267 Derver, 341 Dinan, 87 Dinerth, 282 Dinevor, 287 , 394 Dinweiler, 394 Dirleton, 319 Domfront keep, 361 Donjons, 358 , 390 Douglas family, 312 Dover, 138 ; church, 144 ; Pharos, 143 Downpatrick, 335 Drogheda, 336 Drumore, 315 Drumsagard, 317 Duchal, 315 Dudley, 144 Dudo of St Quentin, 76 Duffus, 317 Duleek, 337 Dumfries, 320 Dun, the word, 326 Dunamase, 337 Dungarvan, 337 Dunio, 75 Dunmullie, 311 Dunoon, 313 Dunskeath, 320 Dunster, 145 Durand, 312 Durham, 146 Durward, 312 Dyfed, 274 Earthworks, Committee, 2 Eddisbury, 35 Edward, 14-16 , 45 , 65 , 127 Edward the Martyr, 135 Edwardian castles, 328 , 345 Egloe, Eulo, 271 Elgin, 320 Ellon, 311 Ely, 149 Entrances to keeps, 355 , 361 , 373 Errol, 314 Escluen, 332 Étampes Castle, 373 Ethelfleda, 14 , 15 , 16 , 20 , 21 , 45 , 232 , 342 Eu, 56 Eustace of Boulogne, 139 Ewias, 150 Exeter, 151 ; siege of, 154 Eye, 155 Falaise, 361-363 Favorie, 338 Ferns, 338 Feudalism, 63 , 66 , 378 , 379 ; in Normandy, 76 ; in Wales, 299 , 378 ; in Scotland, 303 Fireplaces, 357 Fitz Alans, 179 , 313 Fitzhardinge, Robert, 104 FitzOsbern, William, 103 , 126 , 128 , 150 , 273 Five Boroughs, the 44 , 59 Flambard, Ranulf, 172 Fleming family, 313 Flint, 375 Folk-moots, 381 Fore, 338 Forebuildings, 355 , 361 Forfar, 320 Forres, 321 Fortifications, Anglo-Saxon, 29 , 64 ; Danish, 55 , 61 ; wooden, 78 Fotheret Onolan, 338 French earthworks, 7 Fulham, 55 Fulk Nerra, 73 , 74 , 352 Gaimar, Geoffrey, 171 Gallo-Roman villas, 67 Galtrim, 338 Gatehouse keeps, 359 Gatehouse palace, 375 Geashill, 338 Gemaron, 292 Gephthine, 332 Gilling, 193 , 194 Gisors, 364 Glamorgan, 276 Gloucester, 156 Godwin, Earl, 22 , 24 , 103 Gomme, G. L., 8 Gould, I. C, 2 Gower, 277 , 297 Graham family, 314 Granard, 338 Greenwell, Canon, 2 Guildford, 393 Guisnes, 75 , 76 Gundulf, Bishop, 197 , 198 , 222 Guy of Amiens, 139 Gwyddgrug, 260 Gwynedd, 256-262 Hæsten the Dane, 49 , 50 Hall, the Anglo-Saxon, 17 , 24 , 168 Hallaton Castle Hill, 88 Hamilton family, 314 Harold, Earl and King, 138 , 161 , 257 Hastings, 87 , 158 Haughead Kipp, 317 Haverfordwest, 280 Hawarden, 377 Hawick, 315 Hay, 291 Hay family, 314 Hên Domen, 395 Henry I., castles of, 360-364 , 392 Henry II., castles of, 365-369 Henry the Fowler, 64 Hericio, 388 Hermitage Castle, 318 Herring-bone work, 136 , 168 , 218 Hincheleder, 339 Hithes, 57 Hodesley, Hoseley, 268 Holywell, 267 , 270 Hubert de Burgh, 140 Hugh of Avranches, 256 , 257 Humphrey’s Castle, 283 Huntingdon, 42 , 162 Hurdicia, 91 , 372 , 387 Ida, King, 11 Inchelefyre, 339 Innermessan, 321 Inverness, 321 Inverugie, 310 Inverwick, 313 Irish chiefs, 325 , 342 Jedburgh, 321 John, Bishop of Terouenne, 88 John, King, 137 , 270 , 370 n. 1 Jomsborg, 59 Karakitel, 339 Keepless castles, 328 , 374 Keep and bailey, 357 Keeps, arrangements in, 359 , 391 ; polygonal, 368 ; prows to, 373 ; residences, 392 ; round, 368 , 373 Keeps of Henry I., 360 , 363 , 392 Keeps of Henry II., 366 Keeps of William I., 351 , 354 Kelts of Scotland, 304 Kenardington, 50 Kenfig, 295 Kenmure, 308 Kidwelly, 288 Kilbixie, 339 Kilbride, 318 Kilfeakle, 340 Kilfinnane, 329 Kilkea, 347 Killamlun, 339 Killare, 339 Kilmaurs, 311 Kilmehal, 340 Kilmore, 340 Kilsantan, 340 Kiltinan, 340 Kincleven, 321 Kirkcudbright, 321 Kirkintilloch, 311 Kirkpatrick Durham, 312 Kitchens in castles, 90 Knighton, 293 Knock, 341 Knockgraffan, 341 Lacy, Ilbert de, 187 , 188 ; Hugh de, 337 Lag Castle, 312 Lagelachon, 341 Lagmen, 62 Lambert of Ardres, 75 , 89 Lanark, 321 Langeais keep, 72 , 353 Laon, 72 Largs, 317 Laugharne, 288 Launceston, 164 Laurence of Durham, 147 Law about castles, 377 Lawhaden, 279 Lea Castle, 341 Lea River, 15 , 52 Lead roofs, 369 Leighlin, 341 Lennox, 315 Leuchars, 318 Lewes, 165 Lincoln, 167 Linton Roderick, 310 Lismore, 342 Llanarmon, 272 Llandeilo Talybont, 298 Llandovery, 286 Llanegwad, 289 Llangadog, 289 , 394 Llanrhystyd, 300 Llanstephan, 286 Lloyd, Professor, 253 , 393 Lochmaben, 309 Lochorworth, 314 Lockhart family, 315 Logan family, 315 London fortified, 14 Loopholes, 362 , 370 , 371 ; cross loopholes, 371 Lords-marchers, 255 Loske, 343 Loughor, 298 Louth, 342 Louvre, the, 373 Lovel family, 315 Loxhindy, 343 Ludgarsburh, 170 Lumphanan, 312 Lyle or Lisle family, 315 Lympne, 15 Mabudryd, 394 Machicolations, 372 Magh Adair, 327 Maitland, Professor, 27 Maldon, 41 Manchester, 46 Manors, Saxon, and mottes, 96 Mans, Le, keep of, 361 Masonry, 356 , 362 , 367 Mathraval, 271 Maud’s Castle, 293 , 394 Maxton, 316 Maxwell family, 316 Melton, Archbishop, 248 Melville family, 315 Mercenaries, 7 , 74 n. 1 Merchem Castle, 88 Mersey Island, 54 Military service, 64 Milton, 49 Missile engines, 369 Mitford, 373 Moffat, 309 Mold, 260 Monmouth, 168 Montacute, 169 Montalt, 316 Montgomeri, Roger de, 53 , 98 , 130 , 191 , 263 ; Hugh de, 274 ; Arnolf, 274 , 278 ; castle, 264 , 395 Montgomerie family, Scotland, 316 Moot-hills, 8 , 9 , 381 Moray, colonisation of, 304 Morpeth, 171 Mortain, Count of, 106 , 138 , 164 , 169 , 186 Mortimers, 276 Morville family, 316 Mottes, described, 4 , 5 ; the word, 9 n. 1 ; distribution, 80-82 ; situation, 83-96 ; in France, 85 ; in Wales, 301 ; in Scotland, 322 ; in Ireland, 348 ; history, 72 , 74 Mowbray, Earl Robert, 101 Mowbray family, 317 Müller, Dr Sophus, 6 Mural towers, 358 Murray family, 317 Naas, 343 Nantes Castle, 71 Nant yr Arian, 284 Narberth, 280 Navan, 344 Neath, 296 Neckham, “De Utensilibus,” 86 Neilson, Mr George, 8 , 306 Neu Leiningen, 376 n. 1 Newcastle, 171 Newcastle Bridgend, 295 Newcastle Emlyn, 289 New Grange, 10 Newport, 279 Nicetus, his castrum, 67 Nicholas, St, 110 , 213 Nobber, 344 Normandy, 22 , 76 , 77 Norman favourites, 23 Norman walls, 356 Normans, 7 Norrei Castle, 77 Northmen, camps of, 61 , 383 Norton, 293 Norwich, 173 , 363 Nottingham, 44 , 49 , 57 , 176 O’Donovan, 329 Offa’s Dyke, 52 Okehampton, 178 Oldcastle, 347 Old Sarum, 202 Oliphant family, 317 Orford, 246 n. Oswestry, 179 Overton (Denbigh), 267 ; (Hereford), 192 Owen Gwynedd, 260 , 270 Oxford, 180 Oxnam, 310 Oystermouth, 298 Pantolf, William, 213 Parliamentary fortifications, 202 Payn’s Castle, 293 , 395 Peak, 182 Pembroke, 278 Pentecost’s Castle, 24 , 150 Penwortham, 183 Peterborough, 185 Pevensey, 99 , 186 Pistes, Capitulary of, 68 , 72 Pitt-Rivers, General, 2 Plinths, 355 Polnoon, 316 Pontefract, 187 ; siege of, 189 Pont y Stuffan, 283 Powys, 263-266 Prestatyn, 270 Preston Capes, 190 Pretorium, 72 Prisons in castles, 359 Private castles, 21 , 68 Pudsey, Bishop, 173 Quatbridge, 58 Quatford, 191 Quincy, De, family, 318 Radnor, 292 Rainald the Sheriff, 263 Rapes of Sussex, 299 Rathceltchair, 336 Raths in Ireland, 325 , 327 Rathwire, 344 Ratouth, 344 Rayleigh, 191 Reading, 54 Redcastle, Lunan Bay, 309 Reginald’s Tower, 347 , 348 Remni, 297 Renfrew, 313 Retford, 55 Rhaidr Gwy, 301 Rhé Island, motte on, 350 Rhuddlan, 257 , 259 Rhyd y Gors, 275 , 284 Rhys ap Griffith, 275 , 287 Riccarton, 319 Richard Sans Peur, 76 Richard I., 370-372 Richard’s Castle, 192 Richmond, 193 Robert Curthose, 110 Robert de Monte, 360 Robert, Earl of Gloucester, 110 , 295 Robert Fitz Hamon, 277 Robert of Rhuddlan, 257 Roberton, 314 Rochester, 25 , 49 , 195 Rockingham, 201 Roger the Poitevin, 129 , 183 , 184 Rokerel, 345 Rollo, 76 Roscrea, 345 Rosemarkie, 322 Ross, 318 Rouen, 77 Runcorn, 38 Ruthin, 269 Ruthven, 311 Sanquhar, 318 Sarn Helen, 283 Saumur Castle, 75 Saxon fortifications, Chapters II ., III ., 29 Saxon royal seats, 151 n. 2 , 235 Scergeat, 33 Sepulchral hillocks, 9 ; in Ireland, 327 Shaftesbury, 15 Shell keep, 99 Sheppey Isle, 54 Shoebury, 51 Shrewsbury, 207 Siege castles, 85 Siegfried the Dane, 75 Siward, Earl, 22 Skipsea, 209 Skreen, 345 Slane, 345 Somerville family, 318 Somner, antiquary, 117 Soulis family, 318 Stafford, 34 , 211 Stamford, 44 , 216 Stanton, 217 Stevenston, 315 Stewarton, 318 Swansea, 297 Symington, 315 Table of Boroughs, 26 Talgarth, 292 Tamworth, 34 , 218 Tarbolton, 314 Tateshall, 187 Tempsford, 53 Tenby, 280 Terraces to mottes, 102 Thanet, 54 Thelwall, 46 , 385 Thetford, 55 , 56 Thibault-le-Tricheur, 74 Thingwall, 381 Thorne, 368 n. 3 Thurles, 346 Tibraghny, 346 Tickhill, 219 Tiles, use of, 255 Timahoe, 346 Tom-a-mhoid, 313 Tomen y Mur, 262 Tomen y Rhoddwy, 271 , 272 , 388 Tonbridge, 220 Toot Hill, 259 Topcliffe, 5 n. Torkesey, 55 , 56 Totnes, 221 Towcester, 41 Tower of London, 221 , 354 , 355 Towers to castles, 71 Towns, fortification of, 65 Trade, 30 Trébuchet, 369 Trematon, 226 Tribalism, 64 Trim, 346 , 377 Tristerdermot, 347 Tullow, 335 , 389 Tutbury, 227 Tynboeth, 293 Tynemouth, 228 Tynwald Hill, 381 Typermesan, 347 Valoignes family, 318 Value of manors and towns, 96 Vaulting, 362 , 365 , 367 , 374 Vaux family, 319 Viking crews, 90 Viollet le Duc, 368 n. 1 Vire, keep, 361 Voussoirs, 362 Wales, Chapters VIII ., IX .; Wales and Saxons, 253 ; Wales and Normans, 254 Wallace family, 319 Wallingford, 28 , 228 Walwern, 301 Wareham, 25 , 28 Warenne, Wm., 124 , 165 Wark, 366 , 367 , 368 n. 2 , 388 Warkworth, 377 Warwick, 36 , 230 Wasta, 114 Waterford, 347 Water-supply, 362-363 Watling Street, 16 , 32 , 382 Waytemore Castle, 107 Weardbyrig, 36 Welsh halls, 251 Welshpool, 265 Wessex, 13 Wexford, 348 Wicklow, 348 Wigingamere, 41 Wigmore, 232 William I., 22 , 77 William the Lion, 163 , 305 Willington, 57 Winchester, 233 Winding walks on mottes, 102 , 121 Windsor, 236 ; borough, 238 Wisbeach, 239 Wiston, 279 Witham, 39 Wolvesey Castle, 235 n. 4 Wooden fortifications, 78 , 208 , 228 , 250 , 306 , 358 , 359 Worcester, 115 , 23 , 31 , 240 ; charter, 21 Wrexham Castle, 268 Yale Castle, 271 , 300 Year 1000, 78 York, 13 , 242 York, Baile Hill, 248 Ystrad Cyngen, 288 Ystrad Meurig, 283 Ystrad Peithyll, 282

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