CONFUCIUS Taken from the Marble Tablet at Hsianfu, ShensL
THE
ANALECTS
OF
CONFUCIUS
BY
WILLIAM EDWARD SOOTHILL.
Principal of the Imperial University, Shansi, Compiler of the Student's Pocket Dictionary, Translator of the Wenchow New Testament, Author of a Mission in China, Etc., Etc.
1910.
PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR. /
Printed by the Fukuio Printing Company, Ld., Yokohama Agents ; in China. The Presbyterian Mission Press
in Japan. The Methodist Pubiisbiag House, Tokyo.
in England. Messrs. Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier.
in U. S» A, The Fleming H. Revel I Company.
Ol 极.
PREFACE.
The Discourses of Confucius, commonly known as the Analects, no student of Chinese, least of all the mission- ary, can afford to neglect. In this brief treatise is revealed to us, more or less fully, the mind of China's most illust- rious son, and consequently the mind of his race at its best. Here is the model on which for two thousand years this people has blocked the plastic mass of its mind and character. To understand the matrix is to understand at least the form if not the material of the impression, and in this book we have the die from which millions have been minted, sometimes of fine, moro oft of baser metal. Nevertheless, however varied the substance, the form sought after has ever been the same, and lie who under- stands the revelation of China's model of wisdom, grace and honour herein exhibited, will also apprehend what is the noblest ideal, however imperfect, that this multitud- inous race has set before itself. He will, too, by this means come into so close a mental touch with its aspira- tions as to see distinction and dignity where before a swamp of mental and moral stagnation may have seemed to be his sole environment.
If any one ask why another translation be presented, the leply offered is that this work receives less attention at the
755828
II
PREFACE.
hands of the student than its importance deserves, and a new issue will at least once more draw attention to its exist- ence and value. Should a further explanation be demand- ed let it be that, except in an emasculated form, Dr. Legge's scholarly work is no longer within the reach of the student of limited means ； that that work was published long before the majority of the students of to-day were born ； and that, justly or unjustly, its phraseology has been criticised as too formal to make the Analects express to an English what they do to a Chinese mind.
My plan of work has been to make, in the first instance, an entirely new translation, without any reference to the interpretations of my predecessors. On the completion of such translation I then sought the invaluable aid of Dr. Legge, of Pere Zottoli, and of H. E. Ku Hung Ming. Di". Legge's monumental work on the Classics is too well- known to call for further mention ； he has been throughout my guide, philosopher and friend. The more I see of his work the more deeply am I impressed with his pro- found scholarship, his painstaking accuracy, his amazing research, and his perspicuity of expression. Pere Zottoli's version, published in 1879, is in Latin and may be obtain- ed in his Cursus Literaturae Sinicac, which covers the whole range of the Chinese classical education of a decade ago. H. E. Ku's work was published in 1898, under the title, " The Discourses and Sayings of Confucius," and the student is indebted to him for a rendering which is doubly valuable as expressing in fluent English an educated Chinaman's interpretation of this Classic.
Zottoli's is a an admirable work, though often marked
PREFACE.
Ill
by an exceedingly close adherence to the text ； its rigidity of phraseology is uncalled for in an English rendering. Ku's version on the other hand, being made for English readers unacquainted with the Chinese tongue, is more a paraphrase than a translation, hence the libera- lity of expression he allows himself presents a view of the Analects, 一 by no means always Confucian, ― that is not to be looked for in the pages of translators more constrained by canons in general acceptation. Legge's work while emi- nently a translation and not a paraphrase, is by no means slavishly literal, for his treatment of his " Author," albeit — perhaps like his Author 一 with a touch at times somewhat heavy, is always both sound and sympathetic, and as to his Introduction, it is a revelation of patient indomitable schol- arship. To these three woiks, then, I have often been indebted for correctness of apprehension, and in some cases also for choiceness of phrasing. '
Pere Couvreur's work came into my hands during the course of revision, as also did the Illustrated Four Books in mandarin, (see page 97). The latter takes the form of a catechism and was of some interest at first, but failed to be of service later on. Were it revised it would be of use to the Western student. Pere Couvreur's is an excellent version, and often exhibits that facility for felicity of expression for which his countrymen are noted.
A writer in the China Review thirty years ago satirising the '( insupportable uncouthness ，， of the translations of his day, declares that " no language has ever been so ill treat- ed as Chinese," and he lays down the law, — he is writing about verse, 一 that a translation should be " free from any-
IV
PREFACE.
tiling which may suggest to the reader that the text exists in another language." " No one, surely," he goes on to say, " who wished to pass for a genuine Highlander would carefully exhibit a pair of trousers under his kilt, and most of us like not when a woman has a great peard. But translators, as a general rule, are not content that the great peard should be there, they must stick it out, aggravate it, and flaunt it in our faces. They are anxious for nothing so much as to remind the reader at every turn that their work was Chinese before it was English, and, in fact, has only half cast its Chinese skin." Behold an ideal for a genius ！ The least I can hope to have done herein is to shave off the " peai'd '， ； for even if one stripped off the skin the Mongolian physiognomy must still remain beneath ！
Should the reader derive as much benefit from his study of this fine old Classic as 1 have derived from translating it, his time will be well spent. For several months I have been living with a gentleman, China's greatest gentleman, whose company I have found edifying to the character, and whose sententious sayings I have again found, after twenty years of compulsory neglect, to reveal the nobility of human life from a thoughtful Chinaman's standpoint, and to enable one the better to present the rubies of Eter- nal Christian Truth, fresh polished and in more graceful setting.
Our Lord did not destroy the Philosophy of the West ； He purified and ennobled it. Nor will He destroy the Philosophy of the East, but will " fulfil ，， it, transform- ing what is worthy from vain adulatory approval into a
PREFACE.
concrete asset in the nation life and character. And if the West, with a Philosophy more brilliant than anything China has ever possessed, yet both needed and accepted the radiant Christian hope of Life and Immortality, and its entrancing vision of a diviner humanity, for the salvation of its soul, the satisfaction of its intellect and the perfecting of its Philosophy, how much greater is the need of this vast race, whose vital necessity is this same regenerating inspiration.
WENCHOW,
29, December, 1906.
NOTE. ― This book was to have been published in 1907. It has how- ever taken more than three years to print. Distance from the printers, a fire on their premises when part of it was destroyed, and the Author's removal to another sphere of work are responsible for the delay.
T'aiyuanfu, Sbaiisi. August, 19 10.
CONTENTS.
1,— INTRODUCTION ：
PAGE
The ancient history of China
T
. « ♦ 1
» IT * 1 丄.
The life and times of Confuci^ius
. . . Z 1
• III.
The history and authenticity ot'
Lilc
Analects
… 64
IV.
Works on the Analects
... 74
V.
The disciples
… 79
VL
Chronological table
… 90
VII.
Ancient geography of China ...
... 99
VIIL
Terminology
… I04
Abbreviations ,
... ii6
TEXT AND NOTES
… 11；^
-RADICAL INDEX
… 934
-TOPOGRAPHICAL LIST
... I024
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Frontispiece. Portrait of Confucius, taken from the Hsianfu tablet. To face page 99. Map of Ancient China.
INTRODOCTION.
I. ― The Ancient History of China.
The origin of the Chinese, like that of the other nations of the Earth, is veiled in the mystery of unrecorded aeons. Whence they came and how, who with certitude shall tell ？ Surmise, we may, but who shall confirm ？ Infer we may, from footprints dim and o'ertrodden, and who shall deny ？ That this vast multitude had a beginning is certain, but where and when did it take its rise ？ Were they one of the many Mongolian tribes which occupied the Far East when Asia was still joined to the continent of America ？ Did they, through the discovery of writing and its con- comitant advantages, raise themselves above their fellows, the Tartars, the Ainos, the Japanese, perhaps the Red Indians ？ Or did they, as is generally advocated, some three thousand years before Christ, leave the original habitat of civilised humanity in Western Asia, in obedience to some great centrifugal movement which drove the tribes of mankind forth from their common centre to replenish the Earth and subdue it? Such may have been the case : who shall tell ？
Let us at any rate accept this as the most reasonable theory, and think of the fathers of the Chinese race wander-
2
THE ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.
ing, perhaps icyr generations, over the boundless prarles of the North West, maintaining their families by pastoral oc- cupations as they slowly forged their eastward way, a gradually increasing host, bringing with them, along with other arts of civilisation, a knowledge of and preference for husbandry, which led them to settle down upon the fertile lowlands of Shansi, and there to abandon a nomad life for a pursuit more in keeping with their inclinations. At least we may with reasonable assurance maintain that they were a pastoral before an agricultural people, for apart from the testimony of their architecture in the tent- like shape of the national roof, there is even less disputable evidence in the etymology of their language, sheep and cattle figuring as root-words in early and important characters. Such evidence we have in words like 善 good, 美 excellent, 義 justice, 牧 pastor, shepherd ； and numerous others.
Granted then that the race set out from some common cradle of humanity, what did they find on reaching their Canaan, the country of their adoption ？ The waste howling wilderness, through which they had wearily plodded their homeless way, no longer stretched forbidding hands against them, but even as the Israelite found a land which to him, after his forty years of aimless wandering, seemed to be flowing with milk and honey, so the pioneers of this vast race found a land of beauty, a " Land of Flowers," the name with which they early designated their heritage.
Nor was it an unhabited country that they discovered, for, even before them, numerous tribes of Hittites, Amale- kities, Jebusites, and Perizzites, in the shape of uncivilised
I. ANCIENT HISTORY.
3
tribes, had from generation to generation preceded them from the common ancestral home. These now viewed with natural anxiety this encroachment on their preserves, but were nevertheless compelled to submit to the iron law of humanity and retire, the fierce hunter before the peace- loving farmer, to the north, the south, the west, and pos- sibly even across the eastern waters. To this day some such tribes still maintain an isolated existence in the land, hedged in more by hereditary ignorance and apathy than by the active oppression of their masters, or the mountain fastnesses amongst which they dwell.
When the Chinese invasion set in the Lolo, the Shan, the Miao-tzu, and many another tribesman roamed the country at will ； to-day he must adopt the civilisation ol his conqueror, or win his livelihood from the sheltered mountains of Yunnan, Kueichou, Ssuch'uan, Kuangsi, Kuangtung, Chekiang, and of the islands of Formosa and Hainan. The original denizen of American wood and prarie strove with reeking tomahawk against the relentless invader of his hunting grounds, and with his face to the foe and his belt gory with white men's scalps, he took payment in blood for the land from which with tardy footsteps he receded. In China the conquest, though equally ef- fective, was carried out more slowly, the tribes were less fierce and probably fewer in number than were the redskins, the disparity in numbers also between the races was less marked, and whilst violent collisions occurred, occurred indeed all down the ages until the Manchu Tartars ac- quired the throne, early Chinese history records rather a policy of mutual toleration than of implacable hostility.
4
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
Concerning those pioneer days our evidence is of the scantiest, for the authentic history 01 China goes back little beyond the first niillenium B. C. What little can be learnt of those early days we find, along with another mil- lenium of semi-historical records, in what remains to us of the Shu Ching 書 經、 the editing of which is attributed to Confucius, and also in the pages 01 Ssu-Ma Ch'ien 司 馬遷、 the Herodotus of China. The Shu takes us back to three great monarchs of yore, Yao, Shun and Yii 堯、 舜、 禹、 B. C. 2356—2197. Ssu-Ma Ch'ien, like the Bamboo Books, goes three centuries still further back, to the period of Huang Ti 黄 帝、 B. C. 2697. He also makes a passing reference to Yen Ti 炎 帝、 i.e. Shen Nung 神 農、 the reputed founder of Agriculture, B. C. 2737, and successor of Fu Hsi 伏 義、 the reputed Founder of Chinese civilisation, who first introduced clothing, cooking, dwelling in houses, and the art of writ- ing to the human, that is the Chinese race. Tradition and imagination, local and imported, have carried back the mythical period to the days of Sui Jen 'j: 遂 人、 the dis- coverer of the art of producing fire, to Yu Ch'ao 有 巢、 the Nest Possessor, or inventor of dwellings, and to Pan Ku 古、 who chiselled out from chaos the heavens and the earth, the mountains and the seas. But such legendary testimony to the evolution of human civilisation, probably Hindu rather than Chinese, witnesses less to the method than to the early recognition of the process.
In brief, then, we may say that, ignoring the purely mythical, we posses three periods of Ancient History, 一 tlie legendary, which is not recorded in the Shu Ching ； the
ANCIENT HISTORY.
5
semi-historical, whose chronology is involved in doubt, but whose records contain authentic information regarding actual personages ； and the historical, whose chronology can be verified by the eclipses referred to therein, and whose relation of events may in general be accepted as trustworthy.
The earliest records handed down to us by Confucius, begin shortly before the first of the three great dynasties of Hi^ia 夏、 Shang 商、 （or Yin 殷)， and Chou 周、 In these he introduces us to Yao and Shun, whom he and his successors have glorified as ideal Rulers, models for all future ages. •
YAO* 堯、 known personally as T^ao T'ang Shih 陶 唐氏、 and imperially as T'ang Ti Yao, 唐 帝 堯、 is generally assigned to B. C. 2356. In character the Shu describes him as being endowed by nature with reverence, intelligence, refinement, and thoughtful ness. That as a Ruler he had predecessors, whether universally acknow- ledged or not, may be inferred from the state of govern- ment and civilisation indicated in the Shu, but to him is directly ascribed the earliest unification of the Empire, and the - elevation from their previous state of semi-barbarism of " the black-haired race." To him is also attributed the regulation of the Calender, a work of exceeding difficulty in those early days, by the employment of astronomers He announced that the year consisted of 365 days and in- stituted, or at least restored, the intercalary month for the proper regulating of the year.
* See ^ 經、 堯 典 Shu Ching Yao tien.
6
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
A vast body of water is said to have covered the Em- pire, (( embracing the mountains and overtopping the hills, threatening the heavens with their flood." This resem- blance to the Noachic flood, together with the similarity of sound between the two names, for Yao is in some southern dialects pronounced Nyao or Nya, led some early translators to infer that Yao was Noah, an inference hard- ly supported by the Chinese records. Yao sent his minis- ter Kun U to reduce this mighty flood, who failed and is said to have been put to death in consequence. Later, Yu 禹 the son of Kun, subsequently founder of the Hsia dynasty, made a more successful attempt.
Finally, when Yao had been on the throne seventy years, being anxious to arrange the succession in his life- time, he passed over his own unworthy son, and married his two daughters to a stranger named Shun 舜、 recom- mended to him as one whose virtu re was so great, that he had been able to transform the character of his un- principled parents and his dastardly half-brother, all of whom had frequently sought his life.
SHUN 舜、 who was found to satisfy all Yao s require- ments, reigned as his regent from 2287 to 2258 the year of Yao's death, when Shun mourned him for three years and then reigned under his own dynastic title of Yu Ti Shun 虞 帝舜、 his personal appellation being Yu Yii Shih 有 虞氏、 During his fifty years of rule he made personal tours of inspection all over his Empire, the calendar was perfected, the country divided into provinces, the channels deepened for the waters, laws and ordinances laid down, and proper officers appointed to administer the
ANCIENT HISTORY.
7
government for the people's welfare. When he had been on the throne thirty-three years, being over ninety years of age, he appointed his minister, the afore-mentioned Yii as his successor, sharing the Imperial power with him till bis death. Shun died in 2208, and Yii after the usual three years of mourning took over the reins of govern- ment.
THE HSrA 夏 DYNASTY. WithYf) 禹、 2205 — 2198, begins the first great Chinese dynasty, which ended 439 years afterwards with the infamous Emperor Chieh 榮 . Yii, as already noted, had distinguished himself in the days of Yao, by his successful labours in draining the country of the devastating waters which covered its surface. Setting out four days after his marriage, for nine years he took no rest, heedless of food or clothing, cold or heat ； heedless also of his wife and child, whose door he thrice passed without entering, though the cry of the child whom he had never seen reached his ears. In his address to Shun we have a picture of the herculean labours that fell to the lot of this early Chinese pioneer, and the faith- fulness with which he devoted himself to his country's welfare. "The floods," says he, " assailed the very heavens, vast in their extent they encircled the mountains and overtopped the hills, and the people were perplezed and hemmed in. By four different modes did I travel (cart for road, boat for water, sledge for mud and spikes for hills), clearing the timber along the mountains, and shewing the people how to obtain fresh food to eat. A way did I open for the nine rivers to flow to the four seas, and .,' sowed grain, thus shewing the people how to ob-
8
THE ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.
tain the food of labour as well as the food of the chase. I urged them to barter and to exchange their stocks of goods, and in this manner ail the people obtained grain, and all the States were brought into order."*
While Yii was draining the country he, at the same time, partitioned it on the principle of five concentric squares, the first being of five hundred li square, the next five hundred li beyond that, and so on. The central square was the Imperial demesne, the next belonged to the nobles, the third was for defence, the fourth was the frontier square, and the fifth was the wild domain. All this is attributed to the period preceding the death of Yao.
On the demise of Shun, Yii at first withdrew, in order that the son of his sovereign might ascend the throne, but the people still had a voice, if not in the selection, at least in the acceptance of a sovereign, and that voice being insistent, Yii was induced to accept the throne. His reign lasted but eight years, when during a progress to the south, evidently with the old pioneering fever still strong upon him, he died, as is said, in this province of Chekiang. Like his two predecessors he elected his prime minister to succeed him, but was in fact followed by his son Ch'i 啓、 who thereby set up the great Hsia dynasty, thus establish- ing for good and for ill the principle of royal primogeni- ture in the Empire. The dynastic title of Hsia is sup- posed to have been adopted from the name of the district over which Yii had been in command before his call to the throne.
* 書經 Book IV 益稷 Fuller details are given in the 書、 禹 貢上 、
I. ANCIENT HISTORY.
9
With an interregnum of forty years this dynasty lasted from 2205 to 1765 B. C, and consisted of seventeen sove- reigns. Of these there is little of note recorded until we reach the last, the Emperor Chieh 榮、 a name held up to abhorrence in Chinese classical literature. Endowed with great physical strength, able to twist iron bars like ropes, he yet became the slave of an abandoned wife 妹 喜、 presented to him by her father, the Chief of Shih 施, to propitiate him and thereby procure the withdrawal of his invading forces. The Court was transformed into a palace of debiiuclieiy, Chieh though past middle age yielding liimself, along with his wife and courtiers, to the most out- rageous profligacy ； ― a lake of wine, trees laden with de- licacies, ivory chambers, majestic towers, every luxury that lust and licence could suggest.
In the fifty second year of Chieb's reign the Prince of the State of Shang, impelled as he felt by Heaven itself, at> tacked this debased and debasing ruler, deposed and im- prisoned him until his death three years later, and himself took over the control of the Empire.
THE SHANG 商、 or YIN 殷 DYASTY. With T^ang 攝、 the Prince of Shang, commences the second of the three great ancient dynasties. As in the case of the Hsia so with the Shang its first dynastic title was adopted from the name of its Founder's territory, examples of which usage are found in our own House of York, Lan- caster, etc. The title Yin was adopted three and a half centuries later, from the name of the town to which the Emperor P'an Keng 盤 庚 removed his capital.
The prolonged existence of the House of Hsia had by
lO
THE ANALECTS . INTRODUCTION.
this time so established the recognition of the divine right of kings that T(ang, while expressing confidence that he had been divinely appointed as the scourge of God against an evil sovereign, was not left with unruffled conscience over the part he had taken in destroying the great Yii's succession.* But if history interpret truly, there was no one as well qualified for, or justified in, accomplishing this epoch-making dynastic revolution, for not only was Chieh a criminal against the Empire's welfare, but T'ang himself was no rank outsider, since, equally with Chieh, he traced his ancestry back to Huang Ti, that root whence all his predecessor on the throne are believed to have sprung.
His " Announcement ，， on ascending the throne,t refer- red to in An. xx, is a manly statement, one of the best in the Shu, revealing along with a transparent humility, a readiness to bear his own and the sins of his people, and a devotion to their interests that were worthy of a more en- lightened age. It is also recorded of him that once when a terrible drought wasted the land and a human victim was deemed necessary, he himself went clad in white to the Altar of Heaven, and there offered to immolate himself as a victim to God on behalf of his people. The Shu goes on to say that copious rain immediately fell which saved the country.
He changed the Imperial colour, which was black under the Hsia dynasty to white, took the last month of the Hsia year for his first month, and employed sagacious men as his co-adjutors, with whose aid he reduced the Empire to
書； 商書 n. I. t 書； 商書 B。。k IV.
ANCIENT HISTORY.
II
order. One of these, I Yin 伊尹、 referred to in An xii. 22, he appointed Regent at his death, and when the young monarch, T'ai Chia 太甲、 grandson of T'ang, yielded to self-indulgence instead of attending to the duties of his position, I Yin removed him for a period to the tombs of his ancestors. In that sacred spot he was urged to ponder over their virtues and his own errors, with eminently satisfactory results to the young man and his future rule.
Fourteen sovereigns followed T'ai Chia before the above named P'an Keng, B. C. 1401 ― 1374, in succession to his brother, ascended the throne. Deeming it advisable to remove his capital, whether to propitiate the Fates by re- turning to the neighbourhood of the ancient seat, or in consequence of some overflow of the Yellow River, he induced his people, with much difficulty, as is shewn in the Shu, 商 書 Book vii, to remove to a place called Yin 殷 in modern Honan, this being tiie fifth removal during the Shang dynasty. Eleven -sovereigns followed him, two of whom were his brothers, thus making with himself and his predecessor four brothers who successively sat on the throne.
Wu Ting, 武 丁 whose posthumous name is Kao Tsung 高宗、 a son of Hsiao, one of these brothers, arrested for a time the downfall of the dynasty so imminent at this period. On his accession, in a dream he described as God given, he saw the features of a man whom he was instruct- ed to seek out as his minister. Search was duly made and this man Fu Yen 傅 巖 was discovered and cailed from following his occupation of a builder. Being brought
12
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
before the king he proved to possess a sagacity so emi- nent, that Wu Ting on installing him in office addressed him in the following interesting terms :* 一" Suppose me a sword, and let me use you as my whetstone ； suppose me crossing a wide stream, let me employ you as my boat and oars ； suppose me a year of drought, let me use you as my copious rain ； you shall open your mind and refresh mine ； you shall be my medicine, which if it do not disturb will not cure ； you shall treat me as one walking barefoot, who not looking at the ground will hurt his feet." Wu Ting's reign lasted for the lengthy period of nearly sixty years, from B. C. 1324 to 1266.
One of his successors, Wu I 武 乙、 1 198-1 195, seventy years later, is said to have been the first maker of an image in China, which indeed he made not for worship, but in order to ridicule all religion. The image he called the "Spirit of Heaven," and backed himself against it in play, appointing some one to throw for " Heaven." The image lost and he disgraced it. Making a leather bag and filling it with blood, probably also placing the image within it, he set it up in a high place and pierced it with arrows, declaring as the blood flowed down that he was killing Heaven. Ssu-ma Ch'ien records that shortly after- wards he was killed by lightning.
The dynasty was now fast crumbling to pieces, but an- other Chieh was to arise before a succourer came forth to put an end to a House which, beginning nobly, was to perish, like its predecessor, in the profligacy of a king and
* 書； 書商 VIII.
ANCIENT HISTORY,
the shamelessness of his consort, and which was to be succeeded in its turn by a third, which time and luxury would also emasculate and destroy.
The dynasty of Shang with its 28 sovereigns, lasting 644 years from B. C. 1766 to 1 123, was brought to an awful close with the reign of the tyrant Cliou 系 才辛、 Noted like his prototype Chieh for his great physical prowess, he was in addition a man of mental alertness, both of which gifts he prostituted to the gratification of his passions, inventing orgies that put those of Nero into the shade. Like Chieh, too, his debauchery arose from a passionate attachment to the woman who became his wife, by name Ta Chi 己、 the beautiful daughter of the Chief of Su 蘇、 against whom Chou had once marshalled his troops. Again unbridled extravagance and disgrace- ful revelry, to which was added horrible inhumanity, plunged the country into the miseries of tyrannical niis- government. The wild excesses of Chieh being insufficient to gratify the voluptuous palate of this monster and his evil wife, others were invented. A lake of wine in which men and women wallowed and perished intoxicated, trees hung with the choicest delicacies, naked men and women drunk with wine chasing each other round the palace gardens ； tortures of the most cruel description ； the heart- less breaking of men's shin bones to see which had the most marrow, the young or the old ； the Heater for burning men, the Roaster for grilling them alive ； the disembowelling of men to examine their hearts, the chop- ping of others to minced meat, —— such a tale of debauchery, callousness and woe as, if not exaggerated, has never been
14
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
surpassed, if equalled, since the world began. That the Empire must be rid of such a savage became manifest, and the man appointed to this great work was already in the making. '
THE CHOU 間 DYNASTY. That man was Fa, 發 otherwise known as Wu Wang, 武王、 He it was who became the saviour of his country, and the Founder of the Chou dynasty. Born in the State of Ch'i 岐、 of which his father was lord, he was brought up under the best of influences. His father Ch'ang 昌 the Chief of the West, better known by his posthumous title of King Wen 文王、 was a ruler intellectual, honourable, and of great admini- strative ability. So admirably did he counduct the gov- ernment of his State, that people flocked from the oppres- sion of other rulers to enroll themselves under his protec- tion. Accused before the tyrant Emperor as a danger to the royal power he was thrown into prison, and while incarcerated there he occupied his lonely hours in the study of Fu Hsi's diagrams, represented by the modern Pa Kua A 卦、 and in the compilation of a commentary thereon which, completed by his son King VVu, has come down to us as an important part of the Yi Ching 易 經、 China's famous book of divination. The expenditure by his son of a large sum in the way of ransom, and the pre- sentation to the Tyrant by Wen's affectionate subjects of a handsome concubine and a number of fine horses, secur- ed his release. Being commissioned thereupon to reduce the frontier tribes, he augmented his army, which became so efficient that, when he died, he left his son Fa the most powerful noble m the land.
ANCIENT HISTORY.
15
In due time the impulse came to Fa, to succour his dis- tressed country from the miseries it was suffering under the grinding heel of its tyrant, and on first taking the field he was at once voluntarily joined by 800 princes and chieftains, who flocking to his banner urged an immediate advance on the Capital. Fa, however, asserting that Heaven had not yet utterly cast off the Emperor, diverted the host against and subdued the unprincipled ruler of Li 黎、 as a warning to the Emperor of the temper and re- solve of his barons. Impervious to such an admonition, and deeming himself in secure possession of his ancient in- heritance, the tyrant added impost to impost and crime to criiiie, for the gratification of his ever changing never satiated deskes, until the cry of the people aroused Fa to once more lead forth his forces.
In his " Great Declaration " he thus indicts his sover- eign :* 一 " He has sawn through the shin bones of men who were wading in the morning, he has cut out the heart of the good man, he has used his majesty to kill and slay, he has poisoned and afflicted all within the four seas ； he honours and trusts the depraved and crooked, he has ex- pelled kis advisers and the guardians of his throne, he has cast aside the laws, and imprisoned or enslaved his upright officers. He has ceased to observe the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, and to make offerings in the Ancestral Temple, He makes wonderful devices and extraordinary contHv- ances to please his woman. Hence God is no longer with him, but with a curse sends dow4i upon him this timely ruin."
» V. I. 3. 3.
i6
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
After this declaration Fa led on the attack against the enervated host of this wanton Emperor, and on the plains of Mu 牧 obtained a brilliant victory. The tyrant fled to the palace of Lu T(ai, the splendid scene of his vile de- baucheries and crimes, and having arrayed himself in his Imperial robes, set fire to the palace and perished in the flames, while the evil consort of his shameful vices was seized and executed.
Thus began the great dynasty of Chou, which dating from B. C. 1 122 ended 867 years later in B. C. 255. King \Vu, reigned for seven brief before joining his fore- fathers. He died it is said when 93 years of age, leaving a son, a minor of thirteen, in charge of his brother, Duke Wen 文 of Chou 周、 a man noted through later ages for his noble character and statesmanlike conduct.
Wu and Wen planted the House of Chou, as William the Conqueror planted the Norman dynasty, in a soil volcanic and unstable, that contained within it the sure elements of its own disintegration. Desiring to reward those who had stood by him in his destruction of the Shang dynasty, and at the same time of binding them to his, own House, Wu establish the baronial order, partition- ing the Empire into fiefs, great or small, according to the merit or position of each baron.
These territorial magnates, with their independent powers, Wu left as a heritage of woe to his descendants, and it was but a short time ere they reduced the imperial power to little more than an empty name. Under a powerful sovereign refractory barons could be forced into submission, but with a weakling swaying the sceptre, as
ANCIENT HISTORY.
17
is the certain issue sooner or later of every monarchical succession, jealousy, hatred, strife and internecine warfare, with their exhausting exactions in men and means, the depleting of the land, and the despair of the race was the inevitable outcome. In but little more than three centuries the power of the nobles exceeded that of the Emperor, and with every succeeding century this power, and the disorder it naturally involved, reduced the Empire to a band of warring States with a merely nominal head, to whom the haughty nobles gave scarce a show of allegiance.
It was now, when the nation had well nigh reached the nadir of its political degradation that it also attained to the zenith of its intellectual development, in the pro- duction of the three great philosophers of the Far East, Confucius, Mencius and Laocius. The mysticism of Laotzii, the morals, religion and politics of K'ungtzu, and the literary polish of Mengtzu, all which came into existence during this tlie Augustan age of China, while lacking the insight and brilliance of contemporary philoso- phy in the West, record the highest point in the arc olf this nation's genius.
That these three have not been surpassed is no sign that they will not be so by their successors of the present age. Even the Christ taught H>s disciples, " Greater things than, these shall ye do," and what the Chinaman of to-day, oppressed with the deadweight of his ancient masters, needs is to realise that he too is capable of equal or greater things than they. Nevertheless in these three we behold what is the limit of China's unaided intellect,
i8
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
and whatever advance she may make will and does depend on a wider touch with the wider philosophy of wider minds. These three philosophers, then, mark the maximum per se development of the mind of this race, and with them that development, perhaps not without intent so far as the Confucian School is concerned, has been arrested. The heterodox schools of this period, that of Yang Chu 楊 朱 the self-centred Epicurean, of Mo Ti 墨 看、 (Legge's Mih Teih), the generous apostle of Universal Love, and of Hsiin Ch'ing ^ 卿、 (Legge's Seuen K'ing), who fitly closed this troubled dynasty with his treatise that man is by nature evil, ― these heterodox schools were completely obscured, as was natural, by the less extreme and more powerful repre- sentatives of their conservative rivals.
Little remains to be said of the sovereigns who intervened between the days of the Chou dynasty's great Founder and its great destroyer Ch'in Shih Huang 秦 始皇、 In brief, three centuries after the foundation by King VVu, saw the Imperial sceptre a veritable " babble," so that for five centuries, the eighth to the third, the history of the Chou dynasty is the history of its rival States. During this latter period the power of the Ch'in State 秦 by slow degress became dominant, and with the dethronement and death of Nan the last Emperor, the House of Chou passed finally away.
Thus was the way opened for the strong man of China, whose success in welding this continental nation into one great Empire rivalled the feats of Caesar and Napoleon. Though the new dynasty was not founded by Ch'in Shih
I. ANCIEN r HISTORY.
19
Huang-, and lasted with its five Rulers less than fifty years, he is the one outstanding feature in its brief history. The Duke of Ch'in who destroyed the House of Chou was named Chao Hsiang 昭襄、 He reigned but five years, and his son Hsiao Wen 孝 文 who followed him reigned but three days. It is chronicled of Chuang Hsiang 莊襄、 the son of the latter, who also succeeded him, that before his grandfather had claimed the royal prerogatives, he, Chuang Hsiang, fell in love with the beautiful wife of a crafty merchant whom he met, and who subsequently became his prime minister. This woman, already pregnant, he persuaded the husband, Lu Pa Wei 呂 不韋、 to part with ； she became his wife and in due course gave birth to a son, who, the offspring of this wily merchant ambitious of mind and low of morals, was destined to unite the rival States of China into one great Empire. While still a youth the evidence of his mother's immoralities, and his real father's con- nivance therein, compelled him to banish her, and ultimately to quell a revolt raised by his father, the end of which was the suicide of the latter. Gradually over- coming all baronial opposition he became absolute in the enpire, altered the laws, changed the system of government, destroyed or sought to destroy all books that upheld the glories of the past, and generally brought a force to bear on a paralysed nation that none dared to withstand.
Inflated with his success he styled himself Shih Huang Ti 始 皇 帝、 The First Emperor, his son was to take the title of Erh Huang Ti, or Erh Shih Huang Ti
20
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
二世皇 帝、 the Second Emperor, and so on for " ten thousand generations." Alas ！ for human ambition, his own reign lasted but twelve short years, his elder son was murdered by the younger, for the sake of a throne which he held for three years only, and after Shih Huang Ti's grandson had sat on tlie throne for a few brief weeks this '( dynasty of ten thousand generations " came to a bitter end.
As to the literature ol China, while what we possess of it dates only from the dynasty of Chou, and especially from the three centuries of its decline, it must ever be remembered that its foundation was laid in the two preceding dynasties, and that Confucius and Mencius were the topstone rather than the foundation ot their country's genius. To change the metaphor they are the bright particular stars that shone in a sombre night, and tlie very sombreness of the background, both tlien and since, has lent an exaggeration to their brilliancy- which a brighter sky would have toned to normal hue, and which after the long and dreary night must, at this late hour, pale before the roseate flush of advancing Day.
II. ― The Life and Times of Confucius.
As shewn in our last chapter when China's great Philosopher was born, the third historic dynasty, that of Cliou, was wearing to its close, the blood which had coursed so vigorously in the veins of the martial Wu was running thin in the arteries of his degenerate descen- dants, and the feudal system, founded to strengthen the Empire, had reduced it to a congeries of warring States, awaiting the advent of Ch'in Shih Huang, who was to break the power of the barons, and unite their mutually antagonistic territories into one great empire, an empire which, under different dynasties has continued and in- creased to our own age.
Confucius, then, was born into a troubled period. The barons more powerful than their nominal sovereign, encroached and made war upon eath other, at the instiga- tion of ministers more crafty and ambitious even than themselves. The suffering people were ground under the iron heel of the impost gatherer, dragged from their fields and set to forced labour at and for the pleasure of their rulers, and driven to battles and raids in which they had no interest and from which they derived no benefit. That this statement is not exaggerated is borne witness to by incidents in the life of the Sage. Once,
* Confucius is the Latinised form of K'ung Fu-tzu 孔 夫 子、 as Menciiis is of 子、 Micius of 墨 子、 etc.
22
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
for instance, when he was passing by Mt T'ai he heard the mournful wailing of a woman on the hillside. Send- ing a disciple (Tzu Lu) to enquire why she sat wailing in so lonely a spot he was answered, " My husband's father was killed here by a tiger, my husband also, and now my son has met the same fate." Then why, asked Confucius, did she dwell in so dreadful a place. " Because ，， answered she, " here there is no oppressive ruler." " Scholars," said he to his disciples, " remember this : Oppressive rule is more cruel than a tiger."
Power amongst these barons bred luxury, luxury lust, and lust unrelenting destruction. Princes there were who set all morality at defiance and lived lives of open shame, as witness the acceptance of the present of eighty geishas by the Duke of Lu, an act which drove our Sage to shake the dust of his native State off his feet, and depart to the life of an exile. Men of virtuous character, despairing of reformation, left their portfolios and withdrew from the world, becoming recluses amongst the mountains, or far from the busy haunts of men, tilling a hard living from an earth kinder and sweeter than the hearts of princes. Some of these, embittered by their sorrows, even poured scorn on Confucius, for his futile attempts to stay the " disorder which like a swelling flood ，, rolled in resistless torrent through the land.
It must be remembered that the China of that period did not cover anything like half the territory included in the China of to-day. On the north it was bounded by a line running through the northern half of Chihii, Shansi and Shensi ； on the east by the Yellow Sea ； on the south
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
23
it barely crossed the banks of the Yangtse, and on the west it probably nowhere touched the borders of Kansuh. The capital was at Lo 洛 near to the modern Honan Fu. This territory which had formerly consisted of 1 24 States of varying size, had now by the absorption of the weaker been reduced to a nominal 72, of which the five most powerful were Ch'i 齊、 Ch'u 楚、 Chin 晋、 Ch'in 秦 and Yen 燕、 and the seven next in importance, Lu 魯、 Cheng 鄭、 Sung 宋、 Wei 衛、 Ch'en 陳、 Ts'ai 蔡 and Ts'ao 曹、 The remainder of our present China, as already shewn, was thinly peopled with tribes of aborigines, who in later ages were gradually driven across the present borders, or survive in the mountains of the south and west to our own day.
Such then was the China into which our Sage was born. His ancestry is by some traced back to the great Huang Ti in the 27th century B.C., and at least there seems reason to believe that he was a descendant of the Duke of Sung 宋、 a brother of and successor to Ch'i, the Viscount of Wei, referred to in An xviii i, who was half brother to the tyrant Chou 系寸、 One of his ancestors, Cheng K'ao Fu 正 考 甫、 was a man of learning and research, whose son K'ung Chia 孔 嘉 an officer of talent and honour, was murdered by a powerful minister, who coveted and carried off his beautiful wife, only to obtain her as a corpse, for during her abduction she strangled herself.
In consequence of the undying hatred which resulted from this outrage, the K'ung family three generations later were led to remove themselves from Sung to Iai
24
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
魯、 and here K'ung Chia's great-grandson Fang Shu 防 叔 obtained the governorship of the town of 防 from which he derived his name, and where the grandfather of Confucius, Po Hsia 伯 夏 was born. Po Hsia's son, our Sage's father, Shu Liang Ho 叔 梁 乾、 was noted for his strength and courage. Once when attacking a city the enemy, by a ruse, enticed his men within the open gate, and were already lowering the portcullis to entrap them just as Shu Liang Ho reached it. Such was his prowess that, laying hold of the portcullis with both hands, he succeeded in supporting it till the last of his men had escaped-
This brave officer had passed the age of three score years and ten ere his illustrious son saw the light. Already nine daughters had been born to him by his first wife, also by a concubine a cripple son, Meng P'i, (孟 皮 alias 伯 尼)、 But now, though advanced in years, he again found a wife, so youthful a maiden that the ancient historian Ssu-ma Ch'ien, B. C. 163-85, speaks of the marriage as 野合 a a irregular union, which by some Chinese scholars has been unnecessarily interpreted as an indication that Confucius was a natural child, but which is generally believed to refer to the disparity in age between husband and wife. It would be gratifying to have no legendary phenomena to record connected with the Sage's birth, but as they exist, and throw light on the exaggerated value at which later ages have assessed him, it seems necessary to briefiy introduce them here.
A spirit is said to have appeared to his mother 徵 在 saying to her : " You shall have a son, a sage, and you
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
25
must bring him forth in a hollow mulberry tree." During her pregnancy five old men, the spirits of the five planets, Jed before her an animal, in appearance like a small cow, covered with dragon-like scales, and with only one horn, to which the mother attached a piece of embroidered ribbon. This was the supernatural lin 麟、 which only appears on the advent of a Sage. A creature, similar or the same, with a piece of ribbon on its horn, is said to have been caught two years before the Sage's death, and on his going to see it he burst into tears, recognising it as the lin that had appeared to his mother, and whose capture he now imagined to portend his own death.
On his mother informing- the father of her vision, and asking if there were such a thing as a hollow mulberry in the neighbourhood, he informed her that a cave of that name existed not far away, and there she is said to have brought forth her son, a spring bubbling forth for his bath and dying away immediately afterwards. " The child was of an extraordinary appearance ； with a mouth like the sea, ox lips, a dragon's back," and the top of his head either unusually prominent, or affected with some abnormal protuberance from which he derived his name of Ch'iu 丘、 a character which when referring to the Confucius the Chinese pronounce mou 某" a certain person," and from which they generally omit the shorter down-stroke.
Such are some of the phenomena associated with the birth of this remarkable man. The last item of his personal appearance may be considered reasonably authentic, for the ancient Chinese seem to have had
26
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
Iht habit of naming their children from their most out- standing feature, as for instance Laotzu and his ears, Li Erh 李 耳 and Lao Tan 老 骄、 The remainder of these legendary fancies we may put aside as unnecessary demands upon our credulity, contenting ourselves with the knowledge that Confucius was born to a young woman by an old father, that he grew up of more than average height, was of unusually dark complexion, ― in some places his images are black, ― and was of features far from prepossessing, indeed the absence of his image from Confucian temples has been accounted for on the somewhat unlikely score of bis ugliness. Whatever may have been his personal appearance one thing is ceitain, that he grew up with a mental and moral energy surpass- ing the generality of men in his day and generation.
During childhood he gave indications of his future tastes in a love for playing at sacrifices, and while yet a young man he became a centre of influence as a Teacher. At nineteen he married, and a year afterwards obtained a subsidiary appointment in charge of a ducal granary, and later of the ducal lands. While filling these offices he found time to improve his own education and to aid others in a like advancement. Gradually his fame spread and his disciples increased in number. They were of varied ages, some boys, others grown men. Hence, though he may have called them all, both young and old, his 小 子 little children, the term must always be understood in its widest sense, the sons of his intellect.
His later career, hampered by conscience, was scarcely even moderately successful, death being necessary to
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
27
appreciation. Though he lived to a ripe old age, travelled in many States, maintained his course in all honour, and won the reverence and love of his disciples, the princes of his day saw in him little but a pedantic philosopher with Arcadian notions impossible of realisation. Only after his decease did any of them recognise that the mountain had indeed fallen, a mountain that the princes of the land from that day to this have been, with more or less failure, endeavouring with much acclamation to rebuild.
The habits of the Sage may be learned from the tenth chapter of this book, where he is described by his disciples in all formality, his and theirs. From it we learn much about him. He was careful about his dress both for day and night wear, and particular about its quality, style, and congruity of colour and season. He was most scrupulous about his food, both as to quality, mode of preparation and service : he would eat nothing in the least tainted or badly cut. In wine he allowed himself liberty but not licence. His public bearing was punctilious to a degree, and in private he permitted himself no undue freedom,— not even in bed. He was gracious and kindly, but never fully relaxed himself even to his son, to whom it is incredible to imagine him as ever amusing. He was a true sportsman, giving his bird its chance and only shooting it on the wing. He was also we may judge, able to ride and drive, and not merely to sit in a carnage, and it seems evident that he was well acquainted with archery. His habits and perhaps his character may be summed up in one sentence from Cap X. 9 : " If his mat were not straight he would
28
THE ANALECTS : INTRODUCTION.
not sit on it." He was a punctilious gentleman of the old school, to whom our modern laxity, not to say flippancy of manner, would have amounted to immorality.
As to his mental and moral attitude we find him, as may be surmised from his habits just referred to, first and foremost a formalist. This word indeed sublimates his character. His power of self-control was admirable, and duty was ever his lodestone. Of religious instincts from his childhood religious he remained throughout his days. With too evenly balanced a mind to sympathise with the fantasies of the superstitious, he maintained a mental attitude towards the unseen world which was respectful but nevei' familiar, reverent but never fervent. Knowing God owly as a Majesty and never as a Father, the spring of his affections could not bubble joyously forth, indeed such joy would have seemed to him frivolity, and while he was not without true affection, as witness his poignant distress on more than one occasion, yet expression of affection he deemed it the pait of a philo sopher to rigorously repress.
To a rigid and estimable code of honour he united an urbanity and courtesy, which made a profound im- pression upon his followers, and which failed not to influence men in more exalted station ； I. lo ； but his honour ever prevented his courtesy from degenerating into sycophancy, for the sake of advancing his public principles, much less his private welfare. His moral life remained untainted in the midst of a corrupt generation, in which vice flaunted itself in the open, and virtue shrank away abashed and in despair.
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
29
That there are occasional adumbrations of that honour which is associated with Christian ideals is only to be expected, but he dwelt in an earlier and darker age and deserves the greater consideration. Perhaps his most serious offence against higher morals was the breaking of an oath taken under compulsion. When travelling towards Wei, caught by an officer in rebellion against that State, he took a solemn oath not to proceed further, but regaining his freedom he did not .hesitate to pursue his journey to Wei. Being asked by a disciple whether it was right to break such an oath he replied," It was a forced oath. 丁 he spirits do not hear such."
There are two other recorded instances, one of ap- proval for a brave man, who covered his gallantry in bringing up the rear in a sciuve qui peiii by saying his horse refused to move ； and another when he declined, on the score of sickness to see a visitor, 一 probably an old scholar who had misbehaved, 一 and yet played his harpsichord as the visitor departed to let him know he was not really sick. That such laxity on the part of China's noblest Exemplar has fostered that disregard for truth for which this nation is so notorious, can hardly be denied, and we may justifiably condemn and deplore it, but there are spots even in the sun, and Confucius, nialgre the exaggerated notions of the Chinese, was only a man with human frailties.
Nevertheless, the student who through the following pages spends a few months in his company, will find that he is associating with a man whose general moral inte- grity, conscientious probity, methodical carefulness, con-
30
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
servative decorum and love of culture, will not be without refining influence on his own character, and which more- over will enable him to clothe whatever noble thoughts he may have in garb better suited to the climate.
As to his doctrines though they chiefly relate to the relationships between man and mao, they are far from destitute of an element higher than mere humanity. The powers of the unseen world have their acknowledged part in controlling the spirit of man in his duty to his fellows. God, the Supreme Ruler, is recognised as a Being to be revered and worshipped. He it is who has produced the order of the Universe, and decreed the various classes of mankind. Associated with Him are a multitude of spirits* who have their distinctive spheres in the direction of affairs celestial and terrestrial, and by these the good are guided and protected. The spirits of a man's forefathers are also and especially to be worshipped, as if they were present,, a worship upon which the well-being of society is dependent. There is room in such a system for unlimited multiplication of gods and spirits, with the natural consequence that the national, and therefore in a sense Confucian deities of China, altogether apart from the Taoist and Buddhist cults, have become legion.
Sacrifices, propitiatory rather than expiatory, are or- dained for approaching the object of worship, for with empty hands it were unseemly to come. Virile sentiments are given utterance to in connection with such offerings, see XX, I. et alia, and it is recognised that the spirit in which the worshipper presents them is of higher value than the gifts themselves. That Jesus Christ the Universal
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
31
Sacrifice will ultimately abrogate the rivers of animal blood annually shed in sacrifice throughout this empire, and therewith the idolatry and superstition of China, is merely a question of time and faithful service, but may we not gratefully admit that the sacrifices retained and handed down by Confucius have kept open the way of approach to the abode of the Divine until the great Day of Atonement p Sin and its punishment are acknowledged; the punish merit being looked for in the present rather than in a future existence. Reformation from wrong doing is re- quired, rather than penitence and appeal for remission. Prayer is recognised as a duty, and as acceptable and efficacious ； but it is not daily prayer or a sanctifying communion with the Divine. It is rather the formal petition accompanying a sacrifice, and should be preceded by fasting and bathing. No priesthood or mediator is required, the worshipper being his own priest and the sacrifice his medium of acceptance ； yet, in a sense, the Emperor is the high priest for his people, the officer for his district, and the father for his household. Moreover the regulations for ceremonial sacrifices are many, and on great occasions a director, or master of ceremonies, is a necessity to order. Only the Emperor may offer the State sacrifices to Shang Ti, the Over King, but the ear of Heaven is open to the cry of all, even of the repentant evil-doer. A future life is not denied, though Confucius avoided the discussion of it ； he did indeed in a measure confirm it by his insistent demand for sacrificial remem- brance of the ancestor, and his command to worship the ancestral spirit as really present.
32
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
As to liis ethical code it is excellent and practical, but by no means heroic. Prosaic and not poetic it commands respect rather than admiration, indeed, both in its religious and its moral aspect, the whole code of Confucius resembles the wintry silver of the moon, rather than the golden glow and warmth of the sun. Nothing is left to the imagination, nothing stirs it, for to liim the romantic would have been repugnant, and to turn the other cheek pusillanimity. He did not even rise to the height of Laotzu in advocating beneficence to enemies, for if he returned good for evil what had he left to return for good ？ On the contrary he proclaimed the sacred duty of the vendetta, that a man ought not to live under the same heaven with the murderer of his father, ever need to seek a sword for the murderer of 】iis brother, or live in the same State with the murderer of his friend.
The word ' to lie ' does not occur, but he advocated earnestly the value of sincei ity. His five cardinal virtues were human kindness, rectitude, decorum, wisdom and sincerity, 仁、 義、 禮、 智、 信、 and the Prince was to be the Exemplar of these virtues to his people. Indeed, in his teaching, the Prince was the viituoso for whom the song was written, and to which the people were the chorus, for it must always be remembered that Confucius was a courtier, hence in his system, the gracious influences of Virtue were to stream down from the lofty height of the Court to the lower level of the people. Morality and religious ceremonies were his panacea for all the many ills of his age. Alas ！ that the Princes should have despised the panacea.
ir. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
33
The highest point in his moral teaching was the golden rule negatively stated : " What you do not want yourself do not extend to others." Asked to sum up his code in one word he chose the term 恕、 shu， which Dr. Legge translates Reciprocity, but which seems to mean more than this, for reciprocity means, Do as you are done by, whereas 恕、 suggests the idea of following one's better nature, that is, Be generous, a nobler sentiment, though lacking the life-blood of the crowning word of Christianity. Mark XII. 30, 31.
Duty to parents, continued after death to a degree that is an unjust tax on the life of the living, a tax impossible of redemption save to the very few, takes the leading place in tlie ethics of the Sage. Respect for elders follows in its train. Adultery is described somewhere as the chief of sins. Loyalty both to prince and friend is inculcated, as also conscientiousness in all one's doings. Respect and reverence have already been referred to. Rectitude and self-control, courtesy and moderation find also a notable place. Neither riches nor culture compare with moral character, which takes precedence in value of all mundane honours, and what constitutes the excellence of a neigh- bourhood is not its wealtlA but its Virtue. Virtue and Religion 體、 are a greater renovating power than punish- ments. Character will out ； it cannot be concealed. Prejudice is to be avoided, and an unbiassed judgment to be cultivated. Only the truly virtuous can be trusted to love and to hate. The ready of tongue are unreliable.
In conclusion neither pleasure, nor honours, nor wealth are the summum bonum, but Virtue, for it is the founda-
34
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
tion of true happiness, and this Virtue is to be attained through the energy of the individual will.
But the aim of Confucius was not so much the renova- tion of the individual as the renovation of the State, his mind and object was ethico-political, his desire the renais- sance of the golden age of antiquity through a return to the virtue of those Arcadian days. Hence, as already remarked, the Prince as Father of his people, must take the lead, and as the rivers that make fruitful the land take their rise on the mountain tops, so moral renovation must begin at the summit of the State. Alas ！ the mountain tops were waterless, and what our Sage was able to pour upon them rapidly distilled in so rare a moral atmosphere, for if the rich shall hardly enter into the realm of mora! nobility, how much less shall Princes, degenerating genera- tion by generation through the allurements of luxury and lust, be able to filter the vitalising waters of moral chastity to the shrivelled souls of their people ？ On these arid heights Confucius failed, for even in his own State, when the indications were most hopeful of success, the eighty singing girls of Wei 衞、 proved more potent than the virtue of the Sage, and in the end it was in the hearts of his poorer disciples that his doctrines found their early and more hardy growth, rather than in the Courts of the great.
Though failure dogged his wandering footsteps while with men, his philosophy was not allowed to die, and notwithstanding that it lias never satisfied the people at large, as witness the success of Taoism -and Buddhism, it appeals to the conservative and educated elemeni ：，〜 nd has become both the base and summit of Chinese religion
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
35
and morals. A man who has lived so long in the affec- tions and esteem of a huge nation cannot but be classed amongst the mightiest forces of the past, but his inferiority to Moses, who lived a thousand years before him, either as legislator, administrator, moral philosopher, or religious Seer, is manifest to those who are willing to study the Pentateuch, and bis own writings as well as those of his disciples lack that throbbing pulse of divinity which has made the history, poetry and soul-inspiring prophesy of the Old Testament live with perennial vitality. Confucius nobly did his best, despite a limited vision and an inelastic nature, to benefit humanity with what inferior material in history, poetry and ritual he had to • his hand, and the archaeological student may well be profoundly grateful to him, for rescuing so much matter of varied interest and value from the rapacious maw of destructive Time, and the more barbarous hands of ignorant men.
Proceeding next from the general to the particular, the following is a more detailed sketch of the Sage's life, the salient features of which are to be found in Chutzu's Introduction to his Commentary, and in Legge's more exhaustive Introduction to his version of the Analects.
The philosopher K'ung 孔、 whose name was Ch'iu 丘、 and whose cognomen was Chung Ni 仲 尼、 was by family origin of the State of Sung 宋、 * His father was Shu Liang Ho 叔 梁紘、 and his mother, of the Yen 顔 family, gave birth to him in the city of Tsou 、 in
* 孔 means Hole; 丘、 a mound ； 仲、 the middle of three, i.e. secundus ；尼、 is said to be the name of a mountain the 尼 丘 hill to which his mother prayed for his birth, .
36
THE ANALECTS ： INIRODUCTION.
the district of Ch'ang P'ing 昌 gi、 and State of Lu 魯、 on the 2 1st day of the iith month in the 22nd year of Duke Hsiang 襄、 which was the 21st year of the Emperor Ling 靈、 or in other words in B. C. 551.*
As a child, in his games, he amused himself by arrang- ing sacrificial vessels and performing the ritual accom- panying the sacrifices. His father died when he was three years old, and according to Dr. Giles his mother married again, a statement I have not been able to verify. At fifteen he devoted himself to study, II. 4， but being in humble circumstances he was evidently for the most part his own teacher, IX. 6. At nineteen he married, the lady being from the Sung State, of the family Ping Kuan 于 干官、 His son, born the year following, was named Li 鯉、 the Carp, as is supposed in consequence of a present of that fish by the Duke of Lu. Li's cognomen became Po Yii 伯 魚 、 or Fish Primus. The present from the Duke also indicates that Confucius had already received bis first official appointment, which was in the ducal granary, and soon afterwards lie was put in charge of the ducal pasture lands. In his 22nd year his know- ledge of antiquity attracted to his side a number of disciples, and he entered upon his career as the founder of a school destined to perennial fame.
About this time, in B. C. 529, his mother died, and he removed his father's body from its place of temporary
* This is the date in general acceptation, but Legge adopts that of the Ch'un Ch'iu commentary, the 21st of Hsiang, which however he also makes B.C. 551. His system of computing dates varies from the usual method by a year, through his commencing our era with a O thus : B. C, I ； A. D. ； A. D. I. See his Shoo King Intro, p. 167.
IL THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
37
interment, burying it with his mother's. The mound raised by him over their tomb, four feet high, being about finished, he left the final details to his disciples and set off homewards. In the meantime a violent storm came on, and his disciples on arriving had to explain that their delay was clue to the rain having broken down the mound. Thrice they repeated their answer to his incredulous ears, when he suddenly burst into tears, crying that " they did not build such mounds in olden times." As his reason for building the mound he remarked that he was " a man of the north, the south, the east, and the west," one who knew not whither Destiny might lead him ； for already he seems to have had premonitions that his life would be spent far from the resting place of his parents, which without its tumulus might be lost beyond recovery.
During the three years of mourning he no doubt remained in Lu, probably, as the custom was, out of official employment, but pursuing his teaching and his " researches into the history, literature and institutions of the empire." It is said that he learnt music from the noted musician Hsiang 師 襄 in B. C. 523, and he tells us that somewhat later, in his thirtieth year, his convictions and -objective in life had become defined. II. 4. In B. C. 518, a powerful minister of Lu, Meng I 孟 |^、 conscious of his own deficient religious (i. e. ritual 禮) knowledge, gave orders on his deathbed that his son Ho Chi 何 忌 was to be sent to Confucius, of whom he had acquaintance. The advent of this youth with another young noble, Nan-kung Ching-shu 南 宮敬叔 related to him, gave immediate prestige to the school of Confucius,
38
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
It was probably in this year that his famous visit to Laotzu, the unwitting founder of Taoism, occurred. Acquainting Ching-shu with his earnest desire to visit the Imperial Capital to see the Imperial Temple services, and to make enquiries of Laotzu and other authorities con- cerning the ancient ritual and music, Ching-shu named the matter to the Duke, Chao 昭、 who put a carnage and horses at his disposal for the journey. The capital was at Lo 洛 now Honanfu in Honan, and Laotzu was at that time Keeper of the Imperial Archives there. He was apparently recognised as an authority on questions affect- ing ritual, and one may surmise that lie was already well- known as a moral philosopher. The following is Dr. Legge's account of the interview :
" They met and freely interchanged their views, but no reliable account of their conversations has been preserved. In the 5th Book of tlie Le Ke, which is headed, "The philosopher Tsang asked," Confucius refers four times to the views of Laou-tsze on certain points of funeral ceremonies, and in the Family Sayings, Book XXIV., lie tells Ke K'ang what he had heard from him about * The Five Tes,， but we may hope their conversation turned also on more important subjects. Sze ma Ts'een, favour- able to Laou tsze, makes him lecture his visitor in the following- style : ― * Those whom you talk about are dead, and their bones are mouldered to dust ； only their words remain, When the superior man gets his time, he mounts aloft ； but when the time is against him, he moves as if his feet were entangled. I have heard that a good merchant, though he has rich treasures deeply stored, appears as if
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
39
he were poor, and that the superior man whose virtue is complete, is yet to outward seeming stupid. Put away your proud air and many desires, your insinuating habit and wild will. These are of no advantage to you. This is all which I have to tell you.' On the other hand, Confucius is made to say to his disciples, ' I know how birds can fly, how fishes can swim, and how animals can run. But the runner may be snared, the swimmer may be hooked, and the flyer may be shot by the arrow. But there is the dragon, I cannot tell how he mounts on the wind through the clouds, and rises to heaven. To-day I have seen Laoutsze, and can only compare him to the dragon ！ ，'
Confucius was profoundly impressed with his visit to the Capital, especially with liis visits to the Temples and grounds of Heaven and Earth, and the Imperial Ancestral Temple. In the last he saw a " metal statue of a man with three clasps on his mouth, and his back covered with an enjoyable homily on the duty of keeping a watch upoa the lips." Nor was his interest any less in the Audience Hall of the Barons, called the Hall of Light, where the walls were adorned with representations of the various sovereigns of the dynasty, including that of the faithful Duke Wen of Chou, with the young Emperor Ch'eng, son of his great brother Wu， seated on his knee. " Here you see how Chou became so great," said Confucius to his followers. " As we use a glass to examine the forms of things, so must we study antiquity in order to under- stand the present." He pressed his enquiries in regard to music with the Court musician Ch'ang Huang, who is said
40
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
to have observed in him many marks of the sage, river eyes, dragon forehead, long arms, tortoise back, ex- ceptional stature, manner, memory and information.
On his return to Lu his following greatly increased, with which conservative statement Chutzu contents him- self, but other recorders possessed of a more vivid imagination have fixed the number at three thousand. That he may have had so many from first to last is possible, especially as many would count themselves his disciples who never had permanent residence with him, or attended regularly in his school, but who came for special information.
The year after our Philosopher's return to Lu, B. C. 5 1 7 and in his 35th year, Duke Chao of Lu in the 25th year of his rule, asserted himself against the three powerful chieftains Chi 季、 Shu 叔、 and Meng 孟、 who had kept him in tutelage throughout his reign, bad usurped his prerogatives, taxed bis revenues and maintained him as a mere figurehead. Failure attended his effort to throw off the intolerable yoke, and worsted in his resistance he fled to the State of Ch'i 齊、 which adjoined Lu on the north. Seven years later he died a fugitive in the State of Chin 晉 Ch'i's western neiglibour.
Lu being in a condition of rebellion Confucius also \ withdrew to Ch'i, then ruled over by Duke Ching 景 XVI . 12 ； XII. II ； XVII I. 3 Here he heard for the first time the ancient music of the Emperor Slum, which so affected him that he lost interest even in his food. VII. 13 ； III. 25. The Duke offered him the control of a township, but he elected to decline the offer. Later the
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
41
Duke, pleased with his reply to a question, that "tlie ait of govern ment lay in an economic use of the revenues," again proposed to offer him the district of I Ni 以尼 but was dissuaded, according to the Family Sayings 家 語、 by his chief minister Yen Yung 晏嬰、 who looked upon Confucius as a visionary and impracticable.
Confucius apparently remained eight years in Ch*i, but after the death of Duke Chao returned to his native State. B. C. 509. In the meantime the heir to the dukedom had been deprived of his birthright, and another representative of the ducal house, named Ting 定 made Duke. It was in the first year of this prince that Confucius then in his 43rd year returned to Lu. At that time Lu was indeed in low water, for the nominal ruler was a mere puppet, and the very chieftains who had expelled bis predecessors were themselves in the hands of their own underlings. Two of the more powerful of these subordinates were Yang Huo 陽 貨 XVII. i, and Kung-shan Fu-jao 公 山 弗 擾 XVII. 5， the former of whom once actually im- prisoned bis master Chi Huan 季椬、 then the most influential of the cliieftains, who had to make terms with his own servant Yang Huo for his release.
During this period, in all about fifteen years, Confucius was out of office, though often tempted thereto by the recalcitrant servants of their equally recalcitrant masters, and without doubt he put his time to better use in research, in recording, and in teaching. To this period also is ascribed the only instance that has been handed down to us of his conversing with his son, whom he apparently
42
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
treated exactly as he did his other disciples, XVI. 13. If also it be really true that lie divorced his wife, of which there is lack of satisfactory evidence, it is here that it should be placed. In face of the manner in which Li, her son, bewailed her death, such a divorce seems incredible. Li Chi II, I. I. 27.
In B, C. 501, being the ninth year of Duke Ting, and the 5 1st of the Sage's own life, after he had refused to follow the fortunes of Xung shan Fu-jao, the Duke also having expelled Yang Huo, and obtained control of his State, Confucius once more accepted office, being appoint- ed governor of Chung tu 中 都、 In a year he had produced a transformation which in the pages of the 家 語 approaches the marvellous. His regulations assigned " different food for the old and young, and different burdens to the strong and the weak. Males and females kept apart from each other in the streets. A thing dropt on the road was not picked up " etc., etc. The Duke, struck with such reformation, asked if his method could be applied to the whole State, and was answered that it could be applied to the whole Empire. Thereupon Confucius was promoted to the Office of Works, in which he distinguished himself by his survey of the State and his advancement of agriculture. His next office was that of Chief Justice, whereupon all crime ceased to exist.
During his tenure of this high office, the head of the Chi clan having carried his enmity against the late Duke Chao to the Duke's grave by burying him apart from his predecessors, Confucius dug a trench round the entire
n. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 43
cemetery, frankly telling the great Chi that he did so to hide his, Chi's disloyalty. About the same time also lie showed his courage and sagacity by saving his Duke from capture at the hands of the Duke of Ch'i 齊、 A meeting had been arranged between the two princes, at a place known as Chia .Ku 夾 谷、 for the purpose of entering into an alliance, but the adviser of the Duke of Ch'i suggested the possibility of abducting Duke Ting, and but for the alertness of Confucius this would have been carried into effect. In the end not only was the alliance entered into, but Confucius recovered territory which Ch'i had unjustifiably annexed.
When Chief Justice he was in the habit of consulting those present at a trial as to their opinion of the case, and deciding according to the best opinion offered, a sugges- tion, as Dr. Legge points out, of our jury system. Once when a father brought his refractory son for a punishment involving the death penalty, he put both in prison and subsequently released both. On being remonstrated with by his prince he replied, " When superiors fail in their duty, and yet propose to have their inferiors put to death, this is not right. This father has not taught his son to be filial."
About the same time his disciples TzCi Lu 路 and Tzu Yii 子 游 entered the service of the Chief of the Chi 委 dan, and assisted Confucius in bringing about the dismantling of the cities of Pi 費 and Hou 離、 the former the stronghold of the Chi, the latter of the Shu clan, but he failed to reduce Ch'eng 成 、 the stronghold of the Meng clan. The dismantling of these strongholds
44
THE ANALECTS: INTRODUCTION.
was necessary to the firm establishment of the ducal power. " He strengthened the ducal House and weakened the private Families. He exalted the sovereign and depressed the ministers. A transforming government went abroad. Dishonesty and dissoluteness were ashamed and hid their heads. Loyalty and good faith became the characteristics of the men, and chastity and docility that of the women. Strangers came in crowds from other States,"* whereupon " Confucius became the idol of the people, and flew in songs through their mouths."
In his fifty-sixth year, B. C. 496 he is said to have been Prime Minister of" his State, and everything gave promise of a brilliant and successful future, but disillusionment was at hand. His wonderful achievements filled the rival prince of Ch'i 齊 with envy, not unmixed with fear that Lu would soon become a dangerous neighbour. Hence, having failed to abduct Duke Ting, a strategein was invented for debasing his mind and alluring him from the further development of his State. As already stated eighty attractive singing girls, and a hundred and twenty thoroughbred horses, were sent as a present from the Duke of Ch'i to Ting, and with their arrival the influence of Confucius instantly waned. At first they were lodged outside the city, while their acceptance or rejection was considered, but the head of the Chi clan, having had a private view, easily persuaded Duke Ting to accept them, to his ruin. The great sacrifice soon afterwards failed to impress the Duke, who curtailed its rites and neglected
* Legge's Tntro. p. 75, from 家 語、
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 45
to send the usual sacrificial flesh to his ministers. Feeling that he was no longer able' to influence his prince (or good, Confucius with resisting footsteps (Mcnc. V. 11. i. 4.) tardily withdrew from a Court that had sold its integrity for a mess of pottage.
With many a backward look, and many a longing for recall, he slowly departed to thirteen years of weary exile. A later writer makes him put his melancholy into verse, of which the following is Dr. Legge's trans- lation : ―
" Through the valley howls the blast,
Drizzling rain falls thick and fast.
Homeward goes the youthful bride,
O'er the wilds, crowds by lier side.
How is it, O azure Heaven,
From my home I thus am driven,
Through the land my way to trace,
With no certain dwelling-place ？
Dark, dark the minds of men ！
Worth in vain comes to their ken.
Hastens on my term of years ；
Old age desolate appears."* It in ay have been on this occasion that the incident lecorded in III. 24 occurred, when the Warden of the Pass sought to cheer the disciples by assuring them that Heaven was going to use their Master as a bell to arouse the age. Legge in his Introduction says this was so, but
* Legge's Intro, p. 77, from 江 永、 A. D. 1761, in his 郷 黨 圆 考、 '
46
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
in his note to III. 24, he says " Conf. was retiring from Wei, the prince of which could not employ him." The commentators are uncertain about the site of I Feng 儀 封、 but generally ascribe it to modern Lanyang hsien 蘭 陽 縣、 in K'aifeng fu 開 封府、 Honan. If they are correct in their surmise then the incident here referred to cannot have taken place, on this journey.
Arriving at the capital of Wei, the brother-in-law of his disciple Tzu Lu became his host.* Duke Ling 靈、 a man whose moral character seems to have been even more dissipated than that of Duke Ting whom Confucius had just left, hearing of the arrival of his illustrious guest, assigned him an annual income of sixty thousand measures of grain.
After ten months stay he left for Ch'en 陳 a State which was considerably to the Southward of Wei. His road lay through a place called K'uang g 、 where his resemblance to Yang Huo (the 隠 虎 or 陽 貨 already named), at whose hands the people of K'uang had formerly suffered, placed him in serious jeopardy. His disciples were greatly alarmed, but their Master bore himself with true philosophic calm. IX. 5 ； XL 22. Escaping from his assailants he returned to safety in Wei. In passing he called at a house where he had formerly lodged, and there found that his host had lately died. The grief of the family aroused his compassion, and he ordered Tzu Kung to unyoke one of the horses from his
* 顔 i 蜀 鄒 according to ChutzQ, 顔 讎 由 according to Mencius V. I. 8. I-
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
47
carriage, and present it to the bereaved family as his contribution towards the funeral expenses. Replying to Tzu Xung's remonstrance he said : " When I went in, my presence brought a burst of grief from the chief mourner, and I dislike the thought of my tears not being followed by anything." A very manly sentiment ！ I i Chi II. Pt I. 2. 1 6.
On arriving at his destination his host was a certain Chii Po Yii, whom Confucius came to hold in high esteem. XIV. 26 ； XV. 6. While in Wei, Nan-tzu, the beautiful and wanton wife of the Duke, had an interview with him, to the scandalisation of his disciple Tzu Lu. VI. 26. The Sage was also on one occasion humiliated by having to drive out in a carriage behind that of the Duke and his notorious wife. " Lust in front, virtue behind," derisively remarked the people. Confucius was ashamed of his position, and the remark in IX. 17 is attributed to this occasion.
He soon after left Wei for the State of Sung 宋 passing through the minor State of Ts(ao 曹 on the way. Resting en route under a large tree, where he took the opportunity of giving his disciples a lesson in deportment, he was violently attacked , at the instigation of an officer named Huan T'ui |g 魃、 brother of the disciple Ssu-ma Niu, by a band of men who had orders to pull down the tree and kill him, VII. 22. It seems evident that something like a panic resulted and that all his company fled, standing not on the order of their going, for he was found later all alone at the east gate or pass of the State of Cheng 鄭 by Tzu Kung, who was directed to him by a native of the
48
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
place. The native's description, repeated by Tzu Kung to his Master, amused the latter greatly, — " a forehead like Yao, a neck like Kao Yao, shoulders like those of Tzu Cli'an, but from the waist downward not equal to Yii by three inches, and disconsolate as the dog of a broken clown family." Confucius laughed and said : "The ap- pearance is out, but to say I was like the dog of a broken down family, ― how like ！ how like ！ " Ssu-ma Ch'ien
史 記孔子 世家、
From Cheng he proceeded to the State of Ch'en 陳、 where he abode during three years, his host being the Warden of the Wall, a man named Chen 貞 、 Menc. V. 1. 8. 3. On the State of Wu 吳、 modern Kiangsu, com- mencing hostilities against Ch'eii, Confucius once more set out, B. C. 492, bending his steps again towards Wei- Reaching the frontier he was seized at a place called P'u 蒲 by an officer in rebellion against the Duke of Wei, and only liberated on his taking on oath that he would not proceed there. This oath, as already mentioned, he broke, excusing himself on the ground that it was forced. Reaching Wei he was well received by Duke Ling, who however failed to make use of his talents. XIII. 10.
About this time an officer of the State of Chin 晉 named Pi Hsi 佛 I 华、 who was holding the town of Chung Mou 中 牟 against his Chief, sent an invitation to Confucius, and he seems to have been inclined to accept it, but Tzu Lu, the bold, who it must always be remembered was only nine years junior to his master, protested against his associating with a rebel, and, with apparent reluctance, Confucius gave up the idea. XVil. 7. To this period
U. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
49
XIV. 42 is also referred. Sometime later, at an interview with Duke Ling, the Duke questioned him concerning tactics in war. Declining to answer such enquiries, the very next day be shook the dust of Wei from his feet, and returned to Ch'en, XV. i. where he spent the year. B. C. 492.
About this time the way seemed to be opening for our voluntary exile to return to end his days in his own native State. The self-indulgence of Duke Ting of Lu had not made for length of days, and he had now been dead three years. Neither did tlie chieftain, Chi Huan 委椬、 who 义 had tempted the Duke to his destruction, come to his deathbed with a mind conscious of its own rectitude. Remorseful of his conduct he charged his successor, Chi K'ang 委康、 to recall Confucius. Had Chi K'ang acted as desired the Sage would now have returned home, but yielding to his advisers, Chi K'ang sent instead for one of the sage's disciples, by name Jan Ch'iu 冉 求.、 It is to this period that the expression of longing to return in V. 21 is attributed.
The year following, 49 r, along- with a number of his disciples, he left Ch'en and went into Ts'ai 蔡、 a small barony controlled by the dukedom of Ch'u 楚、 modern Hupeh and Hunan. The " Family Sayings ' ，(家 語 V. 2o), which book is the most ancient life of Confucius, says that certain officers of Clren and Ts'ai, fearing that Confucius would proceed to Ch'u, increase its already dominant power, and endanger the safety of Ch'en and Ts'ai, succeeded in bringing the Sage and liis companions in this journey to a condition of starvation. The disciples were ,
50
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
ill and depressed,* educing a querulous remark from Tzu Lu, XV. I, but the Master maintained a cheerful courage throughout, even playing on his lute and singing. It is probably this time of peril he recalls, in the lament of his old age that none of his companions of that period were now left to him. XI. 2.
After remaining in Ts'ai a year or so, he proceeded to another barony overshadowed by Ch(u named She 葉、 whose ruler had unlawfully assumed the title of duke. In an interview with Tzu Lu the " duke ，， asked what sort of a man his Master was, to which question Tzu Lu either found no reply, or disdained an answer. VII. i8. When this same duke enquired of Confucius the art of govern- ment he replied, that it was so to ameliorate the lot of one's own people that others would be attracted from afar. XIII. 1 6, see also i8.
The two episodes of the recluses recorded in XVIII, 6, 7, are said to have occurred while on his return to Ts'ai. In one of these Confucius gives utterance to the wise sentiment, that man is not meant to herd with birds and beasts but with mankind, and that it is only in times of decadence that a Reformer is needed and finds his work.
The ruler of the great State of Ch'u, whose name was Chao 昭 、 and who styled himself King, 王 、 interested in the presence of so distinguished a Philosopher within his domain, sent an invitation to him to visit his Court, which was at the modern I Ch'eng hsien 宜城縣 in Hsiang
* Chutzu observes that this must have occurred, between Wei and Ch'en, and not in the domain of Ch'u.
ir. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF' CONFUCIUS.
51
Yang fii 襄 腸 府、 Hupeh. On the way an eccentric individual met his carriage crying that the virtue of the phoenix, meaning Confucius, had departed, and urging him to give up liis futile idea of reforming the age. XVI II. 5. King Chao was apparently impressed with the wisdom of our Sage and proposed to appoint him to the extensive territory of Shu She 書社、 but his Prime Minister reminded the King that formerly Wen and Wu from a dominion of a hundred li had risen to the sovereignty of the Empire, and suggested that with followers like Tzu Kung, Yen Hui and Tzu Lu, a man of such ability as Confucius might advance his own interests to the detriment of Ch'u. The king died before the end of the year, and Confucius returned to Wei.
Duke Ling, who four years previously had gone to ^9% his grave, had disowned and expelled his son K'uai Wai 删 疆 fi'on】 the State in consequence of a plot in which he was concerned to kill his notorious mother, or step- mother, NantzLi. K'uai Wai's son Ch'u (出 alias 車 粟）， had been appointed successor by his grandfather and was now holding out against his own father, who was seeking to regain his inheritance, in which attempt he was ultimately successful. On the arrival of Confucius Tzu Lu, who apparently had preceded him, met bis Master with the remark that Duke Ch'u was waiting to em- ploy him. Confucius, however, felt that he could no more support the son against his father, than he could approve the action of the father against his mother Nantzu, and in consequence declined the honor. Chutzu assigns X【n. 3, 7 to this period, and Vlll. 14 also appears to be con-
52
THE AN^^LECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
nected with it The death of the Sage's wife is placed in the year 485, while he was still in Wei, but no reliable information has been handed down.
At last, after his thirteen years of wandering, our exile was to be recalled, too late alas ！ for him to serve his State as he might have done earlier. He was now sixty- eight years of age, an old man who had lived too long in the shade to feel cheerful under the wintry sunshine of a Court that loved him little. Duke Ting had been succeeded by Duke Ai 哀, who was now in the eleventh year of his rule. Chi K'ang, the chief noble had now had the disciple Jan Ch'iu 冉 求 in his employ for eight years, and Jan Ch'iu had recently achieved a notable success in a military engagement between Lu and Ch'i 齊、 Chi K'ang, struck with his skill, asked whether it were a natural gift, or whether he had studied under any one. So eloquent became Jan Ch'iu in praise of his Master that Chi K'ang decided to recall him. " If you do so," said the disciple, " see that you do not let mean men come between you and him."
Messengers were sent with appropriate presents to the old philosopher, and arriving opportunely they found him preparing to leave Wei, through disgust at being consulted by one of its ministers, K'ung Wen Tzu, V. 14, as to " how he should conduct a feud with another officer." Gladly was the invitation accepted, and B. C. 484 delightedly did he turn his footsteps homewards, but as Chutzu. puts it, " to the end Lu failed to make use of him, nor did he any longer seek to enter ofike." That Chi K'ang frequently consulted him is evident from II.
ri. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
53
20, VI. 6， XI. 6， XII. 17, 18, 19, and XIV. 20 ； and that Duke Ai did likewise is witnessed by II. 19 and VI. 2.
The next four or five years of his life he devoted to editing and writing an Introduction to the Book of History 書經； to arranging the Book of Rites and Ceremonies, 禮 記、 the Chinese Leviticus ； to classifying the Odes 詩 經 ； and to rectifying the Music both in Court and Temple. It is probable, too, that he at the same time supplied his disciple Tseng Tzii 曾 子 with the material for the Classic of Filial Piety, 孝經、 He also applied himself diligently to the study of the Yi Ching 易 經、 so diligently indeed that he is said to have three times worn out the leather thongs of his copy. Such a hold did this cabalistic book obtain over him that he declared, if his life could only be prolonged, he would devote himself entirely to the study thereof. VII. 16. That he would have made it any clearer, or of greater utility to his fellow men, is hardly worth discussing.
Soon after his return from Wei, Jan Ch'iu, who had been the means of his recall, caused him much vexation of spirit by assisting Chi K'ang to add a further impost upon the already burdened people. It was then that Confucius bade his disciples beat the drum and openly accuse him, XL 16. A number of other sayings are referable to this period : (Jll. 1， 6, 21, and possibly 2, 10， II, 23 ; X. II ; XL 2; XIV. 26 ； XVI. I.
In the year after bis return to Lu, i.e. in 483, his son Li died, leaving a son named Chi j 反、 Chi's son Tzu Ssu 子 思 became a pupil of the philosopher Tseng Tzu, and it was from a pupil of Tzu Ssu that Mencius obtained
54
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
his education. Three of these are responsible, Tseng for the Great Learning 大學、 Tzu Ssu for the Doctrine of the Mean 中 庸、 and Mencius for the contents of the Classic bearing his name, which three treatises along with the Analects form the " Four Books."
In the year following the death of Li, ― though there is a conflict of evidence as to the date,* 一 the favourite disciple of Confucius Yen Hui 顏 囘、 is said to have deid, and his death, if we may judge from the records, was a more grievous loss to the Sage than that of his own son, for upon Yen Hui his mantle was to have fallen. Many are the references he made to him, and poignant was the sorrow he evinced at his death. VI. 5, 9, IX. 19, 20. XI. 7-10.
Two years later he was called upon to suffer the loss of another disciple, Tzu Lu, who reminds us somewhat of Peter the impetuous, as Yen Hui does of John the beloved. But a few years younger than his Master he was permitted to take liberties with him, as also to have the privilege of receiving many a rebuff. Confucius had early predicted that Tzu Lu would die a violent death, XI. 12， and such was verified in 480 when this courageous man chose death rather than forsake in peril his Chief, K'ung K^uei 孔 '1 里、 the Minister of Duke Ch'u 出 of Wei.
In the previous year, 481, an unknown animal with only one horn was caught by " hunters in the west," who in
* Legge ill his note to XI. 7. says : Hwuy according to the ' Family Sayings ， and the ' Historical Records ' must have died several years before Confucius ' Son Le. Either the dates in them are false, or this ch ： i<* spurious.
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
55
catching it broke its left foreleg. The animal was brought to Chi K'ang, who unable to classify it, and deeming it of bad omen had it thrown outside tlie city, but sent word to Confucius to see if he could recognise it. Confucius as previously noted, immediately perceived that the strange animal was a Lin 麟、 indeed as some would have us believe the self-same Lin that had appeared to his mother, and with the identical piece of embroidered ribbon still adhering to its horn that she had attached there over seventy years before ！ Turning over his sleeve to wipe away the tears that fell copiously on to his coat, he cried " For what have you come ？ For what have you come ？ " When asked by Tzu Kung later why he wept he replied, " The Lin should only appear at the advent of an illustrious sovereign. I was distressed to see it at the wrong time and so injured." 家語 i6.
It is with a reference to this event that he brings to a conclusion his work on the Spring and Autumn Annals, his last words there being, " In the four and tenth year (of Duke Ai)， in Spring, hunters in the west caught a unicorn." Those Annals are ascribed to this year, and at least it is evident that he closed them then. Menciiis records that Confucius based his claim to fame or condemnation on these records, and speaks in the highest terms of their moral and political influence. Menc. III. Pt II, ix, 8, 1 1.
Later in the year Duke Chien 簡 of Ch'i was murdered by one of his ministers, Ch'en Heng | 凍 '[^* by name, a crime which shocked the monarchical ideas of the Sage. After ceremonially bathing himself he formally visited Duke Ai, to urge him to sound the tocsin and avenge the
56
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
deceased ruler. Referred by the Duke to his ministers, who it is suggested were in sympathy with Ch'en Heng, lie met with no encouragement, and retired feeling that, though he had failed, he had done what duty demanded of him. XIV. 2 2.
Two years later, in B. C. 479, in the fourth month and on its eleventh day, when he was seventy-three years of age the call came for him to join his fathers. " Karly one morning, we are told, he got up, and with his hands behind his back, dragging his staff, he moved about the door, crooning over, ——
( The great mountain must crumble ； The strong beam must break ； And the wise man wither away like a plant ， After a little, he entered the house and sat down opposite the door. Tszekung had heard his words, and said to himself, ( If the great mountain crumble, to what shall I look up ？ If the strong beam break, and the wise man wither away, on whom shall I lean ？ The Master, I fear, is going to be ill.' With this he hastened into the house. Confucius said to him, ' Ts'ze, 、v!iat makes you so late ？ According to the statutes of Hea, the corpse was dressed and coffined at the top of the eastern steps, treating the dead as if he were still the host. Under the Yin, the ceremony was performed between the two pillars, as if the dead were both host and guest. The rule of Chow is to perform it at the top of the western steps, treating the dead as if he were a guest. I am a man of Yin, and last night I dreamt that I was sitting with offerings before me between the two pillars. No intelligent monarch arises ； there is not
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
57
one in the empire that will make me his master. My time has come to die.' So it was. He went to his couch, and after seven days expired."*
Thus passed away China's greatest moral philosopher. Living a life of honour in his own age, lie transmitted to future generations a practical philosophy they could ap- preciate and in a measure follow. Conservative in mind, character and conduct he saw no visions and dreamt no dreams. The life that now is was his principal text, im- mortality he left undiscussed. The great questions of God and the soul, that have stirred the noblest thinkers, Greek, Jew and Christian evoked no enthusiasm in him ； the higher morals which found vague expression in Laotzti, and majestic pourtrayal in Jesus Christ were foreign to his rigid mind, which lacking the entrancing ravishment of the Infinite demanded rules fixed and inelastic.
In avoiding the marvellous, with which Nature and Eternity abounds, he escaped the perils of gross supersti- tion, and left behind him a mould for this nation to run itself into, which involved as a necessary consequence an arrested development. Man requires the bounds of the Infinite and Eternal for his complete evolution, and had Confucius bent his mind to this soul filling principle he might have prevented millions of his countrymen of suc- ceeding generations, whom bis narrow mould refused to contain, from overflowing into the excessive and debasing superstitions of later Taoism and Buddhism.
To the- light he found he was faithful, for the light he
* Leg (； e，s Antro. p. 87-8.
5B
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
failed to see he is to be pitied not blamed, but to say that his " Virtue matches that of Heaven and Earth ，， is adula- tion to which only the purblind could give utterance. For his literary gifts to his nation, prosaic though they are, we may be grateful. For a life well lived we may hold him in high honour. For the impress of man's duty to man on the mind of his race we gladly praise him, and that he has not taken from them man's inherent belief in things eternal may give us " a lively hope ，， for the future of the black haired race.
Confucius was buried at his birth place in modern Shantung, in Yen-chou fu, 夹 *}\] 府、 Ch'ii-fou hsien 曲 阜縣、 where his tomb remains to this day. His disciples bemoaned his loss, wearing mourning and many of them living- in huts by his grave side for three years, Tzu Kung even guarding it for the long period of six years. Duke Ai, grieved by his death, exclaimed, " Heaven has not left to nie the aged man. There is none now to assist me on the throne. Woe is me ！ Alas ！ O venerable Ni ！ " ― sentiments hardly consistent, as Tzu Kung complained, with the Duke's neglect of him during life. Ai however builta temple to his memory and ordered sacrifices four times a year.
From that day to this, save for the period of the great opponent of the Confucian School, Ch'in Sliih Huang, Confucius has been honoured and worshipped. The Founder of the Han dynasty, B. C. 195, offered an ox at his tomb, and in modern times the great Emperor K'ang Hsi of the present dynasty knelt thrice and bowed his forehead nine times in the dust at his shrine. At first the worship was confined to Lu, but in A. D. 57 it was extended
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
59
to the principal colleges of the Empire, where he was wor- shipped along with his ideal the great Duke Wen of Chou. " In A. D. 609 separate temples were assigned to them, and in 628 our Sage displaced the older worthy altogether."
The temples to Confucius usually consist of two long cloisters containing the tablets of his disciples, leading to a lofty hall at the end devoted to the Sage and his more famous followers. Behind this is another hall containing the tablets of his ancestors. Offerings of fruit and vege- tables are supposed to be made at the new, and incense at the full moon. Two great sacrifices are presented every year, in Spring and Autumn, at which all the literati are theoretically expected to be present. In some places the ancient musical instruments are brought out and performed upon, the wand bearers making postures representing each character of the famous hymn to the Sage, of which a version is appended below. As almost every phrase of this hymn is an abbreviated quotation from some ancient writer, often containing allusions of an elusive nature, it has been no easy task it to translate it line by line into English metre, so for the sake of those who wish to read it in the original it is also given in character.
In the Imperial Confucian Temple the Emperor liimsclf kotows six times before the Sage's shrine, whereupon, the spirit being now present, the following- invocation is read by the appointed officer : ― " On this ... month of this ... year, I, A. B., the Emperor, offer a sacrifice to the philoso- plier K'ung, the ancient Teacher, the perfect Sage, and say, ― O Teacher, in virtue equal to Heaven and Earth, whose doctrines embrace the past time and the present,
6o
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
thou didst digest and transmit the six Classics, and didst hand down lessons for all generations. Now in this second month of spring (or autumn), in reverent observance of the old statutes, with victims, silks, spirits and fruits, I care- fully offer sacrifice to thee. With thee are associated the philosopher Yen, continuator of thee ； the philosopher Tsang, exhibitor of thy fundamental principles ； the phi- losopher Tszesze, transmitter of thee ； and the philosopher Mang, second to thee. May'st thou enjoy the offerings."
This as Dr. Legge says, is worship and not mere homage. " He was unreasonably neglected when alive. He is now unreasonably venerated when dead." Even as this is being typed off for the printer the following decree which would have outraged the feelings of the Sage him- self, has been issued by the Empress Dowager, in response to the petition of a reactionary officer : ― " In view of the supreme excellence of the great Sage Confucius, whose virtues equal Heaven and Earth, and make him worthy ot the adoration of a myriad ages, it is the desire of Her Imperial Majesty, the Empress Dowager Tzu Hsi etc., that the great Sage shall in future be accorded the same sacrificial ceremonies of worship as are accorded to Heaven and Earth when sacrifice is paid by the Emperor. Let the Yamen concerned take note." It is refreshing to find that this last attack of benighted national vanity has not been allowed to pass unchallenged, for a vigorous protest has been offered by a well-known Censor, who declares that " to raise Confucius to be the equal of Heaven and Earth is rank blasphemy, and is handing over the great Sage to contumely, since Confucius in his writings always denied
II. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.
6l
himself- to be anything great, and constantly refused the ado- ration his disciples were only too desirous of giving him."* In conclusion, Confucius, despite his best endeavours, failed to fill the office of a great Religious Leader, for he failed to guide his people out of a polytheism doomed to end in limitless superstition, up to the One True Infinite God, the Creator, the A dome r, the Father. The day is al rt ady dawning when the soul of this race will demand its rightful share in the Nobler Truth which the mind of Confucius but dimly apprehended, and which will relegate him to the honourable position no Christian will gainsay, of chief Classical Master and great Moral Philosopher of this potentially noble nation.
♦ Hymn to Confucius.
1. Welcoming the Spirit.
Great is K'ungtza, philosopher, The primal Seer, the primal Sage ！ With Heaven and Earth he equal ranks, Immortal Guide for every age. Once hailed by wreathed unicorn, 卞 Respond we now with harps and bells ； Celestial light lie has revealed, Above, below, order prevails.
2, The first Offering.
We cherish still his virtue biight With quivering chime and sonant bell,
* N. C. Daily News Jan. 21,07.
t The fabulous creature to whose horn Confucius' mother bo ind the
THE ANALEC rS ： IN TRODUCTION.
Since birth of man none equals him. Who caused perfection to excel. The patens of a thousand years We spread for his great sacrifice, With purest wine the cups are filled, Its fragrance now to him doth rise. I he second Offering.
Our rites their flawless forms shall take. We spread our second offerin;^ ； United sound our drums and bells While flagons now sincere we bring. In reverence and harmony We, raised by his accomplishments, Perfect by rites, by music pure, With mutual gaze learn excellence. • The last offering.
Of old and in the former times. Among the ancients there arose One who fur- capped did sacrifice, 一 Thinking of him our bosom glows. Heaven only can enlighten men, Our Saint Its equal let us tell ； The natural order he proclaimed, Till now he is the " rousing bell." The offerings are removed.
Our pristine Master has declared
That blessing from such offerings stream.
In the temples of our four great seas
Of aught but reverence who would dream ？
Our rites are o'er, our victims go:
* The '鬼 繹 iiiii in Shantung. The K ivers 诛 and 湘 which arise from if: The hill typifies Confucius, and the rivers his doctrine.
II. THE UhE AND TIMES OF CONFUCIUS. 63
Careful and circumspect they're borne. Delight we in the beauteous growth, Lo ！ the bare plain a plant cloth adorn. 6. Escorting away the Spirit.
Majestic towers his native Hill,
Wide roll their floods bis native streams,*
Far fades their vista from the sight,
Boundless with good their bosom teems.
Again our sacrifice is o'er,
Its splendour passes from our gaze ；
'Tis he who has transformed our race,
And nurtures still our Colleges.
迎 祌
大 哉孔子 先 覺先知 與 天地參 萬 世之師
祥 徵麟紱 韻 答金絲 H 月旣揭 乾 坤淸夷
子 懷明德 玉 振金聲 生 民未有 展仇 、大成
g 豆千古 春 秋上丁 淸 酒旣載 其 香始升
式 禮奥愆 升 堂再獻 響協 4 鼓鏽 誠字 働颜
肅 肅難薩 譽 髦斯彥 禮 陶樂淑 相 觀而善
終 獻
自 古在昔 先 民有作 皮 辨祭菜 於 論思樂
惟 天隨氏 惟； IS 時若 擊 倫修叙 至 今木鐸
徹 饌
先 師有言 祭 則受福 四海 « 宮， 晴 敢不肅
成吿徹 毋 疏毋瀆 樂 所自生 中 原有菽
送 神
鳧 釋峩峩 洙 洒洋洋 景 行行止 流 澤無疆
* 昭祀事 祀 事孔明 化 我蒸民 宵 我膠庠
III. — The Analects.
Their History and Authenticity.
The Confucian Classics are generally spoken of as the Four Books and Five Canons. 四 書 五經、 The Four Books, as already stated, are the Lun Vu 論 語、 or Discourses, commonly called the Analects ； the Ta Hsiieh, 大 學 or Great Learning ； the Chung Yung, 中 庸、 or Doctrine of the Mean ； and the Book of Mencius, 孟 子、 The Five Canons are the Yi Ching 易經、 or Book of Changes ； the Shu Ching 書經、 or Book of History ； the Ssu Ching 詩 經、 or Book of Poetry, otherwise the Odes ； the Li Chi 禮 言己、 or Record of Rites ； and the Ch'un Ch'iu 春 秋、 or Spring and Autumn Annals, a history of the State of Lu.
Of the Four Books the Analects, in their present form, are probably the work of disciples of the Sage's disciples. The Gieat Learning, so far as its text is concerned, is acc I edited to the stylus of Confucius, and its commentary to that of his ablest surviving disciple Tseng Tzu 曾 子、 It forms chapter 42 of the Record of Rites, but is also treated as a separate work. The Doctrine of the Mean, which we might for short call the Golden Mean, is attri- buted to TsLi Ssu 子 思、 i. e. 孔 做、 a grandson of the Sage. Like the Great Learning it forms pa it of the Record of Rites, cap. 43, but is also treated as a separate work. The Book of Mencius is accredited to Mencius himself, or at least to one of his most intimate disciples. These then form the Four Book". In the seventh century
III. THE ANALECTS.
65
A. D. the Four Books and Five Canons were classified as Thirteen, viz., Yi 易、 Ssu 詩、 Shu 書、 Three Ch'un Ch'ius 春 秋 三 傳、 Three Lis, 鱧 記、 周 禮、 儀 禮、 Analects 語、 A lexicon called the Erh Ya 爾 雅、 the Hsiao Ching, or Canon of Filial Piety 孝 經 、 and Mencius 孟子； the Analects, Great Learning, Mean, Filial Piety and Mencius being described as the " Smaller Canon."
It must always be borne in mind that when the Classics were indited, writing was a much more laborious process than it is to-day. The period of knotted cords (quipos) had long passed away, but still neither pen, ink, nor paper bad been invented, and all records had to be engraved on bamboo tablets with a sharp style, — a most' tedious process, ― or laboriously painted with a kind of varnish.* The difficulty involved in such a method may easily account for the terseness of China's literary style. More- over these bamboo tablets were cumbersome, and therefore difficult to transport, to preserve, or to conceal. Hence when Ch'in Shih Huang arose, and, yielding to the advice of a rascally minister, in B. C. 2 1 3 ordered tliat all books be destroyed, save those on medicine, divination and husbandry, (thus excepting the Yi Ching,) subsequently also burying alive 460 scholars for violating his commands, few of the nionuinents of antiquity were preserved intact. Nevertheless, as only three years elapsed from the promulgation of that decree to the death of its promulgator, and o ily eleven to the foundation of
* Since the above went to press the following sfatement by Prof. E, 】I. Parker has come to hand, " Chinese records were at first written with a bamboo style on slips of bamboo prepared with varnish."
66
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
the Han dynasty, though the injury done to literature, and especially to historical literature was great, a considerable amount was still recoverable.
Whatever monuments we possess of ancient China we owe to Confucius and his followers, and though the records from which he compiled his books were all destroyed, and though what he left behind suffered loss, enough was recovered to gratify if not to satisfy the student of antiquity. What books we now have were recovered, after a lapse of years, in some cases from memory, but more generally from places where the bamboo tablets had been bidden, these having in the meantime suffered more or less injury from the circumstances of their concealment.
Immediately before the dawn of the Christian era, in the famous catalogue of Liu Hsin 劉 散、 who in obedi- ence to Imperial orders completed the work of his father Liu Hsiang 劉 向 and others, in cataloguing all known literary monuments, we find that an immense mass of literary matter had been collected. " There were 294 collections of the Yih-king, from 13 different individuals or editors ； 412 collections of the Shoo-king, from 9 individu- als ； 4i6 volumes of the She-king, from 6 different indi- viduals ； cf the books of Rites, 555 collections, from 1 3 different individuals ； of the Books on Music, 165 collec- tions, from 6 different editors ； 948 collections of History, under the heading of the Ch'un Ts'evv, from 23 different individuals ； 229 collections of the Lun Yu, including the Analects and kindred fragments, from 12 different indi- viduals ； of the Heaou-king, embracing also the Urh Ya, and some other portions of the ancient literature, 59 collec-
III. THE ANALECTS.
67
Hons, from 11 different individuals ； and finally of the Lesser Leirning, being works on the form of the charac- ters, 45 collections, from 1 1 different individuals. The Works of Mencius were included in the second division, among the writings of what were deemed orthodox scholars, of which there were 836 collections, from 53 different individuals." Legge's Analects, Intro, p. 4.
Considering that through his disciple Tseng Tzu and his grandson Tzu Ssii we have almost direct connection between Confucius and Mencius, we are brought to within about half a century of the destruction of the books, and seeing their recovery was set about without delay, and that the Han dynasty placed such value on them as is made evident by this important catalogue, there seems little doubt that the remains we possess to-day are reasonably authentic and reliable.
As to the Analects in particular, when the Han dynasty first began to recover the ancient books, two copies of the Analects competed for acceptance, one from Lii 魯、 the n itive State of Confucius, and another from the neighbour- ing State of Ch'i 齊、 The Lu copy contained twenty books, while that of Ch'i contained twenty two, and had moreover, as noted in Chu(s Introduction, more chapters and phrases than its rival.
A third copy, however, was discovered about the year 1 50 B. C. which is known as the ancient copy 古 論、 and ^ which confirmed the Lu text already recovered. This " ancient copy " was discovered in the wall of the house inhabited by the Confucian family, the one in which Confucius himself had resided. This house abutted upon
68
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
the old ducal palace, and the newly appointed King of Lu, desiring to enlarge his premises, ordered its demolition. In its wall were discovered copies of the Shu, the Ch(un Ch'iu, the Hsiao Ching, and the Lun Yii. All these books were indited in the ancient from of writing; known as the tadpole 禾斗 ji:l[、 script, a form of writing already displaced by that of Han, the square letters which with modifications have continued to the present day. Hence this older script, even to the ordinary reader of those times, was already undecipherable.
The ECiag, who was interested in the discovery, immedi- ately ordered the head of the K'ung family, K'ung An Kuo 孔 安 國、 to decipher them. This he did, and more- over wrote a treatise thereon,. part of which is still extant, The version of the Lun Yii then found set finally at rest all controversy between the two copies, and became the textus receptus. The principal difference between trie Lu text and that recovered from the Confucian wall was, that the closing chapter of the Lu formed two in the wall copy which thus had 21 chapters in all. In the first century B. C. the rival copies were again carefully compared by Prince Chang of Anch'ang 安 昌 侯 張禹、 and again in the second century A. D. by Cheng Hsiian 鄭 玄 the famous commentator named in Section IV. The difference between the latter's version and the accepted version of Chutzu. are few and unimportant, and will be found at the end of this chapter.
The question now arises how did the Lun Yii originate, —— who wrote it ？ Certainly its author was not Confucius himself, as a mere surface glance makes plain ； nor is there
nr. THE ANALECTS.
69
any indication that it was written in his lifetime, indeed the internal evidence easily confutes any such theory. The " History of Literature of the Western Han dynasty " says that " the Analects were compiled by the disciples of Con- fucius, coming together after his death, and digesting the memorials of his discourses and conversations which they had severally preserved." That during the years of mourning for their Master they may have been led to note down and compare their respective recollections of his sayings is reasonable, but even this theory does not account for the book in its present form, for surely at such a period some last words would have been preserved, or some reference made to his death and burial, which events are utterly ignored in the Analects. The internal evidence indeed seems to inhibit the idea that the book was compiled, as we now have it, immediately after the Master's death ； for instance, Chapter XIX refers chiefly to the conduct of his disciples, in some cases when they themselves were professors with schools of their own. Not that such evidence need be final, for the earlier scholars of the Sage were themselves in the meridian of life when he reached old age. -
The chief argument in favour of a delayed authorship is that, with one exception XII. 9, where respect for the personage addressed prohibits the use, the two disciples Tseng Tzu 曾 子 and Yu Tzu 有 子 are tljroughout recorded with the suffix Tzu, philosopher, a term the dis- ciples would hardly apply to each other, unless equally applied to more than these two. It is chiefly in consequence of this that the Analects are generally ascribed not to the
70
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
disciples of the Sage, but to the disciples of Tseng and Yu. To the disciples of these men Ch'cng Tzu 程子、 Chutzu's Master, whom Chutzu approvingly quotes, ascribes the book, or at least its final compilation. " The Book of the Conversations," says he, " was completed by the disciples of Yu TzLi and Tseng Tzu, hence these are the only two styled 'philosophers' in its pages."* In this statement however there is an apparent error, for Jan-tzu is twice so styled ； VI. 3 and XIIL 14 ； but not as uttering any maxim.
Even Ch'eng-tzu's wise inference is not entirely satis- factory, for, without some recorded foundation for their work, these disciples of disciples could never have pro- duced the book with which we are dealing. The theory the present writer would propound, a theory he considers sufficiently attested by the internal as well as the historical evidence, is that the disciples of Tseng Tzu and Yu Tzil merely edited records already existing in the hands of their masters, the sayings attributed to those masters being their own addition. In other words that there was a compilation already in existence, possibly unarranged and formless, which they edited and brought into its present order. The variety of matter contained in the book, and the explicitness of its detail, indicate that the editors of our present version had material, and probably written material, for their self-imposed task.
As to the date of such editorship it seems likely that it took place after the death of Tseng Tzu, if as the text
* 論語之 書成於 有子曾 子之門 人0 故 其 書 獨二子 以子稱 3
III. THE ANALECTS.
71
suG^gests, the sickness recorded in VIII. 3 and 4, was fatal, but we have no evidence as to the date of his demise. Dr. Legge thinks " we shall not be far wrong if we determine its date about the end of the fourth, or begining of the fifth century before Christ," a date that seems unnecessarily late. For if, as 】）r. Legge thinks, the book " was compiled by the disciples of the disciples of the Sage," and, if such disciples were indeed the followers of Tseng Tzu and Yu Tzu, a conclusion which Dr. Legge somewhat summarily declares " does not stand investigation," then such disciples, whoever they were, must have been far advanced in years. It seems more reasonable to place the compilation of the Analects nearer the middle than the beginning of the fifth century, B. C.
Whoever the editors were their attempts at arrangement shew little knowledge either of historical or philosophic order, for while the first eight or ten chapters seem, in a haphazard sort of way, to be classified subjectively, the rest are thrown together without any consideration either of subject or period. This and the repetition of clauses has led some writers to ascribe various books to various disciples or their followers, but it seems more accordant with reason to believe that the material generally is from different hands, and that the actual editors, possessing neither historic sense nor philosophic insighl:, collected their material into its present shape to the best of their meagre ability. They at any rate regarded all the material in their possession as too precious to allow of any excision, as witnes.s the numerous repetitions that occur.
72
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
That many of the sayings were well known in the days of Mencius is evidenced by his book, but he never refers to the Lun Yii as an existing work. Also that many sayings of Confucius were known, but not included ill the Lun Yii, miy also be seen from the Doctrine of the Mean and from Mencius, from which one may at least surmise that the latter books were not in the hands of our editors when the Luii Yu was compiled. Cf Mencius II Pt I. ii. 1 8 with Analects XI. i ； and 19 with Analects VII. 2 and 33 ； IvI. II. I. vii. 2 with A. IV. i ； M. 11. II. XIII. I with A. XIV. 37 ； M. III. I. ii. 2 with A. II. 5 ； and iv. 11 with A. VIII. 18, 19 ； M. Ill, II. vii, 3 with A. xvii. i ； M. IV. I, xiv. I with A. XI. 16 ； and XV. 2, with A. II. 10; M. IV. II. xxix. 2 with A. VI. 9 ； M. V. II. vii. 9 with A. X. 13 ； M. VII. II. xxxvii. i. 2. 8 with A. V. 21, Xril. 21 and XVII. 13. Cf also the Great Learning, Commentary, cap. IV with A. XII. 13, and X. 1 5 with A. IV. 3. Also the Mean, cap. iii with A. VI. 27 ； and cap. xxviii. 5 with A. III. 24.
In conclusion, then, we may say that the Lun Yii con- tains many valuable sayings of Confucius, as also of his disciples, that they were probably left on record by some of his immediate disciples, and edited in their present form by disciples of Tseng Tzu and Yu Tzu near the middle of the fifth century B. C.， that it contains the most authentic account of the Sage's character that is in existence, and that it throws invaluable light on his own life and teaching, on the cliaracter of his disciples, and on the generation in which he lived, which he also faithfully sought to renovate.
III. THE ANALECTS.
73
Various Readings Noted by Ch'eng Hsu an, 鄭玄、
II. I. 拱 for 共 ； 8, II for 饌 ； ig 措 for 錯 ； 23, Omit 也 in 十世可 知也、 in. /, a full stop after 也； 2i 主 for 社、 IV. lo, 敵 for 適、 and J£ for 莫、 V. 2i, full stop after /J、 子、 VI. ；, omit ^fj 吾、 VII. 小 —晏 for 燕 ； 34, omit 病、 IX. g, 脊 for 冕、 XL 25, 價 for 撰、 and 饋 for 歸、 XIII. 3， 于 往 for 迂； 18， 弓 for 躬、 XIV. 3" 謗 for 方； 34， omit 爲 after 何、 XV. I, * 艮 for 糧、 XVI, I, 封 for the last 邦、 XVII. I, 饋 for 歸； 24， m for 徼、 XVIII. 4> m for 歸； 8, 诛 for
74
IV.— Works on the Analects.
There have been three great schools of commentators on the Classics. The first was that of the Han 漢 dynasty, the second that of the Sung 宋、 and the third that of the present Ch'ing 淸 dynasty. The earliest commentator of all was K'ung An Kuo ^'L 安 國、 B. C. 140-150, the head of the Confucian family when certain of the Classics were recovered from the wall of the K'ung house. Though his work on the Analects was lost, traces of it arc found in the works of the commentators who followed him. The more noted of An Kuo's successors was Pao Hsien. 包 咸 A. D. 25, Ma Yung 馬 融、 A. D. 130, and his contemporary Cheng Hsiian 鄭 玄 (字 康 成)、 But the principal work of this, the Han dynasty, in the time of the " Three Kingdoms," was that of the five scholars and ministers of the Kingdom of Wei 魏 、 the chief of whom was Ho Yen 何 一晏、 by whose name the publication is generally known. This work, the Lun Yii Chi Chieh, 論 語 集 解、 embodied the labours of all predecessors, and is in existence and regular use to the present day. This then is the higlily valuable bequest made by the Han school to posterity.
In the dynasties that followed other commentators arose, the result of whose efforts was embodied in the works of Huang K'an 皇 f)jt、 published in the sixth century, under the title of Lun Yii Su 論 語 疏、 All preceding works however were overshadowed by the scholarship of the
IV. WORKS ON THE ANALECTS.
75
Sung dynasty. This appeared first in the Imperial edition, published soon after A. D. 1000， edited by Hsing P'ing 幵 p 禹-、 that part of it relating to the Analects being known as the I.iin Yu Cheng I 語 正義、 But very soon afterwards the prince of Chinese commentators arose ill the person of Chu Ilsi 朱熹、 whose voluminous writings and commentaries, composed during the twelfth century, are the crown of China's scholarship. His inter- pretation of the Analects, despite the many attacks that have since been made thereon, has been accepted as orthodoxy from his day to our own. I lis three works on the Analects are the Liin Yii Chi I， 論 語 集義、 the Lun Yii C!ii Chu, 論語集 註、 and the Lun Yii Huo Wen 論 語 或 問、
As an instance, however, of the zeal with which the various interpretations of Chutzu have been debated the following amusing incident is recorded. Li Cho VVu 李 卓 吾、 an erratic scholar of the sixteenth century, who afterwards turned Buddhist, is said to have been so annoyed with Chu-tzu's views, that he had a wooden image made of the great commentator, with hand outstretched palm upwards. This he placed in his study and many times a clay (iid he relieve his ire, when angered by Chu's inter- pretations, by beating with a ruler the Innd of the un- conscious ima'i^e, clemandiiiGC liow he, Chu, bad dared to l)ut such mistaken ideas before the world ！
The third school of interpreters belongs to the present dynasty, and reached its climax in the works of Mao Cli'i rjng 毛 奇 齢 、 whose nomnie cle plume was Hsi Ho 西 河、 His works, the Hsi Ho Ch'iian Chi 西 河 全 集、
76
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
were published in the seventeenth century in 80 volumes, half of which treat on t1ie Classics, and half on other subjects. His views on the Classics often traverse those of Chutzu, to whom he is vigorously antagonistic.
Thus then we have four great exponents for the three principal periods, Ho Yea for the Han, Cheng Hsiian and Chu Hsi for the Sung, and Mao Hsi Ho for the present dynasty.
The following' are the titles of the principal Chinese commentaries now in use : ―
1. 十三經 註疏； containing the expositions of Ho Yen and Cheng Hsiian. This is " the great repertory of ancient lore upon the Classics."
2. 論語集 ii> The expositions of Chutzu, published in the twelfth century. It is the standard of orthodox interpretation.
3. 毛西 河先生 全集、 TJie Complete Works of Mao Hsi Ho, referred to in the preceding sections.
4. 四 書遵註 合講、 commonly known as the 合 講、 This, which was published in 1730 by 翁 復、 gives Chutzu's Commentary, contains much useful information, is in general vogue, and considered superior to the next which resembles it. It is the volume most used in the present translation.
5. 新 增 四窨補 註附考 備旨、 known in brief as the 備 g\ It was published in 1770 by ff) 林、 and is in regular use.
6. 四 書朱子 本義薩 參、 known for short as the 薩 參、 and in general use amongst students. As the title shews it gives the commentary of Chutzu and compares
IV. WORKS ON THE ANALECTS.
77
it with the work of other commentators. It was published in 1745 by 王 步 靑、
7- 四書昧 根錄、 usually known as the 味 极、 It was published in 1852 by 金 激 a Cantonese, surveys the whole field of previous interpretation, especially that of the present dynasty, and like the two last is much thought of and widely read.
8. 皇 淸 經 解、 1829. A work in 1400 sections, containing inter alia most of iMao Hsi Ho's publications on the Classics.
9. 四書 經註集 證、 1798, by 注廷機 "The research in all matters of Geography, History, Biography, Natural History is immense."
10. 日講 書 義 解、 1677, prepared by members of the Hanlin College for daily teaching.
II 四 書據餘 說、 1795， by 曹 之 升、 contains an introduction to each of the Four Books, and a discussion of difficult passages.
12. 四 書諸儒 輯耍、 1718， by 李沛 霖、
13. 四 書翼註 論文、 reign of Chien Lung, 乾 隆、 by 張 甄 陶、
14. 繪圖四 書速成 新 體 讀 本、 I905. An illustrated version of the 卜' our Books in Mandarin, for use ill Primary Schools. An interesting work, follows the accepted interpretation. If revised would be useful to the European Student.
15. \% 黨 圖 考、 1761. An illustrated examination of the tenth book of the Analects by 江 永、 containing also his life of Confucius.
16. 四書釋 地 ； 四害釋 地續； 四書 etc. 又
78
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
續 ； 四 書 etc. 三 續、 169S and later, by 閻 若 據、 are treatises on the topography of the Four Books.
17. 孔 子 家語、 The " Family Sayings " of Con- fucius, or more correctly, the sayings of the School of Confucius. 1 he oiigiiial copy is said to have been found ill the wall of Confucius' house, along with other works, 13. C. 1 50 or thereabouts, a statement manifestly untrue.
18. 聖 Jfj 已典圖 考、 1828, gives particulars of all the individuals sacrificed to in the Confucian Temple, etc.
19. 文廟 T 祭譜、 iS68. The Hymn, music and postu rings etc. used at the Spring and Autumn sacrifices.
20. 史 言己、 by 司 馬 變、 Gives an account of Con fucius and his disciples in chapters 47, 67, and 121.
Translations of the Analects.
Confucius Sinarum Philosophus ； by Intorcetta and others 1687.
The Works of Confucius ； Vol I ； by J. Marshman. 1809. The Four Books, by David Colli 二 L.M.S. 1828, The CHINESE CLASSICS, by Dr. Lcggc, LIS. 1861. CURSUS LITIERATURAE SINICAE. by Perc
Angelo Zottoli. S. J. 1879. Les Quatres Livres, in French and Latin, by Pere S.
Coiivreur. S. J. 1895. • The Discourses and Sayings of Confucius, by Ku Hung
Ming. M.A. 1898.
79
V. 一 Disciples MQution^d in th(2 Analects
Alphabetically arranged.
1. CH'EN K'ANG, style Tzu K'ang, or Tzil Ch(m. 陳 It 、字 子冗、 or 子 禽、 A native of Ch'6n 陳、 It is recorded that when his brother died, liis brother's wife and steward proposed to immolate some living persons to serve liiin in the shades. On Tzd K'aiig suggesting that none were better fitted for that office than the wife and steward themselves nothing more was heard of the matter. He is referred to in 1. lO ; XVI. 13 ； XIX. 2$.
2. CH'I-TIAO K'AI, style Tzu K<ai, Tzu Jo, or Tzu Hsiu. 泰雕開 、字 子開、 子若、 or 子 修、 A native of Ts'ai 蔡、 or Lu @、 V. 5.
3. CH'IN CHANG, or Lao. 琴 張 or 老、 style Tzu Chang 子 張 or Tzu K'ai 子開、 A native of Wei 衛、 All else that is known of hini is found in IX. 6.
4. CHUNG YU, style TZU LU. 仲由、 字子路 or 季路、 A native of Pien 卞 in Lu @、 and nine years younger than Confucius. He was a man of bold and intrepid character, sometimes rebuking, sometimes rebuked by his Master, with whom his age permitted greater intimacy than the other disciples. Sometime in successful command of P*ii 蒲 in Wei 衛、 At their first interview Confucius asked him of what he was most fond " My long sword," he promptly replied. " If,，， said Confucius, you were to add culture to your present ability, would you not be a much superior man ？ ，' " Of what advantage
奢
80 THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
would learning be to me ？ ，， sceptically asked Tzii Lu. " On the southern hill is a bamboo, straight by nature and that needs no bending. If you cut it down and use it, it will pierce the hide of a rhinoceros, 一 what need is there of learning ？ " " Yes," said the Master, "but if you notch and feather it, barb and sharpen it, will it not penetrate much deeper ？ " Tzu Lu bowed twice paying reverence and submitting himself to the Master's teaching. Confucius was wont to say, " From the time that I obtained Yu, ill words no longer reached my ears." As foretold by the Sage he did not die a natural death. When K'uai Wai 蔵 《簣、 father of Duke Ch'u 出、 asserted himself against his son to obtain his ducal rights, Tzd Lu was in the service of Chu's minister K'ung K'uei 孔 悝、 K'uai Wai succeeded in entering the city during Tzu Lu's absence. Ch'u escaped, but K'ung Kuei was still within the city, where K'uai Wai, under pretext of gaining him over, was seeking his death. Tzu 1m hastening back to the city met Tzu Kao 子煞、 who informed him of Chu's escape, and urged liim to follow suit along with himself. Learning that his Master was still in danger he remarried, 食其食 者不避 其難、 "He who eats a man's food may not go back on him in his hour of peril," and forthwith advanced to his Master's defence. Successful in obtaining an entrance to the city he sought to save 】iim, but was attacked and mortally wounded. His cap string having been severed by the blow, be calmly re-tied it saying, " A man of honour does not doff his helmet to die." 君子死 而冠 不免、 n. 17 ; V. 6, 7, 13, 25 ； VI. 6, 26 ； VII. lo. i8, 34 ； IX. 1 1, 26 ； X. 1/ ； XI. 2, II, 12, 14, 1 7, 21, 23,
V. DISCIPLES MENTIONED IN THE ANALECTS. 8 1
24, ； XII. 12 ； XIII. I, 3, 28 ； XIV. 13, i;, 23, 38, 41,
45 ； XV. I, 3 ； XVI. I ； XVII. 5, 7, 8, 23 ； XVIII. 6,
5. CHU YUAN, style Po Yu. 遽 J.f 、字 伯玉、 An officer in Wei with whom Confucius had lodged, and in whom he found a friend and a disciple. XIV. 26. XV. 6.
6. FAN HSU, i. e. Fan Ch(ih, style Tzu Ch'ih. 樊 須 oi- 樊 遲、 字 子遲、 A native of ClVi 齊 or Lu, 36 or
46 years junior to Confucius. " When young he dis- tinguished himself in a military command under the Chi 季 family." II. 5. VI. 20 ； XII. 2i, 22 ； XIII. 4, 19.
7. FU PU CH'I, style Tzu Chien. 伏 （1念、 1$ or 密） 不齊、 字子 賤、 A native of Lu, and 30, 40, or 49 years junior to Confucius. Had command of Tan Fu 單 父、 where he succeeded without effort though his prede- cessor 巫子期 had only succeeded with great labour. Asked by the latter his secret he replied, " I employ the men ； you employ their strength." V. 2.
8. JAN CH'IU, style Tzu Yu, 冉求、 字 子有、 A native of Lu, related to the two next, and of same age as Chung Kung (No. 10), i. e. 29 years junior to Confucius. Noted for his versatility and varied acquirements, but not always approved by his Master. He was the means of his Master's recall from exile. III. 6 ; V. 7 ; VI. 3, 6, 10 ; VII. 14 ； XI. 2， 12, 1 6, 21, 23. 25 ； XIII. g, 13, 14; XVI. I.
9. JAN KENG, style Po Niu, or Pai Niu. 冉 耕、 字 伯牛 or 白 牛、 Also of Lu. Seven years junior to Confucius, and appointed by his influence to Chung tu 中 都、 formerly held by Conf. himself. VI. 6 ； XI. 2.
10. JAN YUNG, style Chung Kung. 冉雍、 字仲 弓、 Also of Lu. Twenty nine years junior to Confucius.
82
THE ANALECTS ： INTKODUCTION.
His father was a man of mean character. Related to the two last. V. 4 ； VL i, 4 ； XL 2 ； XII. 2.
11. JU PEI, 孺悲、 A native of Lu, said to have studied deportment under the Sage ； also to have given such offence to him that he refused to receive him, or, ― was it a lesson in 禮 ？ XVII. 20.
12. KAO CH'AI, style Tzu Kao. 高柴、 字子 煞、 or 季 煞 (皐 .or 畢）、 a native of Ch'i 齊 or Wei 衛、 and thirty (or forty) years junior to Confucius, " dwarfish and ugly, but of great worth and ability." When criminal judge ill Wei duty compelled him to cut off a man's feet, who nevertheless afterwards saved his life when fleein;^" from the State. Confucius praised him as being able to administer justice without inspiring resentment. XL 24.
13. KUNG-HSI CEi'IH, style Tzu Hua, 公 西 赤、 字 子華、 A native of Lu, forty two years junior to Con- fucius, and noted specially for his knowledge of rites and ceremonies. V. 7 ； VI. 3 ； VII. 3 3 ； XI. 2 1, 25.
14. KUXG YEH CH'ANG, or Chih, style Tzu Ch'ang or Chili. 公冶長 01' 芝、 字 子長、 or 子芝、 A native of Lu or Ch'i 齊、 and son-in-law to Confucius. V. I.
15. KUNG PO LI AO, style Tzu Chou, 公 伯 寮、 宇 子 周、 Known only for bis slandering Tzu Lu. XIV. 38.
16. K'UNG LI, style Po Yu, 孔 鲤、 字 伯 魚、 Son of Confucius. Little is known of him except th it he re- ceived his name in consequence of the present of a Carp, Li, ^ to his father by Duke Chao on his birth, and the incidents recorded in XL 7 ； XV J. 【3 ； and XVII. 10.
V. DISC{PLES MENTIONED IN 'THE ANAlJiCTS. 83
17. \AN FANG, style Tzu Ch'iu. 林 放、 字 子 邱、 A native of Lu. All th it is known of him is found in III 4,6.
18. MIN SUNT, style Tzu Ch'ie'd, 10 損、 字 子籍、 A native of Lu. By one account he is made fifteen, by another fifty years ^ younger than the Sage. Noted for purity and filial affection. VI. 下'、 XI. 2, 4， 1 2, 【3.
19. NAN-KUNG KUA, or NAN YUNG, style Tzii Vunj 南 宮 栝 （适 or |g)， 字 子容、 Nan-kung Kua and N la Yung are supposed to be the same person, and if so it was lie to whom Confucius gave his elder brother's daughter in m irriige. Once when the palace of Duke Ai 哀 was on fire, while others thought only of saving the pelf, he bent his energies to saving the library, thus pre- serving the Chou Li, and other ancient monuments. V. I ; XL 5 ; XIV. 6.
20. PU SHANG, style TZU HSI A. 卜 商、 宇 子夏、 The " Family Sayings '， says he was a n itive of Wei 衛、 Forty four years junior to Confucius. When his son died he wept liimself blind, but lived to a great age, presenting copies of the classics to Prince Wen of Wei in B. C. 406. An exact scholar and widely read, but not of wide calibre. I. 7； 11. 8 ； III. 8. VI. 1 1 ; XI. 2, 1 5 ; XII. 5, 22 ； XIII. i6; XIX. 1-13.
21. SHEN CH'KNG, style Chou. 申 极 （黨、 儻、 or 堂)、 字 周 (or 續）、 Left no certain trace behind him, it even being doubtful whether the names here given are all his or not. What can be really known must be gathered from V. 10.
22. SSU-MA KENG, style Tzu Niu, 司 IfJ 耕、 字
84
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
子牛、 A native of Sung 宋、 and brother of Huan T'ui, VII. 22, the officer who sent his men to pull down the tree by the roadside, where Confucius was giving his dis- ciples a lesson. XII. 3, 4, 5.
23. TAN-T'AI MIEH-MING, or Tzu Yu, 澹臺滅 明、 字 子 羽、 Like Tseng Tzil he was a native of VVu Ch 'eng 武 城、 He was so ugly that Confucius was not attracted to him, and is recorded as havin; said afterwards, —"In judging by appearances I erred in regard to Tzu Yii." Followed by about three hundred disciples he travelled in what is modern Kiangsu, where his memory still remains. This seems to have happened during the Sage's lifetime. He was 39 or 49 years younger than the Sage. VI. 12.
24. TSAI Ytr, style TZU WO, 宰予、 字子 我、 A native of Lu ； for a time in command of Lin Tzu 臨蕴 in the State of Ch'i. There he took part in a rising which caused Confucius to be ashimed of him. Confucius re- marked of him '' In judging by mere speech I erred in regard to Tsai Yu." See last entry. V. 9 ； XVII. 2i.
25. TSENG SHEN, i. e. TSENG TZU, style Tzu Yu. 曾參 i. e. 曾子、 字 子輿 or 子 與、 A native of Wu Ch'eng 武 城 ill Lu. Sent by his father in his i6th year into the State of Ch(u 楚 to Confucius, to whom he was 46 years the junior. He is one of the most famous of the Master's disciples. According to Tzu Kung he was of wide learning, of prepossessing appearance, of dignified bearing before even the noblest, of solid virtue and im- pressive speech. His love for his parents was noted from childhood. Once when he was on the hills gathering fuel
V. DISCIPLES MENTIONED IN THE ANALECTS. 85
his mother greatly needed him, and in default of any other vvay of summoning him had recourse to biting her finger. So sensitive was he to parental influence that feeling pain, he hurried home to see what was the matter. Such was his filial love that every time he read the mourning rites he was moved to tears. He composed the Classic of Filial Piety 孝 經、 probably under the direction of his Master. He also edited and commented on the Great Learning, and is said to have coaipjsecl ten books of the Li Chi. I. 4, 9; IV. 15 ； VIII. 3, 4， 5, 6, 7： XL 17； XII. 24 ； XIV. 28.
26. TSENG TIEN, style Hsi. 曾 歲 (or 點）、 字 暂、 father of the last named. XI. 25.
2；. TSO CH'IU MING, 左 丘明、 has his tablest with those of the disciples in the Confucian temple, but he is generally considered to bs a predecessor rather than a follower of the Sage. V. 24.
28. TUAN-MU T'zTj, style TZU KUNG 端 木 賜、 字 子 貢 or 子 養、 A native of Wei 衛、 3 1 years younger than Confacius. Said to have risen from poverty to affluence through success in business. An able man, possessed of such diplomatic ability that he is credited with saving Lu from the more powerful State of Ch'i. He was devoted to his Master, by whose grave side he re- mained for three years with the other disciples, and another three years after they had returned to their affairs. He was in commmd of Hsi a Yang for a time, and in later life in office in Lii, Wei nnd Ch'i. I. 10, i 5 ； II, i3 ； III. 17 ； V. 3, 8, II, 12, 13； VI. 6， 28 ； VII. 14； IX 6, 12； XI. 2, 12, 15, i8 ； XII. 7, 8 ； XIII. 20, 24 ； XIV. i8, 31, 37;
XV. 2, 9, 23 ； xvri. 19, 24； XIX. 20 25.
86
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
29. TUAN-SUN SHIH, style TZU CHANG, 願 孫 師、 字 子 張、 A native of Ch'en 陳、 48 junior to Con- fucius. Well spoken of by Tzu Kutig for his liumility and diligence. 11. 18, 23 ； V. i8 ； XL 15, 17, 19 ； XII. 6, 10， 14， 20; XLV. 43; XV. 5, 41 ； XVII. 6; XIX. I, 2, 3， 15. 16; XX. 2. •
30. TZU-FU CHING-PO. 子 服 景 伯、 an officer of \m, and counted a disciple of the S.igc. Nothing is known of him save what is recorded in XIV. 38 and X'lX, 23.
3f. WU-MASHIH, style Tzu Ch'i. 巫馬施 、字子 旗、 A native of Cli'en 陳 or Lu, and 30 years junior to Confucius. See No. 7 Fu P'u Ch'i. VII. 30.
32. YEN HUI, or YEN YUAN, style Tzu Yiian, 顏 囘 or 淵、 字 f 淵、 He was the favorite disciple of Confucius, and son of the next, who himself had been one of the Sage's pupils. He was a native of Lu, 30 years junior to his Master, and apparently an unostentatious student, whose virtue lay not so much in speech as in putting into practise bis Master's teaching. At 29 he is said to have been white haired through liard study ； at 32 he died, and Confucius mourned him as much, or more than his own son. II. 9 ; V. 8 ; 25 ; VI. 2, 5,9; VII. 10 ； IX. i〇， 19, 20 ； XI. 2, 3， 6, 7, 8, 9， lo, 18, 22 ； XII. I ； XV, lo.
33. YEN WU YAO, style Lu, 顔 無 縣、 宇 路、 father of the above. XL 7.
34. YEN YEN, style TZU YU, 言偃、 字 子游、 A mtive of Wu 吳、 45 years 3-0 linger than Confucius, and distinguished lor his literary acquirements. When in command of \Vu Ch'eng 武 城 he reformed the people by the use of |卺 樂、 the arts of civilisation, receiving the
V. DISCIPLES MENTIONED IN THE ANU.EmS
87
commendations of his Master. When asked by tlie noble, Chi K'ang 季康、 why the death of Confucius Iiad not caused a sensation . in Lu like that of Tzii Ch'an in Cheng 鄭 V. 15, when everybody laid aside his orna- ments, and weeping was heard for three months, he said, " The influences of Tzu Ch'an and niy Master might be compared to those of an overflow of water and the fatten- ing rain. Wherever the water in its overflow readies, men take note of it, while the fattening rain fa 11?^ un- observed." II. 7 ； IV. 26； VL 12; XL 2 ； XVII. 4 ； XIX. 12, 14, 15.
35. YU JO, style TZU YU， or Tza Jo, alias YU TZU, 有 若、 字 子 若、 A native of Lu, and 43 years junior to the Sage. Noted for his good memory and love of antiquity. In voice and appearance lie so resembled Con- fucius that after the death of the latter the disciples proposed to put liiin in the Master's place. Known also as Yii Tzu, 有 子、 the Philosopher Yu al ready referred to in the Introduction, whose disciples along with those of Tseng Tzu are credited with the compilation of tlie Analects. I. 2, 1 2, 1.3. XII. 9.
35. YUAN HSIEN, style Yuan Ssu, or Tzu Ssu, 原 憲 or 原 思、 字 子 思、 A native of Sung, 宋 or Lu, nr,d junior to Confucius by 36 years. Noted for piuity and modesty, and for happiness in the observance ot* his Master's principles despite deep poverty. VI. 3 ； XiY, i.
LIST OF ABOVE AS NAMED IN ANALECTS.
Ch'ai No. (see above) 1 2. Chang
29.
O O *T*TT"C*
OO THt
•lis 丄 KUUUi-^ilL^JN,
Ch'en Kang ...
I.
Shang
… 20.
Ch'en Tzu Ch'in
... I .
Shen
… 25.
Cli'eng
... 2 1.
Shen Ch'eng ...
... 21.
Chi Lu
… 4-
Shih
… 29.
Ch'i-tiao K'ai ...
... -2.
. Ssu-Ma Niu ...
... 22.
Ch'ih
... 13.
Tien
... 26.
Ch'iu
... 8
Tsai Wo
… 24.
Chung Kung …
… lO.
Tsai Yu
... 24.
Chung Yu
… 4-
Tseng Tzu …
… 25-
Fan Ch'ih
... 6.
Tseng Hsi . , .
... 26.
Fan Hsu
… 6.
Tzu Chang ...
-.. 29
Hsien.
… 36.
Tzu Chien
Hui
… 32.
Tzu Ch'in
... I
Jan Ch'iu
... 8.
Tzu Hsia
… 20.
Jan Po Nil! ...
… 9.
Tzu Hua
... 13-
Jan Tzu
... 8.
Tzu Kao
... 12.
Jan. Yu
... 8.
Tzu Kung 。
… 28.
Ja Pci
... II.
Tzu Lu
。-. 4-
Kung-hsi Hua ...
… 13.
Tzu Yu
… 34-
Kung Yell Ch'oiig
- ... 14.
Tz'u
… 28.
Lao
… 3-
Wu-Ma Ch'i ...
… 31
Li
... i6.
Yen
… 34-
Lin Fang
… 1；.
Yen Hui
… 32.
Mill Tzu
... i8.
Yen Lu
… 33-
Mill Tzu. Ch'ien
… i8.
Yen Yu ... ...
… 34'
Nan-Kung Kua
… 19-
Yen Yuan
… 32.
Nan Yung ...
... ig.
Yu
… 4-
Po Niu
… g.
Yu Jo
… 35
Po Yu ... ...
… i6.
Yu Tzu
… 35
Yung.. Yii ..
V. DISCIPLES MENTIONEI) IN THE ANALECTS.
19. Yuan Ssu 24.
89 36.
PLACES OF PRINCIPAL DISCIPLES IN TEMPLE.
E
w
子思子
顔子 p
0 位
曾 子
s 子
5
2
0
£8 IO 28
+ 屮
20 35
6 寸 S S 寸 f 6z
^ ^ * ^ 謹 ^
90
VI. ― Chronological Tables,*
B. C.
2852. Fu Hsi 伏 義氏、 or Pao Hsi 鹿 羲氏、
Dynastic title, T'ai Hao, 太 吴 2737. Shen Nung 祌 農 氏、 or Lieh Shan 烈 山 氏、
Dynastic title, Yen Ti,
炎
帝、
2697.
Hsien Yuan 軒 賴氏、 or Yu Hsiung 有
熊
氏、
Dynastic title, Huang Ti,
黃
帝、
2597-
Chin T'ien 金 天氏、
Dynastic title, Shao Hao,
少
吴
2513-
Kao Yang 高 陽氏、
Dynastic title, Chuan Hsu,
顋
項、
2435-
Kao Hsin 高 辛氏、
Dynastic title, Ti K'u,
帝
^^、
2365.
Dynastic title, Ti Chih,
帝
i、
2356.
YAO. 堯、 TaoT'ang 陶 唐氏、
Dynastic title, T'ang Ti Yao, 唐 帝
堯、
2255.
SHUN 舜、 Yu Yii 有 虞氏、
Dynastic title, Yu Ti Shun, 虞 帝
舜、
THE HSI A DYNASTY. 夏 紀、
2205. The Great YU, 大 禹、 or Hsia Hou 夏 后、 2197. Ch'i 啓、 2i88. T'ai K'ang 太 康、
2159. Chung K'ang. 2146, Hsiang 相、
仲 康、
* I am indebted to Mayer's Chinese Reader's Manual and to Legge'? Shu Ching and Ch'un Ch'iu for much in these Tables.
IV. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.
91
21 18, Interregnum of 40
years. 2057. Chu. 卞予、 20I4. Mang. 芒、 1980. Pu Chiang. 不 降、 IQOO. Chin. 魔、 1848. Kao. 皐、 i8i8. Chieh Kuei, 榮 努
T'ang, Founder of :
2079. Shao K'ang 少 康 、
2040. Huai. 槐、
1996. Hsieh. 泄、
192 1. Chiung. 屬、
1879. K'ung Chia. 孔 f]l ,
1837. Fa. 發、
the Tyrant overthrown by hang Dyn.
THE SHANG, 商、 or YIN 殷、 DYNASTY.
766.
753- 691.
649- 562.
534- 506.
465.
408.
401.
373-
324-
258.
219
194.
154.
CFPENG T'ANG. 成 湯、
T'ai Chia. 太 甲、 1720. Wu Ting. 沃 丁
T'ai Keng. 太 庚、. Yung Chi. 雍己、 Chung Ting. 仲 丁、 Ho Tan Chia. 河 壹 Tsu Hsin. 祖 辛、 Tsu Ting. 祖 丁、
1 666. Hsiao Chia. 小 甲、 1637. T'ai Mou. 太 戊、 1549. Wai Jen. 外 壬、 甲、 1525. Tsu I. 祖 乙、 1490. Wu Chia. 甲 ， 1433, Nan Keng. 南 庚、
Yang Chia. 陽 甲 、
P'an Keng, 盤 庚、 (changed dynastic title from Shang 商、 to Yin 殷、）
Hsiao Hsin. 小 辛， Wu Ting. 武 丁、 Tsu Chia. a 甲 、 Keng Ting. 庚 了 、 T'ai Ting. 太 丁 ，
1 352, Hsiao I. 小乙、 1265. Tsu Keng. 祖 庚、 1 225. Lin Hsin. 廩辛、 1198. Wu I. 武 乙、 II9I- Ti I. 帝 乙、 Chou Hsin, 紂 辛、 the Ty rant overthrown by Wu, Founder of Chou 周、 Dyn.
92
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
THK CHOU DYNASTY.
m 紀、
I 【22. I I 15
IO/8.
1052.
1 00 1.
946.
934- 909.
894. 878. 827. 781.
770.
719.
696.
68[.
676.
651
618.
612.
606.
585- 571' 544-
WU. 武、 Personal
name Fa 發、 Ch'eng. 成 王、 K'ang. 康 王、 Cliao. 昭 王、 Mu. 穆 王、 Kung. 共 王、
I. 懿 王、
Hsiao. 孝王、
J- 夷王、 '
Li. 厲 王、 Hsiian. 宣 王、 Vu. 幽 王、 775， Solar eclipse, aut- henticated. P'ing. 王、 Huan. 桓王、 Chuang. ^ 王 Hs?. 僖 王 、 Hui. 惠 王、 Hsiang. 襄 王、 Ch'iiig. 頃 王、 K'uang. 匿 王、 Ting. 定王、 Chien. 簡 王、 Ling. 靈 王、 Ching. 景 王、
- 、
BARONS of LU. . 魯、
*i 122. Duke Chou, or Wen.
周公、 文公、 1 1 15. Po Ch'in. 伯 禽、 io62. K'ao. 考 , I058. Yang. 揚、 I052. Yu. 幽、 Wei. 魏、
Li. 厲、
Hsien 獻、 Chen. 眞 、 Wu. 武、
Po Yu. 伯 御、
Hsiao. 孝、 Hui. 恵、 722. Yin. 隱 711. Huan. 桓、 693. Chuang. 莊、 66 i. Min. 関、 659. Hsi. 僖、 626. Wen. 文、 6o8. Hsiian. 宣、 590. Ch'eng. 成、 572. Hsiang. 襄、 541. Chao. 昭、
IV. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.
93
519.
475- 468. 440. 425.
401.
375-
368.
320. 314.
255.
Ching. 敬 王、 509. Yiian., 元 王、 494- Chen Ting. 貪 定 王、 46/-
K'ao. 考 王、
Wei Lieb. 威 烈王、
An. 安 王.、
Lieh. 烈 王、 Hsien. 顯 王、 Shell Ching.
愼 覿 王、 Nan, 赦王、 surrend- ered dominions to Ch'in. 秦、 Tung Chou Chiin, 東 周 君、 nominally reigned till 249.
430. 409.
376. 343-
Ting. 定、 Ai. 哀、 Tao. 悼、 Yiian. 元、
Mil. 穆、 Lu lost in- dependence. Kung. 共、 K'ang. 康、 Ching. 景、 P'ing. 年、
Wen. 文、
Giving, 頃、 deprived of title by King of Ch(u, 楚、 249.
THE CH'IN DYNASTY. 秦 紀、
255- Chao Hsiang Wang. 昭 襄 王、 250. Hsiao Wen Wang. 孝 文王、 249- Chuang Hsiang Wang. 莊 襄王、 246. Wang Cheng. 王政、
221. SHIH HUANG TI. 始 皇帝、 Title assumed by Prince Cheng 王 政、 on declaring himself " Ilie first Emperor " in 26th year of his reign.
^9. Erh sliih Huang.Ti. 二世 皇帝、
2o6, The HAN DYNASTY. 漢 紀、 Kao Ti, 高 帝、 or Kao 丁 su. 高 祖、
94
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS IN LIFE OF CONFUCIUS, AND LATER.
B. C.
800-729. Cheng K'ao Fu 正 考甫、 ancestor of Conf. 710. Murder of son of last, K'ung Fu Chia, 孔 父 嘉、 with whom name of K'ung 孔 、 began.
Mu Chin Fu, 木 金父、 Son of K'ung Fu Chia
Yi I, 舉 夷、 Grandson of K'ung Fu Chia.
Fang Shu, 防 叔、 son oflast^ He removed from Sung, 宋、 to Lu '魯、 '
Po Hsia, 伯夏、 son of Fang Shu. 625-549. cite. Shu Liang Ho 叔 梁 絵、 son of last
and Father of Conf. 551. 】 収 TH OF CONFUCIUS. 549. Death of his Father. 532. Married. Obtained office. 530 Commenced teaching. 529. Death of Mother. 523. Studied Music.
5 1 8. Heir oi Meng family became his pupil. Probably same year went to Imperial Capital, and inter viewed Lao tzu, if that interview really occurred. 517. Followed his Duke 昭、 to exile in Ch'i. 齊、 5 1 6. Returned to Lu. Fifteen years out of office. ■5C9. Duke 昭、 died in exile. Duke 定、 succeeded him.
501. Magistrate of Chung Tu 中都、 500. Minister of Crime. 大 司宼、
498. If ever Prime Minister, which is doubtful, it would be about this year.
IV, CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.
95
496. Piesent of Geishas from Wei 衞、 to IjU。
Retired from Lu to 1 3 years exile. 、
495. In Wei. Attacked in 医、 on way to、 宋、 In 鄭、 494- In 陳、 during three years.
492. Incident at P'u 蒲、 In Wei. To Yellow River, and Chin 晉、
491. To Ts'ai 蔡、 In distress and starvation on the way.
490. In Ts'ai, '
489. In She 葉、 and Ch'u 楚、
488. Back to Wei, 衛、
483. Recalled to Lu in his 69th year.
482. Death of son, Li |f 、
48 【. Death of Yen Hui 顔 囘、
480. Capture of ch'i ling 麒 麟、 Death of Tzu Lu
子 路、 力 479. DEATH OF CONFUCIUS, on nth day of 4th
month. ,
420. circ. Death at ？ 82 years of age of 孔 极、 K'ung Chi, i. e. 子 思 +、 Tzu^ Ssii Tzu,' son of Li '輕、 and grandson of Confucius. The 中 庸、 is attributed to him. By some the 大學、 is also ascribed to lum, by others to 曾 子、 who was born 506. The date 420 is uncertain. Mencius mentions '^l <S、 as in favour with Duke Mu of Lu in 408, in which case he must have been over 90 years of age. -
372-289. MENCIUS. In A D. 1083 he was made . Duke of Tsou 鄒 國 公、 and in i 330 Sub-
96
THE ANALEC TS ： INTRODUCTION.
sidiary Sage 亞龜 公、 Tomb at 鄒縣、 Shantung.
212. Burning of the Books by 始 皇 帝、. of the 秦、
dynasty.
206. 奏、 dynasty destroyed, and 漢、 dyn. set up. 195. Kao Ti 高 帝、 Founder of Han dyn. visited tomb
of Coiif , and sacrificed an ox 1 54. Recovery of Lun Yii and other books from wail of
Confs house. 孔 安 國、 K'ung An Kuo decip
hered and wrote a treatise on it. 104. Ssu-nia Ch'ien 司 馬遷、 published his 史言 己、
Historical Records. , 5. Death of 安昌侯 張 禹、 the Prince of An-
ch'ang, Chang Yii, who compared the various
copies of the Lun Yii, and settled the text.
A. D.
I. Conf. designated by Em p. 平 帝、" Duke Ni, the
all complete and illustrious.'' 25-57. Commentator Pao Hsien 包 咸、 57. Sacrifices to Confucius, (in association with the
Duke of Chou 周 公）， ordered to be offered in
all Colleges.
126- 144. Commentator Ma Yung 馬融、
127- 200. Commentator Cheng Hsiian. 鄭玄 》 175. Classics cut in stone slabs. . 240-248. Classics cut in stone slabs.
250. cii'c. Commentator Ho Yen 何 —晏、 and his Co- workers.
492. Conf. styled " The venerable Ni, the accomplished Sage." .
IV. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.
97
Commentator Huang K'an 皇 tR、
609, Confucian Temple separated from Duke of Chou's, after which one to Conf. was erected at every centre of learning.
645. Conf. styled " K'ung, the ancient Teacher, accom- plished and illustrious, all-complete, the perfect Sage." -
657. The last title was shortened to " K'ung, the ancient Teacher, the pei feet Sage," at which it remains.
836. Classics again cut in stone, the others having perished.
932 loio. Commentator PI sing Ping 那禺、 1 033-1107. „ Ch'eng TzLi 程 子 |5^、 and
his elder brother 孑 景頁、
1130-
1200.
Commentator
Chu Tzu 朱嘉、
i623-
Mao Chi Ling 毛 奇齡、
1730-
The
四 書
遵 註
合講、 published.
1745.
The
四 書
經 註
集 證、 ，，
1761.
The
鄕 黨
圖 考，
, published.
1779-
The
四 書
If 註
附考 備旨、 published.
1829.
The
皇 淸
經 解，
, published.
1852.
The
四 書
味 根
錄 、 ] ublished.
1861.
Dr
Leg-ge ，；
S translation of The Chinese Classics.
Vol
. I.
1905. The Illustrated Four Books published in Mandaiin. 給圈 四書速 成新體 讀本、 Asignofthe times ！
igoy. The Highest sacrifices ordered by the Kir, press Dowager, ranking Conf. no longer with the Sun. - but with Heaven and Earth, ar.cl therefore with
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
Shang Ti. Another sign of the times ！ him that readeth understand."
99
VII. 一 Geography of China in the times of Confucius.
China during the Confucian period may be said to have been confined within the borders of a parallelogram, whose northern line ran somewhere near the Great Wall, (built circ. B. C. 214) ； whose eastern line was the sea coast ； whose southern was the Yangtze, and whose western was the borders of Kansub and Ssuch'uan. The coast seems to have been little known, and with the exception of the wilds of the Shantung Promontory, was probably a great stretch of unreclaimed marshy land.
Surrounding this territory dwelt many indigenous tribes, to the east and north-east the 1 夷； to the north the Ti 狄 ； to the south the Man 蠻 ； and to the west the Jung 戌、 With numerous branches of these tribes the Chinese were in constant communication, either by way of peaceful barter and exchange of commodities, or with weapons of warfare.
The Empire was divided into many States, which had varied in number in different periods from, it is said, 1800 in the early days of the Chou Dynasty, to 1 24 shortly before our Sage's advent, and to a nominal " seventy tw o " during his lifetime. Most of them were exceedingly small, often little more than a town and its suburbs. The following list gives the names of the more powerful of these States, approximately in the order of their strength.*
* See Giles' Dictionary p. 1374, and ihe 皇淸經 解、
1 WW
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
STATE.
PROVINCE.
CAPITAL.
MODERN.
齊 Ch'i
山隶
N
營 ftR .
靑 州府、 昌樂 or
臨溜縣
晉 Chfn
山西
S
唐
卒腸府 翼城縣
秦 Ch'in
陝西.
、廿肅
秦
秦州 淸水縣
楚 Ch'u
ii 北
丹陽 w
宜昌府 歸州縣
,, s
荆州府 江陵 or
枝江縣
iat Yen
/"、
[g 隸
Mi '
順天府 大興 or
州縣
衛 Wei
河南
N
朝歌
衛輝府 fft 縣
魯 Lu
山東
S
曲阜
究州府 曲阜驟
宋 Sung
河南
E
商邱
歸 fi 府 商邱縣
陳 Ch'en
河南
SE
？ 宛邱
陳州府 and 縣
蔡 Ts'ai
河南
S
上蔡、 新蔡
汝 篮府、 上蔡
and 新蔡縣
鄭 ChSng
陝西
鄭
同州府 萌州
曹 Tsao
山東
sw
陶邱
曹州府 定陶縣
ffi Ch'i
河南
E
雍邱
開封府 祀縣
M Chu
山東
E
鄒
究州府 鄒縣
薛 Hsieh
山東
E
薛
究州府 • 膝縣
山東
NE
—If-
州 ft M'm
吳 Wu
江蘇
梅里
常州) § 無錫縣
蘇州府 and 縣
越 Yueh
浙 fl
？
？
The Royal
demesne was in modern
Honan, and its
Capital was
Loll
洛、 or Loh I 洛
邑 、 in modern
Honanfu.
In theory, the barons who ruled these States were all subject to the Emperor. In fact, as already shewn, they
VII. ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY.
lOI
were independent and constantly intrigued aiid ib ught to obtain each other's territory. P、o， this 'aniOiigst 'otlei reasons no map can be anything but approximate, for the boundaries of the States were constantly changing.
The population was small and widely scattered, for instance, the three chief towns of Wei, after an incursion of the wild tribes in the 7th century B. C.， only numbered a total of 5000 souh, (Legge, Ch'un Ch'iu Intro, p. 1 27), and it is estimated that the whole Empire in the days of Confucius numbered but some thirteen millions of people.
Barter was the medium of commerce, pieces c f cloth being the principal standard of exchange. The language was more ok* less homogeneous, and was evidently stronger in the possession of final gutturals, labials, and dentals than is the case with modern northern Chinese, which has probably suffered from the dominating influence of its Northern invaders, possibly from the tribes that were absorbed, and most of all from the eroding influences of time. Both in dress, language and manners the early Chinese differed totally from their ' indigenous ' neigh- bours. Furs, silk, linen, and perhaps woollen or felt formed the principal articles of clothing. In their do- mestic arrangements, houses built of brick, or of clay rammed hard, and with tiled roofs were in existence, but chairs had not yet been invented, and the people sat low down on mats as do the Japanese to this day. e、 Books were cumbrous, being made from slips of bamboo, and the art of mapping had not yet been discovered, at least no map has come down to our days.
I02
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
The principal river was the Yellow River, which ac- cording to Di*. -Chalmers' map in Dr. I-egge's Ch'un Ch'iu, emptied itself into the Gulf of Pecbili in the neigh- bourhood of its present embouchure, north of the Shantung Promontory. According to the map given in the 四 書 合 講、 it debouched into the Yellow Sea south of the Promontory, but this map was composed during the long period when the river pursued its southerly course, and what real evidence there is confirms Dr. Chalmers' view. It is reasonable to believe that it was the north-western arm of this great river which the Chinese pioneers struck on their entry into China, and it is certain that along its banks they had their early expansion. Hence to the ancient Chinese it was par excellence The River, and to them no other distinctive name was necessary. The Yangtze was then but little known, as it ran through a country for the most part unoccupied. Indeed the smaller streams of northern and eastern China were of greater importance than the mighty River whose magni- tude today dwarfs all others to comparative insignificance. Of the smaller rivers the Wei and its tributary the Ching in Shensi, the Loh and Wei, and the tributaries of the Han and Huai in Honan, the Fen and the Ch'in in Shansi, the Chang in Chihli and the Chi in Shantung were among the most important. -
The unoccupied country was either a swamp, or covered with forests in which tigers, leopards, bears and wolves, probably also the rhinoceros, the elephant, various kinds of saurians, and many other species of wild creatures, some of them now extinct, found their habitation.
VII. ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY.
103
For the map which accompanies this volume the Author is indebted to the kindness of the Rev. G. D. Wilder, whose 鑑史輯 要圖說 should be in every student's library.
Vlir — Terminology,
There are certain terms of frequent occurrence for which it is impossible to find an exact connotation in English suitable for use throughout. To save burdening the notes with unnecessary repetition the following explan- ations are given, and to these the student is requested to refer as occasion may demand.
JEN' (cf fi). Composed of 人 ' man ， and 二
man to his fellows ； in other words, a man of 仁 considers others as well as himself In general it may be translated by Virtue, the root of each being 人 vir, and both words representing man at his best. Its synonyms are humanity, humaneness, generosity, altruism, charity, kindness, etc. Confucius defines it in XII. 22 by 愛人 love to men. Chutzu defines it in I. 3 : 仁者 愛之理 心 之 徳 也、 is the law of iove (charity), the virtue of the heart. The 四 書合講 in the same place says 仁 者德之 全體、 It is the perfect embodiment of virtue, ― for it includes all jhe other viitues, equity, reverence, and wisdom, 仁包義 禮 智、 In another place IV. 3 Chutzu says 仁 者 J[£ 私 '心、 The jen are free from selfishness. He also says 仁者 人也、 It means * man,' i. e. the whole duty of man. Again 以 己及物 仁也、 To put yourself in another's place is jen. Again 愛 人仁之 施、 Love is the extension (exhibition) of jen. The
two,' indicating the right relationship of one
VIII. TERMINOLOGY.
following are other definitions : 仁 名： 安 於 篛 ；^"|| [if[ji 厚重 不遷； 仁以理 言通乎 上下； 仁 则 私 欲 盡去而 心 徳 之 全也； 仁 则 心 徳 之 全 而 人道之 備也； 仁忍也 好生惡 殺善合 忍也； 仁者 人也人 之行也 仁者親 lit 仁
者兼愛 故於文 A 二 爲仁； 惻 隱 之心仁 之 端 也； 仁 者天地 生物之 心 得 之最先 所 謂元 者善之 長也； 仁之 實事親 tlL ； 仁 推 己及人 如老吾 老以及 人之老 幼吾幼 以 及人之 幼 之 類、
1/ Composed of ' sheep ' (possibly a contraction
of 善) and * I.' May mean ' I must be a good man ' ； see Williams' Dicty. Right, equity, justice, fair. In 1. 13 Chutzii defines it by 事之宜 41 丄、 the rights of things. Elsewhere he says it is 心 之制事 之宜、 the regulating of the heart, the rights of things. Again 義 宜 也裁 制萬物 使之合 宜、 The shaping of all things till they are as they should be. The 合 講 under II. 24 says : 義最 人之所 當爲、 It is that which is verily the duty of man to do. An extension of the meaning is 羞惡之 心義之 端 A sense of shame is the beginning of righteousness. The following may also be added : 義者尙 斷 謂 之 善 則 斷 ！F】 從 之羊者 美物 也羊祥 也我者 己也人 言之己 斷之；
翁声 人 心 之 裁 制、
^幽 1 丄 3 From * to worship,' or 'to indicate,' and
〃_S ' sacrificial vessel.' This word connotes the idea
of the offerings and respect due to gods and men. The
說 文 says : 示 者 明 示 之 ilL 豐者 ； @ 器 也 禮
之秘難 覩故陳 籩豆設 簠簋以 示 之、 Li
io6
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
consists of * indicate ' and ' sacrificial vessel,' for Li being bidden (within) is not readily visible, therefore the sacr ificial vessels are spread for its manifestation. It may be trans- lated by religion, ceremony, depoitment, decorum, pro- priety, formality, politeness, courtesy, etiquette, good form or behaviour or manners. It also means an offering as an indication of respect. Chutzu in I. 12 defines it thus : 禮 者 天理之 節文人 事之儀 則也、 Li means the regulations and refinements of Divine (or Natural) law, and the usages and rules thereof in liurmn affairs. In another *lace he says : 禮體 {iL、 Li is t'i, i. e. the embodiment (of respect). Again it is 度 品節、 i'u:e and order. And again jj® ft 是一 個序、 It is merely the observance of order (or rank) . Yiitzu in I. 12 says that its exhibition is to be natural 和 (not forced 迫)、 In a comment on III. 4 Li is taken as the outward adornment 文 of an inward respect 敬、 which latter is considered as the essence of Li, and the com men- tator remarks 與其敬 不足而 禮 有餘 liL 不若 禮 不足而 敬 存 餘也、 It is better to have an excess of esteem and a deficiency in ceremony than an excess of ceremony and a deficiency in its essential. H. E. Ku defines 禮 by ' Art,' but to attempt to connote Li throughout by Art produces results foreign to the text. For |j§, 樂 see next. The following are further defini- tions of Li ：一 111 以 恭敬辭 遞爲本 而 有節文 度數 之詳； 敬而 將之以 玉帛則 爲禮； 事 得 其 序之 謂禮； 禮 履也道 明 示 人 則 屐 行之； 禮 者示也 故兩君 相見陳 鱧樂以
相 示 m 則 為見 111、
VIII* TERMINOLOGy. 10；
Composed of drums on a frame. Read Yo/* it is Music ； read Yao,'* it is To enjoy ； read Lo''* it is Joy ； and this seems to be the correct etymological order. The Shuo Wen 說 文 says ：—小 言 之曰喜 大言之 曰 樂獨言 之曰喜 * 言之 曰樂樂 彌廣則 備鼓鼙 0 ^ 象鼓形 g§ 左 右之應 '陳也 應 ffl 也 槐 昔 孕 引 也 小 鼓 桂 在 大鼓之 旁爲引 而 13 也、 hi its milder form it is 喜 pleasure, in its stronger form it is 樂 joy. When spoken of individually it means pleasure 喜、 when spoken of in numbers it means 樂 joy. Extended it finds instrumental expres- sion. The original character is composed of a big drum with two small drums on each side, etc. The whole is hung on a frame 木、 C. says : ― Tlie foundation of all music is 和 Harmony, in the absence of which all the instruments 玉帛 鐘鼓、 chimes, strings, bells and drums produce mere noise. Hence 禮 and 樂 have a close connection, they are brothers so to speak, both dependent on the same source 和 Harmony ； see 禮、 The two in close combination 禮樂、 may be understood in the sense of Civilisation, or the Arts of Civilisation. See also Mencius IV. I. where Music is described as the climax of the virtues when 足 之 之 手之舞 之、 the feet spontaneously express it in dancing and the hands in waving.
- A^*- WEN " is used for adornment, polish, culture, re- finenient. VI, 12 shews the value to be placed upon it as compared witli moral character ； 質 substance, character, and 文 deco ration > culture, are there compared. 文 is spoken of as 詩 書六藤 之文、 The culture of
io8
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
Poetry, History, and the Six Arts, (fS 樂射 御書婁 5：、 Deportment, music, archery, driving, writing and numbers.) 斯 文 means culture, civilisation. Note also : 文 者 順
理 而 成章之 謂 謚 法 有 所 謂 '錫 民 爵位曰 文者； 文者 會集衆 采以成 錦繡會 集衆字 以 成辭篛 如文繡 然也； 古 者聖人 仰唏於 天 俯察於 地 中 於人 故於文 人夂爲 文、 HSUEH ^* from 孝 To teach, 门 A waste and 臼 for the phonetic (Williams). To learn, by which the Sage meant the study of morals. It means the acquisition of wisdom yn) and its expression in conduct 行、 A comment under I. 7 says : 三 之 學皆所 以 明 八 倫、 The education of the Three Dynasties (夏 商 周) consisted entirely in the understanding of human duty. Chutzu defines it by 效、 To copy an example ； for the learner observes and follows the example of his leader. 程 子 says : 學之 道必以 忠 信 爲主、 Learning demands conscientiousness and sincerity as its first principles. The 大 學 says : The object of learning is the apprehension of illuminating virtue, the renovation of the people, and the (aiming at and) resting in perfect goodness.
TA04. From 吏 To go, and 首 A head, 一 go ？ «Hr ahead, follow the straight ahead road. The right Road ； the Truth ； the way. In I. 14 Chutzu describes it as 事 物當然 之理、 (Affairs and things ought so's law). The natural law pertaining to any phenomenon. In the 中 庸 the word 道 is amplified thus : 道 由路也 人物各 循 it 性 之自 然則其 日用 事物之 間 莫 不各 有當行 之路是 則所謂 道也、 Tao is Road,
VIII. ■TERMINOLOGY.
109
SO to speak. Did men and things all follow the inherent law of their nature, tlien, in the affairs of daily life, none would be found to be without its right road, and this is what is called Tao. In the 中 庸 it is defined as 率 性 to follow the nature, i. e. the divinely implanted upright nature. It also means 言、 to say, speak ； also 治 to govern ； also 導 to lead. See also ： ―' 己 治人之 術； 道導 ill 所以 通導萬 物也； 道 蹈也人 所 蹈也- '達 謂之道 二達曰 岐 旁 三代之 所以 直道而 行也； 一達曰 道路道 蹈 也
路露也 人所踐 蹈而露 見也； 道者天 m 之 自然； 左道者 赛僻之 徑也權 道違經 而 合 於 道 也 道經 也權者 不久之 名也不 得 S 而行 也故於 文免首 爲道定 乍行乍 止也首 始也； 凡 言道者 皆謂事 物當然 之 狸人之 所共由 者也、
MING 4. Composed of 口 mouth and to com- mand. A decree, order, hence 天 命 is thedecree or ordination of heaven, therefore also fate, lot, destiny. Chutzu under ir. 4 says: 天命卽 天道之 流行而 賦於 物者、 By the ordination of Heaven is meant the promulgation and bestowal of the laws of Heaven in nature ； viz., that whereby all creation obtains its order. Another definition is 天所赋 之 IE 理、 The correct principles (or right laws) laid down by Heaven. See also: —命 者使 也天與 之本曰 性 性 千 i 善 惡 命 有吉凶 授之以 性配之 以命故 於文口 告爲命 口者出 ^也、
j^i^^ T£2. From 《 To step ； 直 straight ； and jfj the 扁 heart, i.e. walking according to the heart's sense 0/
10
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
rectitude ； cf. mens sibi conscia recti. To walk uprightly ' moral, morality, virtue, virtuous, etc. Chutzu in his com- ment on II. I. says : 德 之爲 言得也 行 道而有 得 於 心、 It may be interpreted by 'something acquired', that is, by the practice of Truth to have obtained posses- sion of it in the heart. Hence it is something more than mere outward morality of conduct, it is also an inward grace of the soul. See also:— 德 得 也得事 宜也； 《小 步也 德 升 也 言漸升 也言德 與年長 也； 德 行 之 得 也 凡言 德者善 美正大 光 明
純 懿之稱 也、
CHUNG 1. Heart and middle. The central heart ；
from (or in) the very heart ； sincere, conscientious, loyal. ，- C, says : 發己自 儘爲忠 or 盡 己之謂 忠 、 To put oneself forth to the utmost, i.e. do one's best is Chung. See also IV. 15， and:— 忠 者 天道： 家 之 利 知 無 不爲曰 忠 忠 者 中 S 救其君 使至中 道也； 忠中 下 从心謂 言出於 心
皆 有 忠 實 也、
HS1N 4. Man and word. A man and his word.
Veracity, credibility, faith, faithfulness. The comment on 1. 4. says : 以實之 爲信、 To be triie, reliable, is to be bsin. See also : ― 循 物無違 爲信； 言之有 實也； 信 實也； 信 申也言 以相申 於束使 不 相 違 也； 鸚 狂 能言不 離 禽 獸 言 而 不信非 爲人也 故於文 人言爲 信、
HSIAO \ 老 Age over 子 A son, or, The young "^supporting the old. The comment on I. 2 is 善 事父母 爲 孝、 To serve well one'sparents is hsiao. See dso: - 孝 《？ 也愛^ 父母 如 所 悅 if 也 孝
VII r. TERMINOLOGY.
I
經說 曰孝蓄 也菩養 • 也； 善事父 母者从 老 '#『 从 子承老 也、
； j^jt CHING^ from 苟 careful, 遍 urgent), and 支、 to tap (二 執 事 Attend to). Attention, respect, reverence. The comment on I. 5 ' is 敬者主 ~ - 無適之 謂、 Ching means bending the undeviating attention to one thing. Again, 恭 主 容敬主 事、 In kung the stress is on the form, in ching on the fact. Also 恭見於 外敬主 乎中、 Kung is the external manifestation, Ching is the internal Fense. See also: -敬 謹 恪 也； 敬 警 恒 自 « 警也； 敬
者肅苟 者亟也 自急敕 也支者 執 事 也、
SHIH ^ from 十 and 一 , and the explanation given is 推 一 合十 which seems to imply ability to count up to ten ！ In effect it means, an educated man ； hence also, a student, a scholar, and therefore one who has obtained government recognition and employment. It is also defined : 士者事 也任事 之稱； Shih is the same as affairs, and is a term implying, one who undertakes (government) business See also : 士事也
數始于 一終於 十故於 文推一 合十爲 士； 士 者 事 也 任事之 稱 也故 » 曰通古 今辨然 否謂 之 士、
JIp, CHUN^ 君 is from 尹 To hold in the '^^^ ) ^ band, i.e. to direct, command, and 口 mouth ； it means a prince. 君 子 therefore, is Son of a prince, and might be translated, princely man. It has much the same meaning as gentleman in the best sense of that term. The comment on I. I. is 君子 成德之 名、 A term connoting a man of perfected virtue ； i n.
12
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
one who has raised himself to that standard. Anotlief interpretation is 才 德出衆 之名、 A man of out- standing talents and virtue. It is the opposite of 小人、 a petty or narrow minded man, a common fellow. See also: —爲 善者爲 君子； 君 子在位 么人 也；
HSIEN Minister and Right hand over Pre- cious ； or 賀、 A faithful minister over goods. K 者執事 也貝者 貨也、 One who controls the exchequer. A simpler definition is 有 德者、 A man of virtue. Such a man is talented as well as virtuous. He takes rank higher than a 君子 and lower than a 疆人 q.v. ^
「U SHENG^ From 耳 ear and 呈 to inform. He w ho hears and explains all things, a seer, a sage. The description of a g 人 is 生而 知之、 安而行 之、 His knowledge is innate, and he pursues the right course without effort. I. 4. knocks any such definition to pieces so far as Confucius is concerned, but this difficulty is overcome by interpreting that passage as only the Sage's fagon de parler, his object being to shew that the pro- gramme laid down in that chapter should be the student's desideratum. Other definitions are 明通 也,、 Ap- prehending clearly ； 無所不 通、 There is nothing he fails to apprehend. See also :— 聖 以 地 言 貝 造 其 極之 名也； 聖 人 祌 明 不 測 之號； 聖無所 不 通也故 於文耳 呈爲疆 S 則 萬 物皆呈 其情 也從耳 者 非 任耳也 言心通 萬物之 情若 耳之通 聲也； 聖者通 ^ 道 也聲也
道無所 不通明 無所不 照 閬 m 知 情 別 名
Vin. TERMINOLOGY.
113
記曰莴 人曰傑 离傑曰 &?; 大而 化之之 謂聖 龜而不 可 知 之之謂 祌、
FU 1 TZU 2. Williams says 夫 is from 7、 J 'one' and 'great,' or, a man with a pin in his hair to shew he is of age. 夫 alone means a man ； P5 夫 a fellow, common person, XIV. i8. 夫婦 a husband and wife. 夫 人 Title of a prince's wife, XVI. 14. 大夫 a Minister, or Court Officer. 夫 子 Master, rabbi, philosopher.
~"^、 A child, a son. It is interesting to find that this diminutive term 子 should have become one of the greatest in the language, just as Son of Man and Son of God have become the noblest titles of Our Lord. Possibly 子 is nn abbreviation of 夫子、 It is used alone in the Classics principally in the three following senses, i. THE Master, Confucius, a term of the highest esteem and warmest regard ； in this sense it may be used preceding a name, e.g. in the Intro, to the Great Learning 子 程子、 "My Master Cheng-tzu." 2. As a term of respect in the sense of Sir, gentlemen ； or of kindly regard, my pupils, my friends, 二三子 III. 24 ； VII. 23. 3. As a title of nobility, Viscount, XVIII. i. or leadership, Chieftain, XIV. 22. See also 夫 子 and
君 子、 ,
THE
ANALECTS
OF
CONFUCIUa
Abbreviations.
厂〜、 f
Confucius.
f，
I ^"\m t"pn f"!3 1' " rv I ( Milfoil
V^CillLllCllLcll y O 丄 V_yllUlZ<U*
Conini.
Some other conimeiitator.
L.
Legge's Translation.
Z.
Zottoli's „
K.
Ku's "
Couv.
Couvreur's "
Kuan.
The Mandarin version.
Wins.
William's Dictionary.
Intro.
Introduction.
aux.
auxiliary.
govt.
government.
\vh.
which.
The Analects of Confucius.
VOLUME I. BOOK L
不
人三
方
而
亦
不
乎
0
時
君
知
不
有二
習
CHAPTER L— I, The Master said ； "Is it not indeed a pleasure to acquire know- ledge and constantly to exercise oneself therein ？ 2. And is it not delightful to have men of kindred spirit come to one from afar ？ 3. But is not he a true philosopher who, though he be unrecognised of men, cherishes no resentment ？ ，，
論 語 卷 之
學 而 敏
^ 曰、 學
之、 不 亦
朋 自 遠
亦 滎 乎。
而 不憾、
子 乎。
17
I. I,
The Analects of Confucius.
VOLUME I.
BOOK L
Concerning Fundamenal Principles.
TITLE OF THE WORK. 論 Lwi is from 言 words and 命 (A 二會 collect, and 盼 archives. Wms.) ar- range, collect, i.e. discourses, discussions. 語 Yu is from words and I, i.e. to tell, inform. The 四 書備旨 (Intro, p. 76) says: 論 是 議 論語是 答述、 Lun is to deliberate upon and discuss. 】72 is to narrate by way of reply. It goes on to say : This Book records the dialogues (相 問 答之言 語) which took place be- tween Conf. and his disciples concerning Education (學) 一 and Government (治 ). " The Dialogues of Confucius " suggests itself as a xiicrv:^^ .suitable title than Analects, but through Dr. Legge's influence the laLJv^-r term has become technical, and is therefore adopted as the titiC- of the pre- sent version. The whole work is usually divided irkxfo two parts, the 上 論 and the 下論、 Part I consisting of Chapters I-X, and Part II of Chapters XI-XX.
TITLE OF BOOK I. The two opening characters, (子 曰 excepted,) give the title to each Book, a custom, as Dr. Legge points out, similar to that of the Jews, who name many books of the Bible from the first word in them.
118
THE ANALECTS.
Some attempt, more or less successful, was made by the compilers to arrange the books subjectively, that of the first being 務 本、 Attention to fundamentals. C. 此 爲
書之 首篇、 故 所記多 務本之 意、 乃人道 之門、 積德 之基、 學 者之先 務也、 "This being the opening section of the book, it chiefly records the importance of enquiry into what is fundamental, in other words the entrance gate of Truth, the groundwork of virtue, the primary study of the student." Hence the opening word Learn " rightly occupies the forefront " (L) in this valuable record of the great Master's dis- courses.
CHAPTER L— LEARNING IS PLEASANT, re- cognition pleasanter, but the true Philosopher loves learn- ing for its own sake. i . 子曰、 For 子 see Intro. Sec. VIIL Construction : 一 學 Learning, may be taken as a verbal noun ； 而 and, a conjunction, simple or adversative, {Kuan. 而 且) ； 時 the hourly, an adjective ； 習 practice, exercise, a verbal noun, {Kuan. 操 練)； 之 thereof, a pronoun, with 學 as antecedent, 不 (is it) not, adverb of negation, 亦 also, indeed, an adverb ； 說 yue/i' used for 悅、 pleasing, an adjective, {Kuan, 歡 喜)； 乎 interroga- tive particle, {Kuan 嗎). For 學 see Intro. Sec. VIII. C. 習、 鳥數 飛也、 學之不 1i、 i.e. Learning without cessation, like the oft repeated motion of a bird's wings in flight. L. Is it not pleasant to learn with a con- stant perseverance and application. Z. Studere sapientise et jugiter exercere hoc, nonne quidem jucundum? K. It is indeed a pleasure to acquire knowledge and, as you go on acquiring, to put into practice what you have acquired.
119
1. I， II.
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
Couv. Celui qui cultive la sagesse, et ne cesse de la cultiver. satisfaction ？
2. 有 To have, verb ； 朋 friends, noun ； 自 from, prep ； 遠 distant; adj. qualifying 方 n. regions ； 來 come, verb. To have men- of- like-mind from distant regions come (because of one's wisdom), ― is it not delightful ？ C. 朋、 同 類也、 Of the same class (i. e. tastes) as oneself. 以善 及人、 而 信 從 者衆、 If a man extend his goodness to others, those who trust and follow him will be many. 説 is internal pleasure, 樂 its outward manifesta- tion. Kuan 樂心 裏歡喜 露出夕 f 面來、 L. Is it not pleasant to have friends coming from distant quarters ？ Z. Et si erunt sodales etc. K. A greater pleasure still it is when friends of congenial minds come from afar to seek you because of your attainments. Couv. Si des amis de la sagesse viennent de loin recevoir ses le (； ons, joie ？
3. (Whom) men ignore yet unperturbed etc. 君 子 See Intro. VIII. C. /jg、 合 怒意、 Conveys the idea of feeling angry. Kuan. 懊 惱 、 L. Is he not a man of complete virtue, who feels no discomposure though men may take no note of him ？ Z. Si nou, ab aliis nesciri et non indignari, nonne etiani sapientis est ？ K. But he is truly a wise and good man who feels no discomposure, even when he is not noticed of men. Couv. et n'en ressent aucune peine, un vrai sage ？
CHAPTER II.— CHARITY BEGINS AT HOME. I. 苄 j 子 Yu the philosopher, see Intro, v., 」 其 爲 人也、 He doing the man. (也 here is an untranslatable particle), 孝 弟 filial and respectful to his elders, 而 and yet,
I20
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION.
II.
其
道
子
爲
幾
務
未
仁
孝
之
之
弟
本
有
本
也
立、
齒
煮
而
君二
犯
上
有-
±
者、
孝
子
而
鮮
好
矣、
而
其
作
不
好
爲
亂
好
犯
人
CHAPTER II. 一 I. The philosopher Yu said ： " He who lives a filial and respectful life, yet who is disposed to give offence to those above him is rare ； and there has never been any one indisposed to offend those above him who yet has been fond of creating disorder. 2. The true philosopher devotes himself to the fundamental, for when that has been established right courses naturally evolve ； and are not filial devotion and respect for elders the very foundation of an unselfish life ？ ，，
121
I. II.
THE ANALECTS.
、Kuan 還)， 者 one who, 俘 likes, 犯 to offend, {Kuan 得 罪)， 上 superiors, {Kuan 在我之 上的人 )， 鮮 (is) rare, {K^ian 少有) ，矣 indeed, a particle of finality. 未 之 有, not yet him have had, never been such a one ； or 之 may be taken in a general sense. C. 善 事父母 爲孝； 善 事兄長 爲弟、 To serve well one's father and mother is 孝； to serve well one's elder brothers and seniors is 弟、 作 亂、 則爲 悖逆爭 鬪之事 矣、 Raising disorder, is acting rcbelliously and quarrelsomely. The 孝 弟 are 和 順, pacific and obedient. L. There are few who, being filial and fraternal, are fond of offend- ing against their superiors. There have been none etc., stirring up confusion. Z. at qui non ament repugnare superioribus, et tamen ament facere seditionem, nondum ii extiterunt. K. A man who is a good son and a good citizen will seldom be found . . disposed to quarrel with those in authority over him ； and . . never . . disturb the peace and order of the State. Couv. Parmi les hom- mes naturellement enclins a respecter leurs parents, a honorer ceux qui sont au-dessus d'eux (par le rang ou par I'age), etc.
2. The true philosopher 務 (C. 專力； Kuan. 專 P5 用 力) bends his strength to 本 the radical ； the radix being 立 set up, 道 the Way, (right line of thought or action), 生 is produced ； 孝 弟也者 filialness and fraternity ！ 其 they 爲 are (cf French, faire, but C. says it resembles f j, i.e. 仁 in action,) 仁之本 the root of human kindness, 與 are they not? Kuan 嗎、 Williams treats 也者 as a disjunctive particle ； L. says " they resume the discourse." For 仁 see Intro. VIII. L,
122
THE ANALECTS. I. U, ni, IV.
The superior man bends his attention to what is radical. That being established, all practical courses naturally grow up. Filial piety and fraternal submission i 一 are not they the root of all benevolent actions ？ Z. Sapiens intendit rei fundamento ； fundamento constitute, rei ratio nascitur : ilia observantia . . annon ipsa est exercendar pietatis fundamentum ？ K. A wise man devotes his attention to what is essential in the foundation of life. When . . laid, wisdom will come. Now, to be a good son and a good citizen, ― do not these form the foundation of a moral life ？ Couv. La racine une fois affermie, donne naissance au tronc et aux branches. L'affection etc.
CHAPTER III. FINE FEATHERS DO NOT MAKE FINE BIRDS. 巧 clever, artful. com' mand, ― an " ordered " countenance. 色 * The effluence from the countenance." Williams. C. 好 其言、 善 其色、 致飾於 外 務 以 悅 人、 They who malTe their speech pleasant and their appearance attractive, thus adorning the external with a view to attract men, 一 arouse the passions and destroy virtue. L. Fine words and an insinuating appearance are seldom associated with true virtue. Z. Comptis verbis et ementita facie homines, raro sunt pietate praediti. K. With plausible speech and fine manners will seldom be found moral character. Couv. Celui qui par des discours etudies et un exterieur compose, . . ruine (鮮 二亡) ses vertus naturelles.
CHAPTER IV. INTROSPECTION AND SIN- CERITY. For Tseng Tzu see Intro. V. Kuan 省 、 省 察； 謀、 打算； 交、 交接、 吾身 My body, personality, self. For others planning, and yet not con-
123
I. IV, V.
THE ANALECTS.
scientious ？ with friends intercoursing, yet not faithful ？ taught, yet not having practised ？ to transmit,
** preached and not practised " seems the natural interpreta- tion, but C. renders it 受之於 師， received from the Master. Kuan. 先生傳 授我的 事情、 For 忠 and 信 see Intro. VIII. C. 習、 謂熟之 於己、 Brought it to ripeness in oneself. L. whether in transact- ing business for others, I may have been not faithful ；.. ...
intercourse with friends not sincere ； not mastered
and practised the instructions of my teacher. Z. an pro
aliis tractaverim, et non fuerim fidelis ; sincerus ； an
traditam disciplinam baud factitaverim. K. in carrying out the duties entrusted to me by others, I have failed in
conscientiousness ； sincerity and trustworthiness ；
failed to practise what I profess in my teaching. Couv. si, traitant une affaire pour un autre, je ne I'ai pas traitee avec moins de soin que si elle eut ete ma prop re affaire.
CHAPTER v.— RADICAL RULES FOR RULERS. 道 for 導 To lead, interpreted by C. as 治 to control, rule. Kuan. 治 狸、 C. 千乘、 諸侯 之國、 其 地 可出兵 車千乘 者也、 A dukedom, or barony oi the highest order, capable ot putting into the field a thou- sand war chariots. 敬者、 主一無 適之謂 、 Set on one thing and not purposeless. 信 於民、 Having the confidence of the people is C's idea. Kuan. 信 實 待百勉 ；節、 減省； 使、 差使、 C. 時、 謂 農隙 之時、 The people should be employed on State affairs only in the " cracks," inactive intervals of farming. Kuan, 種 田 收 割 好 了、 C. These five points are the 務 本之意 fundamental principles of government.
124
THE ANALECTS ： INTRODUCTION. 1. Ill, IV, V.
五
四
子
傳
友
省
曾
子
不
交、
不
吾
子
矣
道
習
而
中
仁
〇
巧
千
乎
0
不
五 口
乗
信
人
曰
令
之
乎
〇
朋
一 A
國
• CHAPTER III.— The Master said ； " Art- ful speech and an ingratiating demeanour rarely accompany Virtue."
CHAPTER IV. — The philosopher Tseng- said : " I daily examine myself on three points, ― In planning for others have I failed in conscientiousness ？ In intercourse with friends have I been insincere ？ And have I failed to practise what I have been taught ？ ，，
CHAPTER v.— The Master said ； " To conduct the government of a State of a thousand chariots there must be religious
125
I. V, VI.
THE ANALECTS.
L. reverent attention to business and sincerity ； economy
etc., and love for men, etc. Z. accural negotia amat
alios. K. serious in attention to business and faithful and
punctual in his engagements love the welfare of the
people proper times of the year. Couv. doit etre
attentif aux affaires et tenir sa parole, moderer les depenses, et aimer les hommes, n'employer les peuples aux travaux publics etc.
CHAPTER VI.— CHARACTER BEFORE CUL- TURE. 弟子 A youth or youths. The second 弟 is for '隙、 入出 Coming in or going out ； i.e. at home and abroad. 貝 、 Thereupon ； Kuan 就、 謹 Circum- spect, Kuan 謹愼、 but C. interprets by 行之 有 常、 constancy in action, persevering. C. 信者、 言之有 實 . 也、 Truthful in speech. 汎、 Kuan 廣闘、 C. 廣、 Wide, of broad sympathies. 親 Kuan 親近、 仁 See Intro. VIII. 餘力、 Surplus ability. Kuan 餘 多 的 力 氣； C. 3 [^言 Eg 曰、 Leisure time, so to speak. 以、 用 也、 Use. 文 See Intro. VIII. 德行、 本也； 文 藝、 末也、 Moral character is the root, literature and the arts are the foliage. L. A youth when at home
should be filial ete earnest and truthful overflow
in love to all, and cultivate the friendship of the good. When he has time and opportunity, after the performance of these things, he should employ them in polite studies.
Z sit sedulus et verax, universali amore prosequatur
omnes, at arc tins jungatur probis, et si actione functus habeat superstites vires, tunc utetur ad studia liberalia.
K He should be in sympathy with all men, but
intimate with men of moral ck.iacter.., ...time and op-
126
THE ANALECTS.
V, VI.
attention to business and good faith, econo- my in expenditure and love of the people, and their employment on public works at the proper seasons."
CHAPTER VI. ― The Master said : " When a youth is at home let him be filial, when abroad respectful to his elders ； let him be circumspect and truthful, and while exhibiting a comprehensive love for all men, let him ally himself with the good. Having so acted, if he have energy to spare, let him employ it in polite studies."
127
國、 敬事 而信、 節
用 而 愛 尺、 使民
以 時。
六子曰 、弟子 、入則
孝、 出則 弟、 謹 而
信、 汎 愛 衆、 而 親
仁、 行有 餘力、 則
以 學 文。
I. VI, VII, VIII. THE ANALECTS.
portunity to spare literary pursuits. Couv. Ccs devoirs
remplis, s'il lui reste (du temps et) des forces, des
lettres et des arts liberaux.
CHAPTER VIL— CHARACTER IS CULTURE. For Tzu Hsia see Intro. V. 賢 賢、 The first is a verb ； he who worths worth and turns from beauty. C. 易 其 好色之 心、 Transfers his beauty-loving heart. 致、 猶 委、 To lay down, as it were, The philosopher Wu 吳 while admitting the excellence of Tzu Hsia's thought, finds the expression of it extreme and dangerous to learn- ing, and points to the superiority of the saying of Conf. in last chapter. L. If a man withdraws his mind from the love of beauty, and applies it as sincerely to the love of the virtuous ； if etc. he can exert his utmost strength ； if etc. he can devote his life ； if etc. his words are sincere : ― although men say that he has not learned, I will certainly say that he has. Z. prosequendo sapientes mutans voluptatum
amorem, licet dicatur nondum studuisse sapiential, ego
certe dicam ilium studuisse. K. A man who can love worthiness in man as he loves beauty in 、、- oman etc. Couv. Ce-lui qui, au lieu d'aimer les plaisirs, aime et recherche les hommes sages, etc.
CHAPTER VIII.— FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES FOR THE SCHOLAR. Kiian. This 君 子 means 學 德行 的人； 重、 厚重、 Grave, serious. C. 威、 威嚴、 Awe inspiring ； 固、 堅固、 Finn, stable. 輕乎 外者必 不能堅 乎內、 A man with a light exterior cannot be stable within, ― a half truth largely res- ponsible for 20CO years of round-shouldered, stolid, stodgy scholars. L. If the scholar be not grave, he will not
128
THE
ANALECTS.
I.
A
1
七
子 學
未
其
其
曰 矣
* 0
學
而
力、
事
夏
君
吾
有
事
父
门
子
必
朋
不
謂
雖
友
能
能
貝
之
曰
致
竭
易
CHAPTER
VIT.-
― Tzu Hsia said ：
"He
who transfers his mind from feminine allure-
ment to excelling in moral excellence ； who in serving his parents is ready to do so to the utmost of his ability ； who in the service of his Prince is prepared to lay down his life ； and who in intercourse with his friends is sincere in what he says, ― though others may speak of him as uneducated, I should certainly call him educated."
CHAPTER VIII.— i. The Master said ； "A Scholar who is not grave will not inspire
129
I. VIII.
THE ANALECTS.
call forth any veneration, and his learning will not be solid. Z. Probus vir, non gravis, jam carebit auctoritate, etc. K. A wise man who is not serious will not inspire respect ； what he learns will not remain permanent. Couv, ...... il
ne sera pas respecte, et n'acquerra qu'une connaissance superficielle de la vertu.
2. 主 His ruling- principles ； Kuan 主意、 Re 忠 信 see Intro. VIIL C. 人不 忠 信、 則 事皆無 實、 爲惡 則易、 爲善 則難、 If a man be without 忠 信 、 his affairs will all be unreliable, to do evil will be easy, to do good difficult. L. Hold faithfulness and sin- cerity as first principles. Z. caput sit fidelitas et veracitas. K. Make conscientiousness and sincerity your first prin- ciples. Couv. au premier rang la fidelite et la sincerite.
3. No friends not as self, i.e. not as good as oneself. Kuan 如、 相 像、 C. 無、 毋通、 禁止 辭也、 無 interchanges with 毋、 and is prohibitive, 友 所以輔 仁、 Friends are for the aidance of virtue. L. Have no friends not equal to yourself. Z. baud similem tibi ipsi. K. not as yourself. Couv. qui ne lui ressemblent pas (qui ne cultivent pas comme lui la sagesse).
4. Having transgressed, then don't fear to change. 過 implies moral rather than intellectual error. Kuan 過、 過 錯； 憚、 怕 煩難、 C. tP、 畏 難、 Dread the difficulty. 學問 之道無 他也、 知其不 善 則 速改以 從善而 *^、.、 The course of learning has no other object whatever (而 ^.) than to recognise one's faults and straightway reform, in order to follow 、- vhat is good. A very admirable sentiment ！ L. When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them. Z. si erras,
130
THE
ANALECTS.
I. VIII,
IX,
十
九
子
曾
勿
不
固。
則
夫
禽
民
子
憚
如
主二
不
子
問
改
0
己
中 心
至
於
歸
愼
者。
學
於
子
厚
終
過四
三
則
是
矣
追
則
友
不
respect, and his learning will therefore lack stability. 2. His chief principles should be conscientiousness and sincerity. 3. Let him have no friends unequal to himself. 4. And when in the wrong let him not hesitate to amend."
CHAPTER IX.— The philosopher Tseng said ； " Solicitude on the decease of parents, and the pursuit of them for long after, would cause an abundant restoration of the people's morals."
CHAPTER X,— TzLi ClVin enquired of Tzu Kung saying : " When the Master
131
I. IX, X.
THE ANALECTS.
tunc ne formides emendari. K. bad habits, do not he- sitate to change them. Couv. qu'il ait le courage de s'en corriger. - . CHAPTER IX.— FILIAL PIETY TO THE DEAD the Root of Moral Renaissance. Tseng Tzu see Intro. V. The solicitude here referred to is usually interpreted as required of the ruler ； 一 If a ruler be solicitous etc. Kuan
愼、 謹 愼； 終、 臨終； 遠、 遠代 的 丽 宗、 The
last interpretation, while in excess of the letter of the text, is not in excess of the accepted view. 歸 Return, i.e. to natural goodness, man being regarded as by nature good, 人 之初、 性本 善、 C. 愼 終 者、 喪盡 其 禮、 Solicitude means fulfilling all the mourning rites. 追 遠 者、 祭盡 其誠、 Pursuing after them afar means sa- crificing to them in all sincerity. While the text does not refer to the dead in set terms no other meaning suits it. L. Let there be a careful attention to perform the funeral rites to parents, and let them be followed when long gone with the ceremonies of sacrifice ； 一 then the virtue of the people will resume its proper excellence. Z. si observes officia extrema et commemores remote defunctos, etc. K. By cultivating respect for the dead, and carrying the memory back to the distant past, the moral feeling of the people will waken and grow in depth. Couv. Si le pnnce rend les derniers devoirs a ses parents avec un vrai zele, et honore par des offrandes ses ancetres meme eloignes, la piete filiale fleurira parmi le peuple.
CHAPTER X. ― CHARACTER ELICITS CON-
t -二
FIDENCE. I. For Tzu Ch'in and Tzu Kung see Intro. V. The Master arriving at any (是 this, any particular)
132
THE ANALECTS.
I. X, XI.
arrives at any State he always hears about its administration. Does he ask for his information, or, is it tendered to him ？ 2. " The Master," said Tzu Kung, " is benign, frank, courteous, temperate, de- ferential and thus obtains it. 丁 he Master's way of asking, ― how different it is from that of others ！"
CHAPTER XL ― The Master said : "While a man's father lives mark his
邦也、 必聞 其 政、
求 之 輿、 抑 與 之
輿。 貢 曰、 夫 子
温、 良、 恭、 儉、 讓、 以
得 之、 夫 子之求
之 也、 其 諸 異 乎
人 之 求 之 sr
十一 子曰、 父 在、 觀 其，
J33
I. X, xr.
THE ANALECTS.
country (也 euphonic aux.), certainly hears its policy, ― begs (he) it? or (do they) give it? 政、 Policy, govern- ment ； here probably the mode and condition thereof.
L to any country, he does not faii etc. Z. in
aliquod regnum, profecto cognitionem capit ejus gubernii. K. he was always informed of the actual state and policy of its government. Couv. ii reqoit to uj ours des renseigne- ments sur I'administration de I'Etat.
2. 以 得 之、 etc., and thereby he obtains it ； the Master's begging it, does not it indeed differ from others' begging it? The 諸 strengthens the 易、 C. 溫、 和 厚、 Agreeable and artless. 良、 易直、 Suavely direct, not brusquely so. 恭、 莊敬、 Staidly respectful. 儉、 節 制、 Within bounds, temperate. 讓、 謙遞、 Retir- ing, modest. 其諸、 語 辭、 Aux. words. 人、 他人、 Others. Seeing him possessed of 成德 光輝、 "a per- fect virtue so glorious as this, the princes of his day laid their policy before the Sage, and asked his advice." L. benign, upright, courteous, temperate and complaisant. Z. comitate, probitate, reverentia, moderatione, obse- quentia. K. gracious, simple, earnest, modest and court- eous. Couv. par sa douceur, son calme, son respect, sa tenue modeste et sa deference.
CHAPTER XL— THE TEST OF FILIAL CHARACTER. 三年 is the period of mourning, during which a son should give himself up to the memory and service of his dead. C. While his father lives a son cannot follow his own devices, but his tendencies are already manifest, from which his character may be guaged. 志 Will, intention. L. While a man's father
tendencies ； when his father is dead mark his conduct. If for three years he does not change from his father's ways he may be called filial."
CHAPTER XII.— I. The philosopher Yu said : " In the usages of Decorum it is naturalness that is of value. In the regu- lati^is of the ancient kings this was the admirable feature, both small and great arising therefrom. 2, But there is a natural- ness that is not permissible ； for to know to be natural, and yet to be so beyond the
THE ANALECTS I. XI, XJI.
十
志、 父 沒、 觀 其 «:、
三年無 改於父
之 道、 可謂 孝矣。
貧子曰 、禮 之用、
和 爲賁、 先王之
道、 斯爲美 、小大
由 之。 5^ 所 不行、
知和 而和、 不以
135
I. XI, X【I.
THE ANALECTS.
is alive, look at the bent of his will ； dead, look at his
conduct alter from the way of his father etc. Z.
patre superstite, inspice illius animum ； actiones ； si
nihil immutaverit a patris documentis, etc. K
living, the son should have regard to what his father
would have him do ； dead, to what his father has
done not change his father's principles, good
son. Couv. Un fils doit consulter la volonte de son pere, tant que son pere est en vie, et ses exemples, quand il est mort.
CHAPTER XII.— NATURALNESS THE FOUN- DATION OF GOOD MANNERS, i. For Yu Tzu see Intro. V. (In) Li's use naturalness is the valuable thing ； (in) former kings' ways this was the excellent feature ； the small and great came from it. For 禮 see Intro. VIII. C. 和、 從 容不迫 之意、 Ho has the meaning of. a natural not forced manner. 蓋膨： 之爲體 雖嚴、 然 皆出於 自然之 理-、 For though Li as formulated is stringent, yet it entirely arises from natural principles. Re 小大 由之、 L. says 禮 or 道 is the antecedent to 之、 but translates by an indefinite " them." 和 seems the more suitable antecedent. Kuan takes |]3 as 依 從 accord 、vith， and reads /J 、事大 事都耍 由 着 纏: 做、 L. In practising the rules of propriety, a natural ease is to be prized. In the ways prescribed by the ancient kings, this is the excellent quality, and in things small and great we follow them. Z. rituum praxis facilit-
atem habet potissimam ； et parve et magna emanarunt
inde. K. In the practice of art, what is valuable is natural spontaneity. According to the rules of art, held by the
136
THE ANALECTS. I. XII, XIII, XIV.
restraints of Decorum, is also not permis- sible."
CHAPTER XIII.— The philosopher Yu said : " When you make a promise con- sistent with what is right, you can keep your word. When you shew respect consistent with good taste, you keep shame and disgrace at a distance. When he in whom you confide is not one who fails his friends, you may trust him fully."
CHAPTER XIV.— The Master said: " The Scholar who in his food does not
鱧 節 之， 亦不可
行 也。
十三 有 子曰、 信近， 於
義、 言 可 復也、 恭
近 於 禮、 遠. 恥 辱
也" 因不失 其 親、
亦可 宗也。
十四 子曰、 君 子食無
137
I. xir, XIII.
THE ANALECTS.
ancient kings it was this quality in a work of art which constituted its excellence ； in great as well as in small things they were guided by this principle. Couv. Dans r observation des devoirs mutuels, la Concorde est d'un grand prix.
2. There are occasions (when) not to be done ； to know to be natural and to be natural without by Li restraining- it, also may not be done. L. Yet it is not to be observed in all cases. If one, knowing how such ease should be prized, manifests it, without regulating it by the rules of propriety, this likewise is not to be done. Z. At est aliquid non agendum, etc. K. But in being natural there is something not permitted. Couv. connaitre le prix de la concorde, et faire tout pour la Concorde, sans tenir compte du devoir etc.
CHAPTER XIII.— LOOK BEFORE YOU LEAP. (When) a promise approximates to the right, its terms can (or may) be responded to ； (vvith) respect in close touch with decorum, distanced are shame and disgrace ； the relied- upon not losing his intimates, he also may be taken as guide and counsellor. C. 信、 約信、 A covenant. 義、 事 之宜、 The rights of matters. 復、 踐言、 Tread on, fulfil one's words. 禮 See Intro. VIII. 因 、 猶' 依 也、 Resembles "rely on." 宗、 猶 主也、 Re- sembles chief, authority. Kuan. 依從他 ffi 主、 Both C. and Kuan interpret 不失 其親、 as "if he does not lose his proper friends." 不遺失 他應— 該親近 的 人、 L. When agreements are made according to what is right, what is spoken can be made good. When respect is shewn according to what is proper, one keeps far from
138
THE ANALECTS. I. XIII, XIV.
shame and disgrace. When the parties upon whom a man leans are proper persons to be intimate with, he can make them his guides and masters. Z. prcmissam accedat ad aequitatem etc., obsequium congruat cum ritibus etc., in adhaeiendo, ne omittas qui expetendi sunt, et sic potens diu inniti. K. If you make promises etc., you will be able to keep your word. If you confine earnestness within the bounds of judgment and good taste etc. If you make friends of those with whom you ought to, you will be able to depend upon them. Couv. Quand on peut acconiplir sa promesse sans manquer a la justice, il faut tenir sa parole. Un respect et des egards conformes etc. ne sont ni honteux ni deshono rants. Si vous choisis-
sez pour protecteur un liomme digne de votre amitie
vous pourrez lui rester attache a jamais.
CHAPTER XIV.— THE IDEAL STUDENT. Kuan 安、 安 躭； 敏、 快 速； 就、 親 近、 C. 凡 言 道 者、 皆 謂 事物當 然 之 理、 人 所 共 由 者、 Every reference to Tao always means the law of the right and proper, the ought-so-to be in regard to man and things, that which is for all men to follow. L. He who aims to be a man of complete wisdom, in his food does not seek to gratify etc., nor in his dwelling-place does he seek the appliances of ease ； he is earnest etc. and careful in his speech ； he frequents the company of men of prin- ciple that he may be rectified ； 一 such a person etc.
Z adit pi\Tedilos virtute ut dirigatur, etc. K. A wise
and good man, in matters of food, should never indulge
his appetite , He should seek the company of men of
virtue and learning, in order to profit by their lessons and
139
I. XV.
THE ANALECTS.
example. In this way he may become a man of real
culture. CoLiv qui est expeditif dans les affaires et
circonspect dans ses paroles, etc.
CHAPTER XV.— THE MODEL POOR, THE PATTERN RICH, and the pursuit of Perfection, i. 何 如 What like ？ 可 Can do. 未 若 Not yet like ― " the poor man who forgets his poverty, or the rich man who forgets he is rich." (C). C. 諮、 卑 屈、 'Lowly and bending, cringing. 驗、 矜 肆、 Display, ostentation. Kuan t 諂、 奉承 討好； 驕、 驕 傲、 C. 常 人 溺 於貧富 之中、 而不知 所以自 守、 The com- mon man is overwhelmed by his poverty or his wealth, and knows not how to maintain his self-control. 子 貢
貨 殖、 蓋先貧 後富、 而嘗用 力於自 守 者、
故以此 爲問、 Tzu Kung was rich in possessions, for though formerly poor, he had become rich, yet had applied himself to self-control, hence this question. Conf. admits his excellence, but encourages him to still loftier attainments. L. What do you pronounce concerning the poor man who yet does not flatter, and the rich man who
is not proud ？ not equal to him who though poor is
yet cheerful, though rich, loves the rules of propriety.
Z. esse pauper et non adulator, dives et non superbus,
quomodo ？ pauper et laetus, dives et a mans urbani-
tatem. K. poor, servile ； rich, proud ； poor, cheerful ； rich and yet knows how to be courteous. Couv. dans la pauvrete vit content, ou qui au milieu des richesse garde la moderation.
2. Or, Like carving, like polishing ； like cutting, like grinding ； that ( % the ode) is the meaning of this (斯
140
seek the gratification of his appetite, nor in his dwelling is solicitous of comfort, who is diligent in his work, and guarded in his speech, who associates with the high-prin- cipled and thereby rectifies himself, ― such a one may really be said to love learning."
CHAPTER XV.— I. "What do you think," asked Tzu Kung, " of the man who is poor yet not servile, or who is rich yet not proud ？ ，， " He will do," replied the Master, " but he is not equal to the man
THE ANALECTS.
L XIV. XV.
十 五
如 諧 子— B 子 富 貢 EI 而 曰、
可無貧
可 就
有
好 道
於 而
求
鉋
求 安、
M 於
而 正
學 也
也、 未
141
I. XV, XVI.
THE ANALECTS.
your remark) eh ？ The quotation is from the Odes,
I. V. I. 2. C. 言治骨 化 者、 旣 切之而 復疆
之、 旣球 之而復 磨之、 The Ode "praises the prince of Wd， who had dealt with himself as - an ivoiy- woiker who first cuts the bone, and then files it smooth, or a lapidary whose hammer and chisel are followed by all the appliances for smoothing and polishing ，， (L).
3. 賜 Tz'u Kung's name. Tz'u ！ At length I can with (him) discuss the Odes indeed. I have told him the preceding and he knows the succeeding, i.e. can draw an inference. L With one like Tsze I can begin to talk about the Odes. I told him one point and he knew its proper sequence. Z. moiiui de praecedentibus, et jam assequitur subsequentia. K. now I can begin to speak of poetry to you. I see you understand how' to apply the moral. Couv. siir ma reponse a sa question, il a aussitot compris la sens des vers qu'il a cites.
CHAPTER XVI. — THE PROPER STUDY OF MANKIND IS MAN. Note 不 is not imperative, hence a nominative is required, which is usually under- stood as the Sage himself. C. 君 子求在 我者、 The philosopher seeks (satisfaction) within himself. L. I will not be afflicted at men's not knowing me, etc. Z. non angor alios non meipsum cognoscere etc. K. One should not be concerned not to be understood of men, etc. Couv. Le sage ne s'affiige pas etc.
142
THE ANALECTS.
I. XV, XV!,
十
不
子
而
詩
賜
斯
0
好
若
己
知
也
>
如
，寺
鱧
貧
Z|、
丄、
111]
m
串
者
o
告
可
m
、
o
如
如
$
m
不
人
諸
與
子
切
子二
知
之
往
□
其
如
貢
而
who is poor and yet happy, or rich and yet loves Courtesy." 2. Tzu Kung remarked : " The Ode says : ―
' Like cutting, then filing ； Like chiselling, then grinding; That is the meaning of your remark, is it not ？ " 3. " Tz'u ！ " said the Master. " Now indeed I can begin to talk with him about the Odes, for when I tell him the premise he knows the conclusion."
CHAPTER XV L— The Master said; " I will not grieve that men do not know me ； I will grieve that I do not know men."
143
II. I.
THE ANALECTS.
VOLUME I.
BOOK n.
CONCERNING GOVERNMENT.
THE TITLE of the Book, taken from the first two words, is " To Rule," and this is one of its principal subjects, but the book also treats of filial conduct, scholar- ship, and other matters.
CHAPTER L— THE MAGNETIC POWER OF ROYAL VIRTUE. 爲 （He 、vho) conducts 政 government 以 by 德 (his) virtue 譬 may be compared to 北 辰 the northern constellation, 居 (which) remains in 其 its 所 place, 而 and 衆 all 星 the stars 共 bend towards 之 it. Cf. XV. 4. C. 共 is to be pronounced and interpreted as 拱 二向、 政之爲 言正也 、所 以正 人之不 正也、 The meaning of "rule" is to rectify, viz., that whereby the incorrect is corrected. For 德 see Intro. VIII. 北辰 北極、 天之 樞也、 The north constellation is the Pole Star, the axis of the heavens, 一 like the axis of a millstone. 爲政以 德
則 不 動 而化、 不言而 信、 無爲 而成、 VVhen a Prince rules by his moral character transformation results without activity on his part, people believe him before the speaks, and without effort all succeeds well. L.
He who exercises government by means of his virtue,
north polar star, wh. keeps its place and all the stars turn towards it. Z. Gerens gubernium per virtutem, est sicut polare sidus, etc. K. He who rules the people, depend-
14.4.
■The analects.
II. I,
VOLUME I.
BOOK !I.
CHAPTER I.— The Master said : " He
who governs by his moral excellence may be compared to the Pole-star, which abides in its place, while all the stars bow towards
it."
145
爲 政第二
子曰、 爲政 以 德、
譬 如北辰 、居 其
所、 而 衆 星 洪 之。
II. ir.
THE ANALECTS,
ing on the moral sentiment, revolve around it. Couv.
etoiles se nieuvent autour d'elle.
CHAPTER IL— VIRTUE THE SUM AND SUB- STANCE OF THE ODES. The Odes in reality number 311. Originally they were much more numerous, and Conf. is supposed to have reduced them to this number, against which idea this chapter militates, for he here speaks of them as a compilation already recognised in his day. Probably he re-arranged and re-edited them. The phrase 思 無 邪 is found in the 詩 IV. iff i.， where in four stanzas the singlehearted devotion of Duke Hsi 信 of Lu, B. C. 659 627, to his horse-breeding receives laudation. The 7th- phrase of the first stanza is 思 無 疆、 of the 2nd 思 無 期、 of the 3rd 思 無 畢女 、 and of the 4th ,g、 無 《{; ； i.e. his thoughts for his horses were unlimited either by space, or by time, they were unwearying, and never turned aside. From this unpromising lyric to a horsy Duke, Conf. selects the only strong phrase, and makes the undeviating attention of the Duke to his duty a lesson in morals and the text of all the Odes ！ C. 蔽、 猶 蓋也、 To cover, embrace. Kuan. 遮篕、 包括、 程子 says 思 無 邪 者 誠也、 sincerity in thought. Kuan 思 想 沒 有 不 正、 C. says the good odes stimulate the good in a man, and the ill ones restrain his wandering will. L. In the Book of Poetry ... ...embraced in one sentence, Have no
depraved thoughts. Z. mens careat obliquitate. K. The
Book of Ballads, Songs and Psalms The mcrdl
summed up Have no evil thoughts. Conv. Avoir des
intentions droites.
146
THE ANALECTS. II. II, HI
邋—
民
— j> 一
為
子
免
齊
0
思
以
而
之
無
以
詩
無
以
之
邵
蔽
齊
恥
刑
以
之
百
CHAPTER II. — The Master said ： "Though the Odes number three hundred, one phrase can cover them all, namely, ' With undiverted thoughts ' ，，
CHAPTER IIL— I. The Master said : " If you govern the people by laws, and keep them in order by penalties, they will avoid the penalties, yet lose their sense of shame. 2. But if you govern them by your moral excellence, and keep them in order
147
[I. III.
THE ANAI:ECTS.
CHAPTER III. EXAMPLE BETTER THAN PRECEPT OR PENALTY, i C. 道、 猶弓 1 導； 謂 先 之也、 To lead, go before. Govern, in its original sense, suggests itself as the nearest equivalent. 政、 謂 法 制禁 j 也、 Laws and prohibitions. 免、 苟免 刑 罰、 Contrive to avoid the punishment. But tho' they dare not transgress, their spirit remains the same. Kuan 齊、 整 齊、 Arrange, order. L. If the people be led by laws, and uniformity sought to be given to them by punish- ment, they will try to avoid etc. Z. si ducas ilium . . componas ilium etc. K. If in govt you depend upon laws and maintain order by enforcing those laws by punishments, etc. Couv. Si le prince conduit le people au moyen des lois et le retient dans unite au moyen des chatiments, etc.
2. Or, Guide them by moral principles, regulate them by Li, and they will have shame, arriving also at (good- ness.) C. 格、 至 也； i.e. 至於 善也、 Reach to, ar- rive at goodness. ― 說格 正也、 Another explana- tion of 格 is 正 to rectify. 躬行 以率之 則民固 有所觀 感而與 起 矣、 If the Prince himself so acts as to lead them, the people have then a visible example to stimulate and arouse them. L. If they be led by virtue,
and uniformity etc., by the rules of propriety, will
become good. Z per virtutem, per ritus,
atque adeo fiet rectus. K. If you depend upon the
moral sentiment, and maintain order by encouraging
education and good manners, emulate what is good.
Couv. Si le prince dirige le peuple par ses bons exemples, etc.
148
THE ANALECTS.
11. Ill, IV.
十
十
■ 表 二
. — *>
子
日-
之
而
而
十
而
a
格
0
以
知
不
而
志
五 口
II
天
或
立。
於
十
有
五。
四
學
0
有
恥
by your decorous conduct, they will retain their sense of shame, and also live up to standard." '
CHAPTER IV.— I. The Master said:
" At fifteen I set my mind upon wisdom.
2. At thirty I stood firm. 3. At forty I
was free from doubts. 4. At fifty I under-
149
II. IV.
THE ANALECTS.
CHAPTER IV.— THE SAGE'S PROGRESS. This interesting statement was made in the Sage's old age, after his return to Lu, and within a short time of his demise. The 四 書合講 says : As I look back in my old age on my progress in virtue, its various steps present them- selves. I. Kuan 有 is 又. C. 心 之所 之謂之 志 (The) heart's whither (we) call it chih. By 學 he meant the 大 學 adult or higher education ； n.b. the 3 meanings of 之、 The 合 ff says 必 欲 ； [|； 眞、 行 必 欲 其 至、 In his knowledge he wanted truth, in his actions he wanted perfection, L. had my mind bent on learning. Z. animum applicavi ad magnam scientiam. K. made up my mind to give myself up to serious studies. Couv. je m'appliquai a 1' etude de la sagesse.
2. or, I found my feet. C. 有以 自立貝 Ij 守 之 ® 而 無所事 志矣、 Having acquired that where- by he stood firm he had obtained thorough self-control, and no longer needed to serve his wiil (independent of a wavering- will.) L. stood firm. Z. firmus constite. K. I had formed my opinions and judgment. Couv. je niarchais d'un pas ferme dans le chemin de la vertu.
3. or, I was free from hesitancy, or delusion. C. 於
事物之 所 當 然 皆 無 所 疑 則 知 之明而 所事 守矣、 Having no doubts about the rights of things his knowledge was clear and he was independent of laborious performance. L. I had no doubts. Z. jam non haesitabam. K. no more doubts. Couv. j'avais Tintel- ligence parfaitement eclairee.
4. 命 ordinances, decrees, laws ； Intro. VIII. C. 天 命 卽天道 之流行 而賦於 物者、 By t'ien ming
1 50
THE ANALECTS.
11. IV, V.
stood the laws of Heaven. 5. At sixty my ear was docile. 6. At seventy I could follow the desires of my heart without transgressing the right."
CHAPTER v.— I. When Meng I Tzu
asked what filial duty meant, the Master
answered : "It is not being disobedient."
151
八
十 而 耳
順。 七十而
從 -.^ 0 欲
不 踰矩。
五 懿子問
孝。 子 曰。 無
違。 1 大 遲 御_
.IIlV, V.
THE ANALECTS.
is meant the operations and influence of the divine (or natural) law in creation. L. knew the decrees of Heaven. Z. novi cceli providentiam. K. I understood the truth in religion. Couv. Je connaissais les lois de la Providence.
5. or, responsive. C. 不 而 f《J、 Intuitively understood all he heard without the effort of thought. L. my ear was an obedient organ for the reception of truth. Z. auris faciles erat ad intelligendum. K. I could understand whatever I heard without exertion. Couv. Je comprenais, sans avoir besoin d'y reflechir, tout ce que mon oreille entendait.
6. or, without overstepping the square. C. 矩、 法 度之器 所以爲 方者、 An instrument of measure- ment for making a square ； i.e. a carpenter's square. C. finds it hard to reconcile this gradual development of Conf. with the accepted characteristics of a Sage, (Intro. VIII) that he is born with knowledge and puts it into practice with perfect ease ；生而 之、 ® 而 "之、 Hence having to choose betwixt honesty and humility the latter is chosen, and this discourse is attributed to the humility of the Master, his aim being merely to indicate to others the ideal steps in life. Evidently, as Dr. Legge says, " the Sages immediate disciples did not think of him so extravagantly as later men have done." L I could follow what my heart desired etc. Z. quin transgrederer regulam. K. without transgressing the law. Couv. en suivant les desirs de mon coeur, je ne transgressais aucune regie.
CHAPTER v.— FILIAL DUTY SUMMARISED. T. This incident belongs to the early period of the Sage's
152
THE ANALECTS. II. V, VI.
孟
鱧 之
0
事
何
B
問
子
武
以
之
謂
孝
告
伯
以
-til
、、五
於
之
問
祭
11
子
木罕， 二 大
我
a
2. Afterwards when Fan Ch'ih was driving him the Master told him, saying : " Meng Sun asked me what filial piety meant, and I replied ' Not being disobedient.' " 3. Fan Ch'ih thereupon asked, "What did you mean ？ ，， The Master answered : " While parents live serve them with decorum ； when they are dead bury them with decorum, and sacrifice to them with decorum,
CHAPTER VL— When Meng Wu Po asked what filial duty meant the ' Master
- 153
孟 孫
對
遲 曰、
曰、 生.
死、 葬
之 以
孝。 子，
11. V.
THE ANALECTS.
life, while Meng I Tzu, i.e. Meng Sun, named 何 忌、 was his disciple, see Intro. P. 37. Conf. is supposed always to liave framed his answer to the need of the person addressed. Hence in this and in each of the three follow- ing chapters his answer is different, though the subject is the same. 違 from Refractory and to go ； means in- tractable, disobedient. C. says 無違 謂不背 於 理 means, Not turn the back on, i.e. oppose right principles. Kuan. 違背 or 不 順 從、 L, It is not being dis- obedient. Z. nihil transgredi. K. Do not fail in what is required of you. Couv. suivre les prescriptions.
2. For Fan Ch'ih see Intro. V. C. 夫子以
子未達 而不能 問、 恐其失 指而以 從親之
合 爲孝、 The Sage recognising that 1 Tzu had not fully apprehended his meaning, yet did not like to ask further, and fearing he would lose the lesson and consider mere obedience as filial duty, 一 opened the meaning to Fan Ch'ih for him to repeat. Kuan. 對是 下吿上 白勺 意 tui indicates a reply to a superior. L. Soon after etc. K. My Lord M ― asked me about what constituted the duty of a good son.
3. C. 生事葬 祭事親 之始終 具矣、 To serve them while living, to sacrifice to them when buried, this is the beginning and end of filial service. 禮 Intro. VIII. 胡 氏 says : Not to do what one ought to do, and to do what one ought not to do are alike unfilial, hence Li means to do just as one ought to do. C. says that at this time the three noble families of Lu, who it must be remembered were of ducal descent, had usurped rites they were not entitled to, and
IS4
THE ANALECTS.
II. V, VI, VII.
here Conf. wishes in an indirect manner to draw the atten- tion of the youthful head of the great house, his father being already dead, to the usurpation. L. That parents,
when alive, should be served when dead buried
and sacrificed to according to propriety. Z. juxta
ritus. K do his duties to them, bury them... ...
honour their memory according to the rites prescribed by propriety. Couv. seloii les prescriptions.
CHAPTER VL— THE FILIAL SON AVOIDS CAUSING ANXIETY. 孟 武 was eldest son of 孟 懿 hence the title 伯、 His name was 録、 C. says the love of parents for their offspring knows no limits, and (translat- ing 唯 by '淮 恐) only fearing they will be ill are in constant anxiety. The moral is that the son must make his parents' heart of anxiety his own, 以父 母之心 爲 心、 and take care of himself 其身、 C. also com mends the ancient interpretation 人 子能使 父母不
以 其陷於 不義爲 憂而獨 以其疾 爲憂、 乃可 謂孝、 If a son can cause his parents no anxiety on the ground of wrong doing, but only on the ground of illness, he may be called filial. In this sense it may be interpreted : Let your parents have no other anxiety than that of your being sick. L. Parents are anxious lest their children should be sick. Z. pa rentes unice de illius infirmitate solliciti- sunt, or sint. K. Think how anxious your parents are when you are sick, and you will know your duty towards them. Couv. Les parents craignent par-dessus tout que leur fils ne soit malade.
CHAPTER VIL— FILIAL DUTY DEMANDS RE- VERENCE. For Tzu Yu see Intro. V. More literally
155
II. vir, VIII.
THE ANALECTS.
it reads : To day's filial ness consists in and means ability to nourish, but even (or down to) dogs and horses all can have nourishment ； without reverence how can they be dis- criminated ？ The ancient comm. interpreted by "but dogs and horses can offer sustenance." C. 若能 養其親 而 敬不至 則與養 犬馬者 何異、 If while he can nourish his parents he yet falls short in reverencing them, where is the difference between him and the man who feeds his dogs and horses ？ L. The filial piety of now-a-days means the support of one's parents. But dogs and horses likewise are able to do something in the way of support ； — without reverence what is there to distinguish the one support given from the other ？ Z. nunc temporis pietas filialis scilicet etc. ； at quoad canes et equos, aeque possunt habere alituram etc. K. The duty of a good son nowadays means only to be able to support his parents. But you also keep your dogs etc. alive, etc. Couv. les
animaux re^oivent aussi des hommes ce qui leur est
necessaire.
CHAPTER Vm. — FILIAL DUTY : HOW DONE GREATER THAN WHAT DONE. Tzu Hsia. Intro. V. 是、 This. 以 爲 take to be. fj| viands, dainties. C. 色難、 Filial sons having 深 愛 deep love are 禾 [J 氣 good tempered, being good tempered they carry a 偷 色 cheerful countenance, having a cheerful countenance they maintain 婉 容 an obliging bearing. An old interpretation was 承順 父母 之色爲 難、 To fit (or submit) oneself to one's parents' demeanour is the difficulty. 先生、 父 兄也、 Earlier bom 二 seniors. 鎮 、飮 食之 也、 To give them to
156
THE ANALECTS.
II. VI, VII.
七
以
有
於
是
0
子
疾
B
別
養'
犬
^田
m
今
游
之
父
不
宙
能
之
問
憂
0
敬
皆
孝
孝
0
唯
何
能
至
者'
子
其
answered ： " Parents should only have anxiety when their children are ill."
CHAPTER VIL— When Tzu Yu asked the meaning of filial piety the Master said : " The filial piety of the present day merely means to feed one's parents ； but even one's dogs and horses all get their food ； 一 without reverence wherein lies the difference ？ ，，
IS7
11. VIII, IX.
THE ANALECTS.
drink and eat. 曾猶嘗 也、 Already. Kuan. 色 難、
臉色耍 有和氣 快 樂 的 樣 子 0 服、 替 代。 ^、 難 道 〇 L The difficulty is with the countenance. If when their elders have any troublesome affairs, the young take the toil of them, etc. Z. oris alacritas, dif-
ficilie ； an vero hoc reputabitur pietas filialis ？ K.
The difficulty is with the expression of your look. That merely when anything is to be done, the young people do it, and when there is food and wine, the old folk are allowed to enjoy it, 一 do you think that is the whole duty etc. Couv. II est difficile de tromper par un faux sem- blant de piete filiale.
CHAPTER IX.— HUrS ACTIONS SPOKE LOU- DER THAN HIS WORDS. Hui, Intro. V. This was probably said after Hui's death. 終 曰、 To the end of the day, a whole day. C. 不違 者意不 相背有 聽受 而無問 難也、 He was never contrary, but took all in and raised no difficulties. 禾乂 謂 燕居網 處、 When alone, i.e. when not receiving instruction. 發 謂發明 所言之 11 、 Demonstrated and ex- hibited the principles I had discussed. L. I have talked with Hwuy etc. not made any objection. He has retired, and I have examined his conduct when away from me, and found him able to illustrate my teachings. Hwuy ！ he is not stupid. Z. non contradicit quasi esset stolidus.
par est splendidam executionem ； Hoei porro non est
stolidus. K. one whole day I find he has been able
to profit by what I have said to him. No, ― he is not a man dull of understanding. Couv. Houei ecoute mes explications toute une journee sans etc.
ISS
THE ANALECTS.
II. VIII, IX.
CHAPTER VIII. ― When Tzu Hsia asked the meaning of filial piety the Master said : " The demeanour is the difficulty. When there is anything to be done, that the young should undertake the burden of it ； when there is wine and food that they should serve them to their seniors ；— is this to be considered filial piety ？ ，，
CHAPTER IX.— The Master said : " I could talk to Hui for a whole day and he never raised an objection, as if he were stupid ； but when he withdrew and I ex- amined into his conduct when not with me, I nevertheless found him fully competent to demonstrate what I had taught him. Hui I
A 子夏 問孝。 子曰、 色
難、 有事、 弟子服 其
勞、 有 酒 食、 先 生 饌，
曾 是 以 爲 孝乎。
九 子曰、 吾與回 言 終
日、 不 違， 如 愚。 退、 而
省其私 、亦足 以發，
iS9
II. X， XL
THE ANALECTS.
CHAPTER X.— CHARACTER WILL OUT. Note the double climax 視、 觀、 察； 以、 由、 安、 I. 以
composed of 2. ' already ' twice joined 吕、 " to indicate the thought and action already done." "VVms. It is used in the sense of 行 or 用、 C. 以、 爲也、 To do. 爲 善者爲 君子、 爲 惡者爲 小 人、 He who does good is a man of virtue, he who does ill is a petty man.
2. C. 觀比視 爲詳矣 、觀 is more precise than IS^ 由、 從 也、 Whence, motive. Tho' a man do good, if his motive be otherwise he is still no 君子、
3. C. 察 M»j 又； 6ll 詳矣、 察 involves increased precision. 安、 所 樂也、 That in which he delights. Tho' both the course of action and the motive be right, if the man take no delight therein he is feigning, and how can he for long maintain it ？
4- C. 焉、 何 也、 How? 瘦、 匿 也、 Hide, con- ceal. How can the man be hidden ？ L. See what a man does. Mark his motives. Examine in what things he rests. How can a man conceal his character ！ etc. Z. respice
quid talis ag"at, observa motivum, examina de-
lectetur ； homo qui unquam latebit ？ etc. K. You look
.at how a man acts ； find out his tastes; ...how can
he hide himself from you ？ Couv. Si I'on considere les
actions d'un homme, observe motifs, examine
ce qui fait son bonheur, pourra-t-il cacher ce qu'il est ？
CHAPTER XL —" THINGS NEW AND OLD" Mt XII. 52. Or, Warm up your old and learn the new, and you may become a teacher oi others. Kuan. 'M^ 温 習、 C. 故 者 舊、 Old. 若 夫 記 問 之 學 1) 無得於 心 而 所知有 陷 、 The learning that con-
- i6o
THE ANALECTS. II. X, XI.
+ 十
he was not stupid."
CHAPTER X.—!. The Master said : " Observe what he does ； 2. look into his motives ； 3. find out in what he rests. 4. Can a man hide himself! Can a man hide himself!"
CHAPTER XI. ― The Master said : '* He who keeps on reviewing his old and acquiring new knowledge may become a teacher of others."
囘也 不愚、
子曰、 視其 所以。
二 111
觀 其 所 由。 察 其
所 安。 k 焉 廋哉。
人焉 廋哉。 .
子曰、 温 故而知
新、 可 以、 爲 師 矣。
i6i
II. XI, Xri, XIII. THE ANALECTS.
sists merely of memorising and questioning gives nc mental power, and the result is a shallow knowledge. L. If a man keeps cherishing his old knowledge, so as to be continually acquiring new, he may be a teacher of others. Z. recole antiqua et hinc deduc nova, et poteris fieri prseceptor. K. If a man will constantly go over what he has acquired, and keep constantly adding to it, etc. Couv. Celui qui repasse dans son esprit ce qu'il sait deja, et par ce moyen acquiert de nouvelles connaissances, pourra etc.
CHAPTER XII.-— THE VERSATILITY OF THE WISE MAN. 器 originally a receptacle, later any utensil receptive or instrumental ； 器 1、 器 具、 機 暑 g 、 C. 器者各 適其用 而不能 相通、 ivery uten- sil is suited to its own particular use and not for universal employment. But the virtuous scholar 非特爲 一 才 ― 藝 is not limited to one talent or one art. L. The accomplished scholar is not an utensil. Z. Sapiens non est unius usus vas. K. A wise man will not make him- self into a mere machine fit only to do one kind of work. Couv. (il est apte a tout.)
CHAPTER XIII.— PRACTICE BEFORE PREACH- ING. A stronger phrase even than " He preaches what he practises." Tzu Kung Intro. V. He first acts his speech and afterwards 從 follows up 之 his already materialised words with speech. C. 行之於 未言之 先、 言之 於旣行 之後、 He does it before he says it, and says it after he has done it. 子貫之 患 非 言 之難而 行 之難、 Tzu Kung's weakness lay not in difficulty of saying, but in difficulty of doing. L. Tsze
I 5 ,2
THE ANALECTS. II. XII, XIII, XIV,
十 四
4-
4-
不
不
子
後
0
子
子
It
從
先
■ITT 二
貝
a
小
君
之
0
行
問
君
人
子
其
君
子
比
周
子
0
不
而
而
而
子
器
CHAPTER XII. — The Master said: The higher type of man is not a machine."
CHAPTER XIIL— On Tzu Kung ask- ing about the nobler type of man the Master said : " He first practises what he preaches and afterwards preaches according to his practice."
CHAPTER XIV. ― The Master said: " The nobler type of man is broad-minded and not partisan. The inferior man is partisan and not broad-minded."
163
II. XIV, XV.
THE ANALECTS.
Ku ng asked what constituted the superior man He
acts before he speaks and afterwards speaks according- to his actions. K. similar. Z. prius agit qua^ dicit, et postea verba rem seqiiuntur. Couv. Le sage commence par faire ce qu'il veut enseigner ； ensuite il enseigne.
CHAPTER XI\\ -riTTLOSOPHY AND PRE- JUDICE. Or, The Philosopher is catholic, tolerant, and not bigoted. For 君 子 and /J、 人 see Intro. VIII. C. 、普 ® 也、 To extend everywhere. 比、 ff 黨也、 Biassed and part\--spirited. Also 周、 公； Im- partial, and 比、 禾丄 prejudiced. Kuan. 間、 周 到 or 公 平； 比、 簡 私、 L. The sup. mrm is catholic and no partizan. The mean man etc. Z. Sapiens est universalis et non factiosus ； vulgaris homo est privati aftectus, non universalis benevolenti^e homo. K. A wise man is impartial not neutral. A fool etc. Couv. Le sage ainie tons les honmies, et n'a de partialite pour personne. L'homme vulgaire etc.
CHAPTER XV.- -LEARNING BY ROTE AND LEARNING WITH THOUGHT. Or, Education with- out meditation is useless. ？ Meditation without education is risk)-. C. 不求諸 心 故昏 rf[j 無得、 He who does not reflect will remain ignorant and learn nothing. 程 子 says 博 學、 審 問、 愼 思、 明 辨、 篤 行、 五 者 非其 一非學 也、 Wide culture, close investiga- tion, careful excogitation, clear discrimination, unfailing' practice, ~ of these five features it one be discarded what
remains is no longer learning. L perilous. Z. ad-
discere quin reflectas. tunc evaiiescat : periculosum.
K. Study etc. perilous. Couv. Entendre ou lire sans
164.
rHE ANALECTS. II. XV, XVI, XVII
1
七
+
驅
六
十 五
知
子
山 m
子
不
思
子
之
H
斯
學
B
由、
攻
則
罔'
學
知
也
乎
殆
0
心
而
之
而
不
0
CHAPTER XV. ― The Mastei said ： " Learning without thought is useless. Thought without learning is dangerous."
CHAPTER XVI. — The Master said : " To devote oneself to irregular speculations is decidedly harmful."
CHAPTER XVII. — The Master said: " Yu ！ Shall I teach you the meaning of
165
II. XVI, XVII.
THE ANALECTS.
reflechir, est une occupation vaine ； reflechir, sans livre ni maitre, est dangereux.
CHAPTER XVL— THE STUDY OF HERESY HARMFUL. Or, to apply oneself to heterodoxy is hurtful indeed. K. 攻、 專 門 做 devote oneself to.
C. 攻、 專治也 o 故 治木石 金玉之 工 曰 攻 V Kung means entirely working upon, hence to work in
wood, stone, metal or precious stones is called kung.
One would like to credit Conf. with advising his disciples
not to " attack " 攻 heterodoxy, but such a view would
be heterodox indeed ！ 異端 非聖人 之道、 如楊
墨是也 。其率 天下至 於無父 無君、 " Strange doctrines ，， means, whatever is not the Sage's teachings, as for example those of Yang and Mei, who would lead the Empire to deny both father and prince (anarchy). 程 子 adds Buddhism, and the 四書 合講、 Taoism. But Yang and Mei were of a generation subsequent to Conf., Buddhism was unknown in China, and Taoism not yet formulated as a system. Probably the * strange notions ' referred to were the spiritualistic extravagances already existing in China, which are referred to in VII. 20, and wh. were at a later date incorporated in Taoism. L. The study of strange doctrines is injurious indeed. Z. applicari ad insolitas doctrinas, id est detrimentosum. K. To give oneself up to the study of metaphysical theories etc. Couv. Etudier des doctrines opposees (aux enseignements des ancieiis sages), c'est nuisible.
CHAPTER XVII. —RECOGNITION OF IGNO- RANCE IS GOOD FOR KNOWLEDGE. For 由 see Intro. V. 仲由、 Tz{i Lu. C. 其 所不 知 以
1 66
THE ANALECTS. II. XVII, XVIli.
knowledge ？ When you know a thing to recognise that you know it, and when you do not know that you do not know, 一 that is knowledge."
CHAPTER XVIIL— I. Tzu Chang was studying with a view to preferment. 2. The Master said to him : " Hear much, reserve whatever causes you doubt, and speak guardedly of the rest ； you will then suffer little criticism. See much, reserve whatever seems imprudent, and act guardedly as to the rest ； you will then have few regrets.
167
爲 知 之、 不 知爲 不知、
是 知 也。
十< ^ 張學千 祿。 A- 曰、 多
閗闕疑 • 愼 言 其 餘、 則
寡尤， 多 見 闕 殆、 愼 行
. K 餘、 則. 寡 悔、 言 寡 尤
II. XVII, XVIII. THE ANALECTS.
爲 知者、 What he did not know he passed off as know- ing. L. When you know a thing to hold that you know
it ； to allow that you do not know it. Z. quod scis
reputes id scire, etc. K. To know what it is that you know, and to know what it is that you do not know, 一 that is understanding. Couv. Ce qu'on sait, savoir qu'on le sait ； ce qu'on ne sait pas, savoir qu'on ne le sait pas : c'est savoir veritablement.
CHAPTER XVIIL— THE DISCREET PROSPER. I. Tzu Chang. Intro. V. C. 干 求也、 Aim at. 祿 o 仕之 奉也、 An officer's pay 皐、 L. learning with a view to official emolument. Z. aspirabat ad magistratus stipendia. K. studying with a view to pre- ferment. Couv. etudiait en vue d'obtenir une charge avec des appointements.
2. Kuan. 闕 。暫時 丢開； 尤、 批評、 C. 程子 says 尤、 罪自外 至者； 悔、 理 自內出 者、 Yu is blame coming from without. Hui is the truth coming from within. 多聞 見者學 之博； 闕疑 殆者擇 之精； 愼言 行者守 之約、 To hear and observe much is the widening of culture ； to reserve the doubtful and risky is the essence of selection (discretion) ； to speak and act warily is the restraining advantage of self control. 程 子 says 脩天 爵而人 爵至、 He who cultivates the dignities divine will acquire dignities human ； see Menc.
VI. I. 1 6. L put aside the points of which you
stand in doubt, while you speak cautiously etc afford
few occasions for blame perilous few occasions for
repentance in the way to get emolument. Z. multis
auditis sepone incerta, et caute dicas reliqua ； tunc
1 68
THE ANALECTS. II XVI 1 1, XIX, XX.
With little for criticism in your speech, and little to regret in your conduct,— herein you will find preferment"
CHAPTER XIX. — Duke Ai enquired saying : " What should I do to ensure the contentment of the people ？ " " If you pro- mote the upright and dismiss the ill-doer," replied Confucius, " the people will be contented ； but if you promote the ill-doer and dismiss the upright, the people will be dis-contented."
CHAPTER XX.— When Chi K'ang Tzu asked how to inspire the people with respect
1 60
行 寡悔， 祿在其 中矣。
十九 哀 公 問曰、 何 爲則民
服。 孔 子 對 曰、 舉 直 錯
. 諸枉、 則 民服： 舉枉錯
諸直、 則民 不服。
二十季 康子問 使民敬 忠
II. XVIU, XIX.
THE ANALECTS.
modicum errabis ； en stipendium in his consisit. K. Read and learn everything, but suspend your judgment on anything of wh. you arc in doubt ； for the rest, be careful in what you say : in that way you will give few occasions for men to criticise etc. Mix with
the world and see everything, but do not meddle
with self-reproach ； cannot help getting preferment,
even if you would. Couv Apres avoir beaucoup
vu (considere les exemples des anciens et des mo- dernes), etc.
CHAPTER XIX.— JUSTICE MAKES A CON- TENTED PEOPLE. Ai (name 蔣） was Duke of Lu (B. C. 494-467) when Confucius was recalled from his voluntary exile. See Intro. II. Hence this conversation must have occurred late in the Sage's life. originally written 般.、 to manage a boat, (Wms), hence governed, acquiescent. Note the 孔 -J 對 the Sage'i; name being given and the 對 used in deference to the rank of the interlocutor. The 直 and 枉、 straight and crooked, are generally interpreted in the concrete sense rather than in the abstract, referring to men rather than to affairs. C. 錯 捨置、 To set down, or aside. 諸 〇 衆 也 plural. Kuan. 擧起正 直的人 棄 掉攏總 不直的 人、 L. What should be done in order to secure the submis- sion of the people Advance the upright and set aside
the crooked, then the people will submit etc. Z. quid
agam etc '. . eleva probos, abdica omnes per versos, tunc
populus acquiescet. K. Uphold the cause of the just and put down every cause that is unjust, and the people will submit. Couv. Si le prince el eve aux charges les
170
THE ANALECTS.
11. XX, XXI.
homines vertueux, et ecarte tous les honimes vicieux, le peuple sera satisfait ； mecontent.
CHAPTER XX.— MUTUAL EMULATION BY PRINCE AND PEOPLE. 季 康 子 posthumous title of 季 孫 月巴、 chief of the three great families of Lu, II. 5. 康" Easy and pleasant, people- soother ,， (L). 肥 the Fat. The 以 is generally ignored here, apparently without reason ； L. takes it as 與、 C. 莊 $fi 容 貌 端 嚴也、 With grave and reverend mien, 慈〇 慈 於衆、 Kind to all. 善 is taken in the sense of moral goodness, and 勸 、 tho' ( persuasible ' suggests itself, is taken in an active sense, 民 有所勸 而樂於 爲善、 Kuan.
勸、 彼 jl'b 働 也、 L to urge themselves to virtue.
Let hi 111 preside over them with gravity advance
the good and teach the incompetent ； -― then they will eager- ly seek to be virtuous. Z sicque ad virtutem ex-
citetur promove bonos et instrue debiles, tunc ex--
citabitur. K to inspire a feeling of respect and loyalty
in the people, in order to make them exert themselves for
the good of the country Advance those who excel in
anything and educate the ignorant, etc. Couv. Que le
prince el eve aux charges l es honimes de bien et forme
ceux dont la vertu est encore faible, et il excitera le peuple a cultiver la vertu.
CHAPTER XXL— THE PUBLIC SERVICE NOT CONFINED TO OFFICE. i. This incident is at- tributed to the first year of Duke Ting. B. C. 509. The use of the Sage's surname indicates that the enquirer was not a disciple.
2. The quotation is from the 書經、 XXI. i， where
171
IL XXI， XXII.
THE ANALECTS.
a minister is appointed in consequence of his exhibition of these qualities, the extension of wh. makes good govern- ment, as the State is but an extension of the family. 施 於 有政、 Are to be exhibited in the holder (or affairs) of office. 奚 其、 Why should THAT 爲 （以 爲) be deemed 爲政 to be exercising government. Kuan. 施 =傲 出來； 於 二在、 C. 孔子 之不仕 有難以 語、 It was difficult (not polite) for Conf. to announce his
real reason for refusing office. L. What does say
of filial piety ？ ― ' You are filial, you discharge your brotherly duties. These qualities are displayed in govt.* This then also constitutes the exercise of govt. Why- must there be THAT to make one be in the govt. Z. annales nonne memorant pietatem ？ Scilicet pietatem et benevolentiam in fratres, extends ad habendum gubernium, hoc etiam est gerere gubernium ； etc. K. What does the * Book of Records ' say of the duties of a good son ？ * Be dutiful to your parents ； be brotherly to your brothers ； discharge your duties in the govt of your family ！ These
then are also duties of govt etc. Couv pourquoi 】ie
prenez vous aucune part au gouvt ？ Faire regner la
vertu dans sa famille par son exemple, c'est aussi gouver- ner. Remplir une charge, est-ce la seule maniere de prendre part au gouvt ？
CHAPTER XXII.— GOOD FAITH THE LINK BETWEEN A MAN AND HIS PROGRESS. 信、 A man standing by his word, reliable, faithful. The 合 講 says : As ：鋭 or 輒 is the link connecting ( 目接) the ox or horse to the carriage, so 信 is the link connect- ing man and man 己與人 相 接處、 C. The 大 車
1/2
THE ANALECTS.
II. XX, XXI.
and loyalty, so that they might be mutually emulous (for the welfare of the State), the Master said : " Lead them with dignity and they will be respectful ； be filial and kind and they will be loyal ； promote those who excel and teach the incompetent, and they will encourage each other."
CHAPTER XXL— I. Some one address- ed Confucius with the remark : " Why, Sir, are you not in the public service ？ " 2. 丁 he Master answered : " Does not the Book of History say concerning filial duty, 一 ' But
173
以 勸、 如 之 何。 子 曰、 臨
之 以 莊則敬 、孝 慈 則
忠、 舉善 而敎不 能 則
*i I t 謂孔子 曰、 子 奚 不
爲 政。 IV 曰、 書 云 孝 乎、
II. XXII, XXIII.
THE ANALECTS.
is described as a wagon for drawing loads on level ground. It was drawn by an ox or oxen yoked between the shafts. The 小 車 was a carriage to ride in, drawn by a pair of horses attached to a pole. The 親 and the |J[ took the place, at the opposite end of the shaft, of our modern splinter-bar, or whiffle-tree, being the cross-bar to wh. the animals were attached ； in the former case it ( 親 ) seems, to have been attached to the two shafts, in the latter case (輒) to have hung from the curved end of the carriage- pole, tho' C. implies that they were, in the one case, a hook or similar attachment on the cross-bar, and in the other case, the hooked end of the pole itself. 鋭。 車袁 端
橫木縛 鯢以駕 牛 者。 軏、 轅 端上曲 鉤 衡
以駕 馬者、 L truthfulness ete. How can a large
can iage be made to go without the cross-bar for yoking the oxen to, or a small carriage without the arrangement for yoking the horses. Z. veracitate. . .... rrtagnum
plaustrum sine bourn jugo, et parvus currus sine equorum jugo. K. good faith. A cart without a yoke and a car- riage without horses, etc. Couv. sincerite. joug pour le boeuf, joug pour les chevaux.
, CHAPTER XXIII.- -THE PAST THE MIRROR OF THE FUTURE, i. For Tzu Chang see Intro. V. 世 while meaning a generation of 30 years is here usually interpreted by ' dynasty,' viz. C. 王者易 姓受命 爲 一 世、 When a royal line of different surname from its predecessor receives its (Divine) appointment it forms a 世 dynasty. L. whether the affairs of ten ages after could be known. Z. an decern dynastiarum detur prsenoto. K. the state of the civilisation of the world.
174
THE ANALECTS. II. XXI, XXII, XXIII.
one's duty as a son and friendliness to one's brethren are shewn forth in the public service ' ？ These then are also public service. Why should that idea of yours be considered as constituting public service ？ "
CHAPTER XXII.— The Master said : " A man who is without good faith ― I do not know how he is to get on. A waggon without its yoke-bar for the ox, or a carriage without its collar-bar for the horses, how can it be made to go ？ ，，
CHAPTER XXIIL— Tzu Chang asked whether the condition of things ten ages
. 1；5
惟孝、 友于 兄弟、 施於
有 政、 是 亦 爲 政、 奚 其
爲 爲政。
f 一子曰 ，人 而無信 1 不知
其 可 也. 大 車 無 g 。小
車 無 輒、 其 何 以行之
廿三 4^ 張 問十世 可知也 e
11. XXIII, XXIV. THE ANALECTS.
Couv. ce que feraient les empereurs de dix dyn. sue- cessives.
2. 夏殷 ( or 商) and [Sj were the three great dyn. of antiquity. Conf. answers that the main principles of society are inalterable. C. 所因 謂 三 綱 五 常、 What are perpetuated are the three bonds of society and the five cardinal virtues, i.e. the bonds between 君 and 臣 、 父 and 子、 夫 and 婦； and the virtues 仁 義 jjg 智 信、 Non-essentials may change, e.g. 文 章 and 制度、 but not the essentials Kuan. 損二减 去； 益二力 il 添、 L. followed the regulations of the Hea ； wherein it took
from or added to them may be known Some other
may follow the Chow, hut tho' it should be at the distance of a hundred ages, its affairs may be known. Z. Yin in- iiitebatur in dynastias Hia principles, etc. qune forte siiccedent dyn. Tclieou, licet centum essent dyn. , possunt sciri. K. The present Chou dyn. adopted the civilisation of the House of Yin ； what modification, etc. Perhaps some other may hereafter etc ； but should that happen a hundred generations after this, etc. Couv. La dyn. des Tcheou a adopte les prescriptions de la dyn. des In, etc.
CHAPTER XXIV.— SYCOPHANCY AND PUSIL- LANIMITY. I. 鬼 means a disembodied spirit, i.e. the manes of one's ancestors. Kuan. 人 死 爲 鬼、 C. 非 其-所 當祭 之鬼、 Not a spirit he ought to wor- ship. 詔。 求媚 也、 Currying favour, toadying. K. 諮 奉承、 L. For a man to sacrifice to a spirit 、vh. does not belong- to him is flattery. Z. 鬼 genius, 讓 adulatio. K. To worship a spirit to whom one is not bound by a real feeling of duty or respect is idolatry.
176
THE ANALECTS.
11. XXIII, XXIV
hence could be foreknown. 2. The Master answered : " The Yin dynasty perpetuated the civilisation of the Hsia ； its modifications and accretions can be known. The Chou perpetuated the civilisation of the Yin, and its modifications and accretions can be known- Whatever others may succeed the Chou, their character, even a hundred ages hence, can be known."
CHAPTER XXIV. — I. The Master said : ，， To sacrifice to a spirit not one's own
子曰、 殷因 於 夏 鱧、 所
損 益可 知 也、 周 因 於
殷 鱧、 所 損益可 知 也、
其 或繼 周者、 雖百 世、
廿 閥 子曰非 其鬼而 祭之、
177
II. XXIV. THE ANALECTS.
2. Kuan. 應 該 做 的 Duty. L.K. What is right. Z. esse aequum. Coiiv. une chose qu'il sait etre dc son devoir. 勇、 L.K. Couv. courage. Z. fortitudine.
178
THE ANALECTS.
II. XXIV.
is sycophancy. 2. To see the right and not do it is cowardice "
0 義 不
爲、 無 勇 也。
III. I.
The Analects.
VOLUME II.
BOOK III.
THE EIGHT DANCERS. Concerning Manners and Music.
CONTENTS OF THE BOOK. As the first Book treats of Learning and its fundamentals, and the second of Right Principles of Government, the third proceeds to the consideration of Ceremonies and Music, those adjuncts of good government so dear to the heart of Confucius.
CHAPTER L— USURPATION OF RITES LEADS TO USURPATION OF RIGHTS. Date circ. 515 B.C. The 季 叔 and 孟 families were all descendants of Duke Huan 桓 B.C. 710, upon whom permission to use Imperial rites had been bestowed ； but for a mere cadet . like Chi to employ them amounted to an assumption of ducal powers, just as an offering of the Imperial sacrifice to Heaven by any one but the Emp. would to-day be tantamount to the assumption of sovereignty. The Comm. say. If he could bear to do this he could bear to anything ； even to murder his parent or his prince. As to the 八 there is a difference of opinion in regard to the number of performers. C. says some assert that an Emp. had 8 bands of 8 men, a noble 6 of 6, a minister 4 of 4 ; and an officer 2 of 2 ; others that every consisted of 8 men. The men waved
180
III. I, II,
The Analects.
VOLUME II.
BOOK III.
取 g m 忍 可 八
CHAPTER I. ― Confucius said of the head of the House of Chi, who had eight rows of dancers performing in his Temple :-— " If he can bear to do this, what can he not bear to do ？ "
CHAPTER II.— The members of the three great houses of Lu used the Yung Ode at the removal of the sacrifices. The Master said : —
.<： ^ 第 三
孔 子 謂 季 氏、
^舞於 庭、 是
忍 也、 孰不可
也。
三 家 者、 以 雍
子曰， M 維辟
天子穆 穆、 奚
i8i
III. I, II.
THE ANALECTS.
wands with pheasants' tail feathers attached, as the 生 still do at the Conf. sacrifices. Z. makes the remark of Conf. begin with 季氏、 but the Comm. are against such an interpretation. 氏 formerly meant 姓、 but is now used for a married woman's paternal surname. Another interpretation of 是 可 忍 etc. is. If this can be borne what may not be borne ！ L. eight rows of pantomimes in his area etc. Z. octo chores saltantes in aula ； id potest ferre, quid jam non poterit audere. K. eight sets of
choristers in their family chapel If this is allowed to
pass etc. Couv. huit choeurs de pantomimes qui chantaient
dans le cour S'il ose se permettre un tel abus, etc.
CHAPTER II,— A VERSE THAT DID NOT FIT. The 三 家 were the three noble families of Lu, cadets of the ducal house, known as 孫、 叔 孫 and 季孫、 L. They assembled together, as descendants of Duke Huan, in one temple. To this temple belonged the 庭 named in last chapter, wh. is called 季 氏庭、 because circumstances had concurred to make 季 氏 the chief of the three families. For the 雍 (誰) Ode wh. they impro- perly used see 詩 經 Pt IV. Bk I (ii) Ode vii. C. 徹 祭畢 而收其 也 o The withdrawal of the utensils at the close of the sacrifice, ff^ 助 .[j^Q Aiding. 公、 諸候 也 o Princes, or nobles. 穆 穆、 深遠之 意、 Profound and far-away, exalted, absorbed ； L. pro- found and grave ； Z. religione plenus ； K. august ； Couv. tres respectueuse. The 維 is translated nonnisi by Z ； and by tons and solomodo by Couv. ； but it seems better treated as a euphonic auxiliary ； Kuan interprets by 是、 I- while the vessels were being removed,
182
THE ANALECTS.
III. III. IV.
Assisting are the princes, —- the Emp. looks etc. Z ad
toUendam sacrificii iiiensam quomodo usurpatur etc.
K. concluded the service in their chapel by chanting the hymn used only on occasions of Imperial worship.
CHAPTER III.— WORSHIP WITHOUT VIRTUE INCONGRUOUS. 人 而 etc. A man yet without 仁 as to 鱧 what ？ For 仁、 禮 and 樂 sec Intro VIII. C. 禮 樂 are attributes ot the true man, and apart from the true man, however elaborate they be, of what use are they ？ C. thinks that this cap. arises out of the two last, and indicates that the character and temple service of the three Families are referred to. Kuan says : A man without a natural (i.e. good) heart 本 心 how are you to teach him 禮 樂 ？ L. If a man be without the virtues proper to humanity what has lie to do with the rites ot
propriety ？ music ？ Z. homo qui non sit pius, quoad
ritus quomodo ？ K without moral character, what
good can . the use of the fine arts do him ？ Couv. peut-il accomplir les ceremonies ？ cultiver la musique ？
CHAPTER IV. — SINCERITY BETTER THAN FORMALITY. I. Lin Fang, Intro. V. C. says the lavishness of the age prompted this question. 禮 Intro VIII. 本 has two meanings 根 本 and 本始 ($} 爲)、 根 本 would give " the radical principles in ceremonies/' but the 合 講 interprets it here by 本始、 initial prin- ciple, or first thing. L. the first thing to be attended to in ceremonies. Z. petiit rituum potissimum. K, the fundamental principle of art. Couv. la chose la plus necessaire.
2. 哉" An exclamation of praise or surprise ，， Wms.
183
III. IV, V.
THE ANALECTS.
Kuan. 稱 讚的- 口氣、 C. Conf. 大 其 問 magnified his question, for he who understood the 本 would find therein the whole body of li ，禮之 全體、 I.Z. idem. K. That is a very great question. Couv. Oh ！ que cette question est importante ！
3. 與 其 寧 Rather then be lavish better be frugal.
禮 is of two kinds, 吉 and 四 、 felicitous and infelicitous. Here as contrasted with 喪 it is taken by the 備 旨 comm. to refer to 吉 禮 felicitous occasions, e.g. 冠 婚 祭 Capping (when coming of age), marriage, and sacrifices. C. 爲、 治 也 3 control, attend to ； e.g. Mencius VII. I. 23. 爲 其田嗜 " Let them carefully cultivate their grain fields and flax fields." Kuan. 爲、 治 講究、 C. The golden mean between lavishness and economy, between ceremoniousness and excessive grief, is the desi- deratum. The external rites should symbolise the internal emotion, for 先 有賀而 後有文 reality takes prece- dence of expression, and 質乃 禮之本 也、 the sub- stantial emotion is the basis of li. L. In festive ceremonies
it is better to be sparing than extravagant ceremonies
of mourning... ...deep sorrow than a minute attention to
observances. Z. In ritibus potius quam prodigalites
praestat sobrietas concinnitas moeror. K. in the
art used in social usages it is better to be simple than to be expensive etc. Couv. il faut mieux rester en-deca des
limites que de les depasser, la douleur qu'un appa-
reil pompeux.
CHAPTER v.— UNCIVILISED ORDER BETTER THAN CIVILISED ANARCHY. An alternative interp. is : The I Ti with their princes are not in the bereft
184
- THE ANALECTS. III. Ill, IV.
" ' Assisted by princes and noblemen, Solemnly stands the Son of Heaven,' ―
What application can this have in the Hall of the three Families ！ "
CHAPTER ITT — The Master said ：一" A man who is not virtuous, what has he to do with worship ？ A man who is not virtuous, what has he to do with the music (of the temple) ？ ，，
CHAPTER IV.— I. Lin Fang asked what was the chief principle in ceremonial observances. 2. The Master answered : 一 " A great question indeed ！ 3. In ceremo-
於 三 家 之 堂。
三 子曰、 人而不 仁、
如 鱧何、 人而不
仁、 如 樂 何。
g 放問禮 之本。
日、 大哉問 U k
與 其 奢 也、 寧 儉、
喪、 與 其 葛 也、 寧
185
III. V， VI.
THE ANALECTS.
condition of all our Summer Land. 夷 the tribes to the n.e. (合 講 says w.) 狄 those to the n. The ancient comm. interpret 不 如 by " are still not equal to," but the modern by 不 似 simply "not as." The 合 講— says 諸、 衆 也〇 the many, all, i.e. multitudinous. 夏、 大 也。 great. C. t 、古 無字通 ffio anciently inter- changed with 無、 子傷 時之亂 而難之 o The Sage grieved over the anarchy of the times and bewailed it. L. The rude tribes of the e. and n. etc. not like the States of out great land wh. are without them. Z. Barbari occidentales et boreales etc. non sicut frequentissimi Sinae qui non habent. K. The heathen hordes of the N. and
E whereas now in China respect for authority no
longer exists anywhere. Couv, Les barbares de 1' orient etc. sont moins miserables que les nombreux peuples de la China ne reconnaissant plus de prince.
CHAPTER VI.— THE GODS ARE ABOVE BRI- BES. Date about B.C. 480. 季 氏 see III. i. 冉有 A disciple of Conf. in the service of the Chi family, v. Intro. V. C. 族、 祭 名:） the name of a sacrifice. 泰 jjj the chief of the 五 嶽 the five great mtns of China, situated in Lu, now Shantung, two miles north of 泰安 縣、 The sacrifice to this mountain was a ducal privilege,
cf. III. I. 天 子祭天 地諸 候祭 國內山 川 0
The worship of heaven and earth belong to the Emp., that of the hills and rivers in a principality to its prince, hence the action of 季 氏 was a usurpation and useless^^ as 不 享 非 禮、 the gods take no enjoyment in improper offerings. 女二汝 o 曾 etc. cf. 11. 8. "have you said " etc. For Lin Fang see preceding cap. i.e. Lin Fang had
186
THE ANALECTS.
III. V， VI
nies in general, it is better to be simple than lavish : and in the rites of mourning, heart- felt distress is better than observance of detail."
CHAPTER v.— The Master said:— " The tribes of the east and north have their princes, and are not, like all our great land, without"
CHAPTER VL— When the chief of the Chi family was going to sacrifice on Mount T，ai， the Master addressing Jan Yu said : ― " Can you not save him from this ？ " "I
五子曰 、夷 狄之有
君， 不如 諸夏之
亡 也。
六 季氏旅 於 泰 山。
子謂冉 有曰、 ■
弗 能 救 與。 對 曰、
不 能。 子曰、 嗚呼、
III. VI, VII.
THE ANALECTS.
just learnt the foundation principles of 禮 and was the mtn god more ignorant than he ？ L. Alas ！ will you say that the T'ae mt is not so discerning as Lin Fang ？ Z. Heu ！
ergone dicetur nec aequare Lin Fang ？ K. was going
to offer sacrifice on the top of etc. Ah then it is useless to
say anything more do you think not as L.F.
Couv. dira-t- on que les Esprits sont moins intelligents
que L.F.
CHAPTER VIL— A GENTLEMAN IS NEVER CONTENTIOUS. 君 子 Intro VIII. Here described as 尙徳 之人、 a lover of virtue, 心 平氣和 of calm mind and unruffled spirit 無所爭 nothing in wh. he contends. Kuan 爭、 爭 勝 or 佔 先 strive for mastery, or precedence. 必 也 射 乎 if he must, shall it be in archery? Kuan. 如 ；!^ 要尋出 他爭勝 的 地 方、 必， 是射 fj? 的 時 候 嗎 0 讓 give place to ； Kuan. 讓 人先行 。揖 and 讓 apply to 升、 下 and 飮、 Archery was of three kinds, 大射、 賓射 and 燕 射、 The 大、 according to 合 講 may be called Court Archery, the 賓 military archery, being confined to 士 officers, the 燕 recreation archery. The rules were similar in all. In the 大 射 three sets of competitors advanced together to the shooting pavilion 堂、 each set consisting of 3 men. The rules of courtesy were all duly laid down. The loser, then as now, did not " stand a drink ，， but took his punishment by drinking it himself. The ^、 which is read in the departing tone, indicates that the winner offered it. L. The student of virtue has no contentions. If it be said he cannot avoid them shall this be in archery ？ But he bows complaisantly etc. Z. Sapiens nihil est in quo
i88
THE ANALECTS. III. VI, VII, VIII.
倩 兮
八
子" 其
盼 兮
問
0 巧
也
子
而
卞
而
必 也
射 乎
七
子 曰
林 曾
放 謂 乎 泰
子
揖 所
cannot," he replied. " Alas ！ ，， sai Master, " is that not saying that the Spirit of Mount T'ai is not equal to Lin Fang? "
CHAPTER VIL— The Master said:— "A gentleman never contends in anything he does. 一 except perhaps in archery. Even then, he bows to his rival and yields him the way as they ascend the pavilion ； in like manner he descends and offers him the penalty cup, ― in his contentions he is still a gentleman."
CHAPTER VIII.— I. Tzu Hsia asked :— " What is the meaning of the passage, ——
u 二 4 i
e
In
t
d
189
111. VII, VIII.
THE ANALECTS.
contendat ； si plane esset, nonne in sagittando foret ？ At salutat obsequenter etc. K. A gentleman never competes in anything he does, ― except perhaps in archery. But even then, when he wins he courteously makes his bow before he advances to take his place among the winners ； and when he has lost he walks down and drinks his cup of forfeit etc. Couv. Le sage n'a jamais de contestation. (S'il en avait), ce serait certainement quand il tire a I'arc. (Avant la lutte), il salue humblement ses adver- saires, et monte a I'endroit prepare. (Apres la lutte), il boit etc.
CHAPTER VIII.— MORALS FIRST, MANNERS AFTER. I. Tzu Hsia, Intro V. The quot. is from one of the 逸詩、 poems excluded from the Odes by Conf. ； but its first two stanzas appear in Odes 1. v. 3. What artful smiling dimples ！ What splendid eyes well defined ！ A plain ground taken for colouring ！ Tzu Hsia's difficulty was with the 以爲、 which he read " regarded as," instead of " can be," or " to be used for." C. 子夏 疑其反 謂 以素爲 «b C. 盼、 目 黑白分 也 3 Good definition of pupil and sclerotic. 素：） 粉地 畫 之： H 也。 The white ground, the basis of the painting. • 茅询、 采 色 m 之飾也 3 The decorative colouring, the adornment of the picture. L. The pretty dimples of her artful smile ！ The well-defined black and white of her eye ！ The plain ground for the colours. Z. Venustum ridens ducit rictum, pulcher oculus distincte nitet, et ex albo facit coloratum. K. Her coquettish smiles, How dimpling they are ； Her beautiful eyes, How beaming they are ； O fairest is she Who is simple and plain. Couv.
190
THE ANALECTS.
III. VIII, IX.
* As she artfully smiles What dimples appear ！ Her bewitching eyes Shew their colours so clear. Ground spotless and candid For tracery splendid ！?"
2. " The painting comes after the ground- work," answered the Master.
3. " Then Manners are secondary ？ ，， said Tzu Hsia. " ' Tis Shang who unfolds my meaning," replied the Master. " Now indeed, I can begin to discuss the poets with him."
CHAPTER IX.— The Master said:— " I can describe the civilisation of the Hsia
素以爲 絢兮、 何
謂也。 曰， 繪事
後 素。 一 {5T 0 後. 乎。
子曰、 起. 予卷商
也、 始可與 1 一一 in 詩
B 矣。 •
九子曰 、夏鱧 吾 能
言 之、 祀 不足徵
191
III. VIII, IX.
THE ANALECTS.
Un sourire agreable plise elegamment les coins de sa bouche, etc.
2. C. 繪 事、 繪 畫之 事也 3 後素、 後於素
也 3 The ancient comm. take the opposite view to this. L. The business of laying on the colours follows the preparation of the plain ground.
3. cf. 1. 15. C. m. 必 以 忠信爲 質。 Li de- mands integrity as its basis. 起：、 猶 發 也。 To expand so to speak. Kuan. 開 發 心 思 ； Also 畫 工不是
先用五 采的、 是先 用白粉 傲底子 0 L. Ce- remonies then are a subsequent thing. Z. ritus etiam subsequitur ？ K. Then art itself is a matter of secondary importance ？
CHAPTER IX.— AN ARCH^OLOGICAL LA- MENT. Hsia dyn. B.C. 2205 ― 1767 ； Yin 1766— 1 123. The descendants of the Hsia Dyn. dwindled into princes of the Ch'i State (K'aifengfu, Honan) ； those of Yin into princes of Sung (Honan). They maintained the sacrifices to their Imperial ancestors, but a blight had come upon their records and their education, and Conf. sought in vain for confirmation of the meagre ancient records. K. likens Hsia li to ancient Greek civilisation, and Ch'i to modern Greece ； also Yin to ancient Rome, and Sung to modern Italy. C. 徵、 譲也 a To witness to, but an old comm. interprets by 成之 completes it. 文、 典籍 也 ？ ca- nons, records. 獻、 賢也 3 The 合講 says ： 殷朝制
度 文章之 禮我能 言其大 g 以示人 3 The usages and culture of the Yin dyn. I can in a genera! way explain for the information of others, etc. L. I am able to describe the ceremonies of the Hea, but Ke cannot
192
THE ANALECTS.
III. IX, X'
十
觀而子 之 往 曰、 矣者歸
0 、 »
吾 自 不 旣 欲 灌
dynasty, but the descendant State of Ch'i cannot render adequate corroboration. I can describe the civilisation of the Yin dynasty, but the descendant State of Sung cannot render adequate corroboration. And all because of the deficiency of their records and wise men. Were those sufficient then I could corroborate my views."
CHAPTER X.— The Master said : " At the quinquennial Sacrifice (in the Lu An- cestral Temple), after the libation has been sprinkled, I have no further wish to look on,"
萬
文
之、
則
獻
宋
殷
吾
不
不
能
足
足
吾
徵
故
徵
n 匕
Rb
之
193
III. IX, X, Xr. THE ANALECTS.
sufficiently attest my words, etc. Z. dynastiae Hia ritus. K. I can tell you of the state of the arts and civilisation etc. Couv. Je puis exposer les ceremonies etc.
CHAPTER X. — RITES USURPED A GRIEVAN- CE TO THE RIGHTEOUS. 自 旣 灌 而 往 者。 From after the outpouring and onwards. C. The | 帝 (v. next cap.) was a sacrifice offered, it is said, once in 5 years to the manes of the primal ancestor 始 祖 of the imperial family, along with the first emperor of the dyn., and as such should only be offered by the Emp.， but in consequence of the merirorious service of Duke Chou of Lu, his nephew, the Emp. Cheng (成 son of 武)， had granted him the use of imperial rites. After the libation inviting the presence of the spirits 降 神 had been poured on the ground, the performance of the ritual in the Lu temple wrongly implied that King Wen was primal ancestor and the Duke of Chou first sovereign, an absurdity wh. displeased Conf., hence this remark. L. At the great sacrifice, after etc. Z. quinquennale sacrificium etc. K. At the service of the great Ti sacrifice (the ' Mass ' in ancient China) etc. Couv. Dans le ceremonie Ti, tout ce qui suit les libations me deplait ； je n'en puis supporter la vue, -
CHAPTER XL— RIGHT APPREHENSION OF RELIGION MAKES GOVERNMENT EASY. 歸 is applied to several sacrifices, but here and in last cap. q. v. it is referred to the 大 or quinquennial sacrifice. C. 先
王 報本追 遠之意 奠深於 歸非仁 孝誠敬 之 至 不 足 以 與、 …… 不 王 不 ipfo There was no profounder way amongst the ancient kings for transmitting
194
THE ANALECTS.
III. XI, XII.
士 +
神
祭-
說
FJ
祭
在
0
如
指
其
者
不
問
如
子二
在
、
如
知
歸
不
0
祭
掌
0
示
於
之
祭。
吾
神
諸
天
知
說 0
不
如
斯
下
其
子
CHAPTER XI. ― When some one asked the meaning of the quinquennial sacrifice, the Master replied : ― " I do not know. He who knew its meaning, would he not find himself in regard to the whole Empire as if he were looking upon this ？ " ― pointing to his palm.
CHAPTER XII.— I. He sacrificed (to his forefathers) as if they were present ； he sacri- ficed to the gods as if the gods were present. 2. The Master said : " For me not to be present at a sacrifice is as if I did not sacrifice."
195
III. XI, XII.
THE ANALECTS.
a perpetual memorial of their departed than the jj^、 wherein he who failed in kindness, sonship, sincerity and
reverence was unfit to associate none but a king might
offer it. 知 禪 之 說 則 狸 無不明 誠無不 1^ 而治天 下不難 矣。 He who understood the 賴 would understand all principles, his sincerity would be perfect, and to rule the Empire would not be difficult. C. asks in surprise if 、ve are to infer from Conf s answer that there was anything he really did not know ！ 璧人於 此豈 眞有所 不知也 哉 〇 He could not explain without reflecting on the impropriety of the Duke of Lu in maintaining this sacrifice. 之 於 The position of him who knew in regard to the Empire, 其 如 it would be etc. 示 is interpreted by 視、 L. would find it as easy to govern the empire as to look on this. Z. qui sciret ejus significationem, quoad imperii res, is nonne quasi respiceret in hoc ？ K. as easy to rule the world etc. Couv. Celui qui le saurait, n'aurait pas plus de difficulte a gouverner I'empire qu'a regarder ceci.
CHAPTER XII.— THE DOCTRINE OF THE REAL PRESENCE, i. C. 程子曰 、祭 祭先祖 也 〇 fi^ 神 祭 夕 f ff 昨 也 〇 By 祭 is meant sacrifice to ancestors, by 祭 神 is meant sacrifice to spirits other than those of ancestors (nature worship) . The principle exhibit- ed in the former worship is 孝、 in the latter 敬、 C. thinks the disciples here record the Sage's mode of worship. The text itself sheds no light thereon. L. He sacrificed to the dead etc. Z. Parentabat sicut adessent : litabat spiiitibus etc. K. worshipped the dead as if he actually felt the presence of etc. Couv. faisait des offrandes a ses
196
THE ANALECTS.
III. xir, xrii.
parents defunts et aux Esprits tutelaires, comme s'il les avait vus presents.
2. Note 與。 Or, To me absence from sacrifice is the same as not sacrificing. Conf. deemed absentee worship no worship. It was apparently a custom in ancient times, as in modern, to worship by deputy. C. 誠爲實 禮 爲 虛。 Sincerity is the substance, the ceremony the shadow. L. I consider my not being present at the sacrifice, as if I did not sacrifice. Z. ego si non intersum litamini etc. K If I cannot give up my heart and soul
when I am worshipping, as if I have not worshipped.
Couv. Un sacrifice (que je ferais offrir par un autre) etc.
CHAPTER Xm. — OFFENCE AGAINST THE SUPREME CLOSES EVERY OTHER DOOR. Wang-sun was a powerful officer of Wei 衛、 who by this question sought to induce Conf. to pay court to himself as one actually more powerful than his master. Amongst the household gods the 奧 occupied the post of greatest honour, in the s. w. corner of the hall ； the 籠 occupied a humble unseen position in the kitchen, yet it was the more useful and influential post. The 5 lares et pe nates were, the 戶 wh. guarded the doors, the 憲 or kitchen god, the 中 霞 for the apartments, the P5 for the gates, the for the hall. The 奧 was additional, and was the most honoured, as at the sacrifices to the others the offerings were afterwards spread before it and an effigy, or living person, was enthroned to receive the honours. L. It is belter to pay court to the furnace than to the s. w. corner.
Z. potius quam eblandiri apud spiritum aulae, foci.
K. the God of the Hearth than to the God of the House.
197
III. xiir, XIV.
THE ANALECTS.
Couv. au dieu de foyer qu'aux esprits tutelaires des endroits les plus retires de la maison.
2. One of the loftiest utterances of Conf. C. here interprets, 天卽理 也，、 ： 尊無對 Heaven is Law, unequalled in honour ； and to infringe the Law 逆现 is to sin against Heaven. Legge somewhat needlessly critices this definition, for elsewhere Chutzu describes 天 by 在 上而有 主宰者 亦是天 o He Who is above as Lord is also (called) Heaven. The g» 講 defines the terms by 天 則 無 所 不 包、 理 則 無 所不在 o Heaven embraces all things, Law pervades all things ； and says of him who sins against Heaven 更無所 禱以免 罪乎、 Where indeed can be pray for pardon for his sins ？ L. He who offends apainst Heaven has none to whom he can pray. Z. committ^ns peccatum in coelum, non habet quern deprecetur. K. a man who has sinned against God, ― it is useless to pray anywhere at all, Couv. L'un ne vaut pas mieux que 1 'autre. Celui qui offense le
Ciel, n'obtiendra son pardon par I'entremise d'aucun
Esprit.
CHAPTER XIV.— THE LESSONS OF HISTORY. By 周 the founders of the dyn. are meant. C. 監、 視 也〇 二代、 夏商也 ^ What they surveyed was the 禮 wh. they revised 損益、 L. Chow had the advan- tage of viewing the two past dyns. How complete and elegant was its regulations ！ Z. Tcheou inspexit in duas dyn : proh quam abundans ejus decorum ！ K. The civilisation of the present Chou dyn. is founded on etc.
How splendidly rich it is in all the arts ！ Couv Que
les lois des Tcheou sont belles ！ .
198
THE ANALECTS.
III. XIII, XIV*
十
四
士
吾
子
|—
夭、
1 9
H
於
- f 曹-
其
王-
^JUt "/森 t>
0
"、、
一/^
不
媚
孫
周 郁
o
周
所
何
於
賈
乎
EC JJJJ.
奧
問
叉
十八 於
til
菲
m
JXCL.
0
ft
於
子二
媚
與
CHAPTER
XIII. -
Wang-
-sun
Chia
enqu'red, "What is the meaning of the say - ing, ' It is better to pay court to the god of the hearth than to the god of the hall'?" 2. " Not so," answered Confucius, " He who
sins against Heaven has no where left for prayer."
CHAPTER XIV.— The Master said:— " Chou had the advantage of surveying the two preceding dynasties. How replete was its culture ！ I follow Chou."
199
Ill XV, XVI.
THE ANALECTS.
CHAPTER XV.— SACRED CURIOSITY. From childhood rites had been the Sage's delight, and for his knowledge of them he early acquired fame. C. The 大 (太) 廟 was the chapel to 周公 first duke of Chou 此 蓋孔子 始仕之 時入而 助祭也 o The occasion jvas on Conf, first entering office, when he went to assist at the sacrifices. 鄰 a town of Lu formerly governed by Conf's father. 敬 謹之至 乃所以 爲禮也 o What is understood by Li is the utmost reverence and
circumspection. L. who will say that the son of
knows the rules of propriety. Z. quis dicet filium
cognoscere ritus ？ 一 ...hoc ritus est. K. first attended the service at the State Cathedral (Anc. Temple of the reigning prince) he enquired as to what he should do at
every stage of the service ' Who tells me that the son
of the plebeian of Ts'ow is a man who knows the correct forms ？ Couv. Dira-t-on que le fils du citoyen de Tcheou connait les rites. 、
CHAPTER XVI.- —BRUTE FORCE A SIGN OF DEGENERATE CIVILISATION. Or, The rules of the ancients did not lay stress on (piercing) the target, for all men are not of equal strength. There were several schools of archery, the one here referred to being the Courtesy archery, wherein the essential was accuracy rather than force. The opening words are found in the Li I Chi 儀 禮、 鄕 射 par. 315- C. 皮、 革 也。 By skin is meant the leather. 布 侯而棲 革於其 中以爲 的 所謂鶴 也 〇 Behind the cloth target a piece of leather was perched in the middle, wh. was considered the buUseye, and called the goose. When King Wu had
200
THE ANALECTS.
III. XV, XVI.
CHAPTER XV.— When the Master first entered the Grand Temple he asked about everything, whereupon some one remark- ed,― "Who says the son of the man of Tsou knows the correct forms ？ On entering the Grand Temple he asks about everything." The Master hearin>^ (of) it remarked : ― " This too is correct form."
CHAPTER XVI.— The Master said:-— " In archery (piercing) the target is not the
20 1
十五子 入犬廟 、每事
. 問。 或曰、 孰謂鄹
人 之子知 禮乎、
入犬廟 * 毎 事問。
子聞 之曰、 是禮
也"
十六 子 曰 、射， 不 中； 皮
篇力不 同科、 古
III. XVI, XVII.
THE ANALECTS.
overcome the 商 dyn. and disbanded his troops peace prevailed and in archery skill took the place of force. Hence the prevailing style of archery is also a sign of the times, and that those of Conf. were decadent was manifest from its archery. L. In archery it is not going through the leather wh. is the principal thing ； ― because people's strength is not equal. This was the old way. Z. Sagittatio non fundatur corio. K. In archery putting the arrow through the target should not count as points, because etc. At least, that was the old rule. Couv. le merite ne consiste pas a transpercer.
CHAPTER XVII.— BETTER FORMALITY THAN NOTHING AT ALL. i. % means to inform by way of prayer. Kuan 求 吿、 朔 The first day of the moon. 靝 A living sheep. (C 生 牲、 Kuan 活的牲 口）、 C. Of old the Emp. towards the end of each year dis- tributed to the princes the calendar announcing the new moons for the ensuing year. The princes kept these in their anc. temples, and at each new moon offered a live sheep, requesting ancestral sanction for the duties of the month. In Lu since the days of Duke Wen the full cere- mony had fallen into desuetude, an officer merely presenting the sheep. This Tzu Kung wished to do away with as an empty and costly form. I., wished to do away with the offering of a sheep connected with the inauguration of the first day of each month. Z. volebat abolere pro com- monitione calendarum offerendam ovem. K. wanted to dispense with the sheep etc. Couv. voulait supp rimer r usage etc.
Conf, would keep the office in hope of restoring the
202
THE ANALECTS. III. XVII, XVI 11, XIX.
十 九
十 八
十
七
定-
尺
子
之
子-
之
公
以
0
爾
鐵
X
道
問
事
愛
三 ^
欲
也
C
君
m
君
其
子-
云
使
til
b
臣
鱧
我
賜
朔
essential, for men are not of equal strength. Such was the rule of yore."
CHAPTER XVII.— I. Tzu Kung wished to dispense with the live sheep presented in the Ducal Temple at the announcement of the new moon. 2. The Master said : ― " T'zu ！ You care for the sheep. I care for the ceremony"
CHAPTER XVIII.— The Master said :— " If one were to serve one's Prince- with per- fect homage, people to-day would deem it sycophancy."
CHAPTER XIX.— When Duke Ting
203
III. XVII, XVIII, XIX. THE ANALECTS.
service. C. 愛 猶 惜 也、 love in the sense of begrudge. L. You love the sheep etc. Z. tu a mas illam ovum. K. What you would save is the cost of the sheep. Couv.
vous tenez par economic a garder cette brebis ； moi, je
tiens a conserver cette ceremonie.
CHAPTER XVIII.— HOMAGE DUBBED SER- VILITY. 盡 fig According to all the Regulations, or, with complete etiquette. C. says that this was Confs own experience, but that other men would have put it, I have served my prince 〜vith perfect etiquette and petty men call me servile. Not so Conf. L. The, full observance of the rules of propriety in serving one's prince is accounted by people to be flattery. Z. serviens principi omnino
servo ritus ； pro adulatione. K. Men now account it
servile to pay to their prince all the honours due to him. Couv. Envers mon prince j 'observe exactement toutes les prescriptions. Les hommes m'accusent de flatterie.
chapter' XIX.— a courteous prince MA- KES A LOYAL MINISTER. This occurred before Confs long- exile, while he was minister in Lu. Note 孔 子 對曰、 the Sage's name is given in full and " tui ，， usqd out of respect to His Highness the Duke. C. 君 使 臣 以 醴 則臣 事君以 忠 0 If a prince use his ministers courteously, then his ministers will serve him loyally. L. A prince should employ his ministers according to the rules of propriety with faithfulness.
Z. juxta ritus 。 cum fidelitate. K. Let the prince
treat his public servant with honour with loyalty.
Couv. Le prince doit commander ses sujets selon les prescriptions, et les sujets doivent lui obeir avec fidelite.
204
THE ANALECTS.
III. XX.
CHAPTER XX.— LOVE'S SWEET DREAM. C. 淫者樂 之過、 傷 者哀之 過， The one is the other carried to excess. The Ode is Li. i, and is said to represent the longing of King Wen. The following is offered as a rough idea of its contents : ―
The faithful bird on yonder river's isle Cries to his loyal mate with anxious hail, Bashful and modest is the virgin maid, Well fitted for our gracious Prince to wed.
The tangled weeds float waving to and fro, Like maiden tresses in the gentle flow, Bashful and modest waits the virgin maid, Whom sleeping, waking, seeks our Prince distrait.
He seeks, all anxious seeks her for his Bride, Awake, asleep his thoughts with her abide, Far wandering his soul goes, after her. His body tossing restless in his bower.
The tangled weeds float waving in the ford, We pluck them gaily for the festal board. Bashful and modest comes the virgin maid, 、• With harps and lutes we escort her to our Head.
The tangled weeds float waving to and fro, We spread the festive board for high and low, Bashful and modest comes our virgin Bride, With bells and drums we welcome her Our Pride.
L. expressive of enjoyment without being licentious, and
205
III. XX, XXI.
THE ANALECTS.
of grief without being hurtfully excessive. Z. laetetur quin diffluat, moeret sed sine sauciatione. K. passionate but not sensual, melancholy but not morbid. Couv. exprime la joie et non la license, la douleur et non i'abatte- ment.
CHAPTER XXL— A FOUR-IN-HAND CANNOT CATCH UP FOOLISH WORDS, i. This was said after Conf's return from exile. Duke Ai B. C. 494-467. For Tsai Wo v. Intro. V. 社、 示 " spirits ，， and 土 "of the land : " still maintained outside Chinese cities. C. says, Each dyn. planted tress suitable to the soil, but this reason, while less repugnant, seems hardly more satisfactory than Tsai Wo's. 粟 suggests 棵、 hence (C) 戰栗、 恐 懼 貌 the appearance of fear. Cf. 書 經 III. ii. 5. 不 用 命戮于 社 〇 The disobedient shall be slain before the land altars. But this is the threat of the Hsia Founder, 夏 后氏、 the great Yu 禹、 殷人 and 周人 may be singular, as Legge interprets, * the man of ' etc., but the plural seems quite as regular. L. the chestnut tree, meaning thereby to cause the people to be in awe. Z.
quaesivit de Telluris aris dyn. Tcheou homines utantur
castaneis, scilicet, iit populus timens contremiscat. K. emblems used on the altars to the Titular Genius of the
land Chou dyn. has chosen the li (chestnut) tree as a
symbol of awe (li) to the population. Couv. Les Tcheou y plaiitent des chataigniers, afiii d'inspirer au peuple la crainte et la terreur.
2. C. 遂 事 謂 事雖 未成而 勢不能 S 者、 means, although the thing be not completed it has gone too far to be stopped. Conf. here rebukes Tsai Wo for
206
THE ANALECTS. III. XIX, XX, XXI.
夏 宰 傷 而 君使何
0 0
asked how a Prince should employ his ministers, and how ministers should serve their Prince, Confucius replied saying : ― " A Prince should employ his ministers with courtesy. A minister should serve his Prince with loyalty."
CHAPTER XX.— The Master said:— " The Kuan Chu ode is passionate without being sensual, is plaintive without being morbid."
CHAPTER XXL— I. When Duke Ai asked Tsai Wo concerning the Altars to the
207
臣事君 ，如之
子對 nr 君
臣 以 禮、 臣 事
以 忠。
二十 子曰、 關唯 樂
不 淫， 哀 而 不
*1 一 公 問社於
我。 i '我對 曰、
III. XXI, xxir.
THE ANALECTS.
his foolish remark wh. might arouse in his prince a spirit ol cruelty, 殺伐之 L. Things that are done it is needless to speak about ； had their course remon- strate about ； past, to blame . Z proclinates
res ne exprobes ； cum transacts fuerint, ne crimineris. K. It is useless to speak of a thing that is done ； to change a course that is begun ； or to blame what is past and gone.
Couv. Rien ne sert de faire des remonstrances sur
celles (choses) qui sont deja tres avances, ni de blamer ce qui est passe.
CHAPTER XXII.— A GREAT MAN,— OF LIMIT- ED RANGE. I. 管仲、 name 夷 吾、 died B. C. 645. A native of the 齊 State, of wh. in 685 he became Minister under Duke Huan, and for many years administer- ed public affairs with marked success. The speculative work under title of 管子 has been falsely attributed to him (Giles' Biog. Die.) " One of the most famous names in Chinese history " (L). " It is curious that Kuan Chung, the Bismarck of ancient China adopted the same motto in politics as etc. Do ut des : 欲取 之故與 之，， (K). C. 霸諸候 became (virtual) leader of the barons, i. e. was " the first and greatest of the five pa (伯 or 霸), leaders of the princes of the empire under the Chow dyn " (L). 器 see II. 12, but here, talents, calibre. L. Small indeed was the capacity of K C. Z. illius capacitas proh quart! exigua ！ K. by no means a great-minded man ！ Couv. Que K. C. a 1' esprit etrbit ！
2. economical, sparing. C. 三歸 臺名、 The name of a terrace, or tower, a palatial resort. An older view is that by 三歸 three wives (or marriages) is meant.
200
THE ANALECTS.
工 11. XXI, XXII.
小
子-
往
以
后
哉
o
B
不
遂
之
使
氏
或-
食
事
民
周
以
0
仲
不
成
戰
人
管
之
事
玛
以
殷
仲
旣
不
子 S
入
tutelary deities of the land, 2. Tsai Wo re- sponded : ― " The Sovereign of Hsia adopted the pine, the men of Yin the cypress, but the men of Chou the chestnut, intimating that the people should stand in awe.' 3. On the Master hearing of this he said : ― " When a deed is done it is useless to discuss it, when a thing has taken its course it is useless to remonstrate, what is past and gone it is useless to blame."
CHAPTER XXII. ― I. The Master said : 一 " The calibre of Kuan Chungs mind
209
III. XXII, XXIII. THE ANALECTS.
家臣不 能具宫 、一人 常 镟 數 事、 The officers of a household cannot each be provided with a separate function, but one man must attend to a number of duties, ― K. C. had a separate man for each duty. 攝 pluralism. L. Was K. C. parsimonious ？ Kuan had the San Kwei, and his officers etc. Z. parous. K. simple in his life, was he not ？ Why, Kuan had that magnificent Sans Souci
Pleasaunce of his a special officer appointed to every
function in his household. Couv. trop parcimonieux
dans sa maison aucun officier n'est pas charge de" deux emploies.
3. 然 貝 lj、 C. says the interlocutor suggests that K. C. did not practise economy because he knew what etiquette demanded. 樹 二屏； 塞 二蔽； 設房 於門以 蔽 內 外 也〇 Erected screens at the gates to shelter the inside and outside. 二好 會 friendly meeting. The 站 is described (Kuan) as a red lacquered wooden stand, 8 in's high, with 2 in. legs. C. says it was placed between the two main pillars, and 獻- 酬飮畢 M'J 反 爵 於 其上、 when the pledges had been drunk the cups
were inverted on the stand. L rules of propriety ？
The princes of States have a screen intercepting the view at
their gates on any friendly meeting between two of
them, had a stand on wh. to place their inverted cups. Z.
diathyro obstruit januam invertend^s poculis repositor-
ium. K. walls built before their palace gates when
two reigning princes meet, each has a special buffet. Couv. Quand les princes ont une entrevue amicale, ils ont une credence sur laquelle on renverse les coupes.
CHAPTER XXIII.— CONFUCIUS TEACHES THE
210
THE ANALECTS. III. XX【I.
was but limited ！ ，， 2. Some one observed : 一 " Do you mean that Kuan Chung was economical ?，， 3. " Kuan," he replied, main- tained his San Kuei palace, and the members of his staff performed no double duties, — how can he be considered economical ？ ，， 4. " But surely Kuan Chung understood etiquette ? "5. " The Prince of a State," said Confucius, " has a screen to mask his gate, ― Kuan too had his gate screen. Princes of State, when two of them have a friendly meeting, use a stand for their inverted pledge-cups, 一 Kuan too used such a cup-
儉乎。 lir 管氏有
三 歸、 官事不 攝_
焉 得儉。 I- 則 管
仲知 鱧乎。 Sr 邦
君樹 塞門、 管 氏
亦樹 塞門。 邦君
爲兩君 之好、 有
反站、 管氏 亦 有
211
III. XXIII, XXIV. THE ANAIJECTS.
BAND MASTER. The blind were the professional musicians of old. 作 樂 to perform a musical piece. C. 語、 吿 也。 Inform. 大 ―太） 師、 樂官。 The director of Music. Music was decadant in the days of Conf. hence his discourse. 翕、 合 也。 together. 從 (縱） 放 也 let go, grow, swell out. 糸屯、 禾 [] 也〇 har- mony. 镦、 明 也 brilliance. 釋、 相 續不絕 也 〇 without break. 成、 樂之 一終也 the grand conclu- sion. The 如 adverbial 二 like, — ly. L. instructing the
Grand music-master How to play music may be
known. At the commencement of the piece, all the parts
should sound together. As it proceeds harmony,
severally distinct and flowing without break etc. Z.
erudiens magnum phonascum de musica ait :
exordio erumpit, sonis unitis : remittitur harmonice et distincte ； continentur perseverat ad concludendum. K.
the way in \vh. a piece should be played with a full
orchestra. At first, the full volume of sound in the piece
should be heard. Then attention to and bring out
each note distinct and clear, but flowing without
break or interval, 一 thus to the end. Couv. Les regies
sont faciles a connaitre. Les divers instruments com-
mencent par jouer tout ensemble : ils jouent en suite d'accord, distinctenient et sans interruption, etc.
CHAPTER XXIV.— THE TOCSIN OF THE EM- PIRE. This incident occurred during the Sage's second exile, but the date is uncertain, v. Intro, p. 45. The first 之 is possesive, 一 On a chiintzu's arriving etc. C. 儀 was a border town of the 衛 State, now supposed to be in 開封府 蘭陽縣 Honan prov. 封人、 掌 封彊之
212
THE ANALECTS. III. XXII, XXIII， XXIV.
廿
四
儀 ij^ 之、 始 曰、 封 繹 純 作、 樂 人 如 如 翕 其
請 ，^i^ ^ 如 可
爲 以皦 m 知 a 如從鸡
stand. If Kuan understood etiquette who does not understand it ？ ，，
CHAPTER XXIIL— The Master dis- coursing to the State Band Master of Lu on the subject of Music said : ~" " The Art of Music may be readily understood. The attack should be prompt and united, and as the piece proceeds it should co so har- moniously, with clearness of tone, and continuity of time, and so on to its con- clusion."
CHAPTER XXIV. ——The Officer in
廿
子
if
反
孰
魯
曰
不
暴
管
犬
知
氏
師
而
樂
知
213
III. XXIV, XXV. THE ANAIJECTS.
官〇 An officer in charge of a frontier pass, ist and 3rd- j£ read hsien. ，， ― 使 得 見 to introduce, or be in troduced. Kuan 下 見上的 意 思 o C. 君子、 賢 者 o Kuan. 德 行 的 人 0 C. 喪、 失位 也 o Lose office, i. e. the prince of \Vei， as is supposed, having failed to employ him. 木鐸、 金口 木舌、 A metal bell with a wooden tongue, 施政 敎時所 振以警 衆也、 used to warn the people on the promulgation of important notifi- cations. Another interp. is 木鐸所 以狗於 道路、 a bell used to guide people on the right road. L. When
men of superior virtue I have never been denied the
privilege of seeing them My friends, why are you
distressed by your Master's loss of office ？ The Empire has long been without the principles of truth and right ； Heaven is going to use your Master as a bell with its wooden tongue. Z Sapiens cum pervenerint in hunc
locum etc imperium caret ordine jamdiu quidem :
coelum mox utetur magistro, ut sit lignea lingua tintin-
nabuluni. K. Whenever a wise man etc concerned
at your present want of official position ！ The world has long been without the order and justice of good govt ； now God is going to make use of your Teacher as a tocsin to awaken the world. Couv. Chaque fois qu'un sage etc. Mais le Ciel va donner au peuple en ce grand sage un heraut de la verite.
CHAPTER XXV.— MUSIC AND MORALS. Shao, or The Succession (C. 韶二 繼) was a piece attributed to the Einp. Shun 舜 B. C. r 25 5- 2205. \Vu, or The Conquest, (C. 克 定 禍 §1 曰 武、 the overthrow 01 woe and disorder) was attributed to King Wu 武 王 B. C.
214
THE ANALECTS.
III. XXIV.
木
天
之
串 ^、
出
見
%
君
錢
o
將
於
0
也
0
子
以
道
喪
從
未
之
夫
也
乎
0
一- * ― •
一 '■
者
嘗
至
子
久
天
覓
不
於
爲
矣、
下
何
之
0
得
斯
charge of the frontier town of I requested an interview, saying : ― "Whenever a man of Virtue has come here I have never failed to obtain an interview," ― whereupon the follow- ers of the Sage introduced him. On coming out he observed : ― " Why do you grieve, gentlemen, over this loss of office? The Empire for long has been without light and leading ； but Heaven is now going to use your Master as an arousing Tocsin."
215
III. XXV, XXVI. THE ANALECTS.
1 1 22-1 115. Shun succeeded Yao peacefully and by virtue of his goodness ； Wu overcame the tyrant Chou 糸寸 by force of arms. The characters of Shun and Wu were equally virtuous, but their music differed as did their experiences ； the one was the music of peace, the other that
of strife and victory. (C). L of the Shaou that it was
perfectly beautiful and perfectly good. Z. dicebat music- am '( Concordia " esse absolute pulchram turn absolute
lenem ； " Bellator ，• etc. K all the excellence of the
physical beauty of harmony ； but it has not all the ex- cellence of moral grandeur. Couv. Chants du Succes-
seur du Guerrier etaient tout a fait beaux, mais non
tout a fait doux.
CHAPTER XXVI.— THE LETTER WITHOUT THE SPIRIT IS DEAD. C. 居 上 主 於 愛人故 以寬 爲本、 The essential thing for a man in office is affection for his people, hence magnanimity is his root of action. So reverence is the root of ritual and sorrow of funeral ceremonies. 旣 無其本 則以何 者觀其 所 行之得 失哉、 Without the reality wherewith is the benefit of the man's actions to be viewed ？ L. High
station filled without indulgent generosity ； wherewith
should I contemplate such ways. Z. tenentem .summit
minime beneficium, ego, quo fultus, videam illos ？ K.
Possession of power without generosity ； courtesy without
seriousness ； I have no desire to look at such a state of
things. Couv. De quelle regie puis-je me servir pou/' juger la conduite d'un homme etc.
216
CHAPTER XXV.— The Master spoke of the Shao as perfectly beautiful in its form and perfectly good in its influence. He spoke of the Wu as perfectly beautiful in its form but not perfectly good in its influence.
CHAPTER XXVL— The Master said ••— "High station filled without magnanimity, religious observances performed without reverence, and ' mourning ， conducted with- out grief, 一 from what standpoint shall I view such ways I "
THF ANALECTS. III. XXV, XXVI.
=^ 五子謂 韶、 盡 美 矣、
又 盡 善 也、 謂 武、
-盡 美 矣、 未 盡 善
也。
廿六 子曰、 居上 不寬、
爲 鱧-一 不_ 敬、 臨喪
不 哀、 吾- 何 0 觀
之 哉。
217
The Analects. VOLUME IL BOOK lY.
Concerning Virtue.
CONTENTS. As 學 Education is the subject of Book I， 孝 sonship and 弟 brotherliness being its two radical elements ； as 政 government, the principal constituent of which is self-control, is the subject of Book II ； as also 禮 樂 order and music, the essentials of which are respect and harmony, constitute the subjects of Book III ； so 仁 is the text of Book IV. Virtue is its nearest equivalent, but it is the Virtue of beneficence and rectitude, Socratic rather than Roman, see Intro. Sec. VIII.
CHAPTER I.— ENVIRONMENT AND CHARAC- TER. A 里 under the Chou dyn. consisted of 25 families, i.e. of 5 鄰 of 5 families each. ^ is interpreted by 智、 It is natural to read 得 ^ as " become wise," but such is not the accepted view. Kuan. 得、 算 得來、 C. He who does not choose to live in virtuous surround- ings 俱 失其是 非之本 心、 will lose his discrimi- nating sense of right and wrong. L. It is the virtuous manners etc. If a man in selecting a residence, do not fix on one where such prevail, how can he be wise ？ Z. Si vicus ex humanitate est laudandus, qui seligat non habitare hunianitatis sedem, qui censetur sapere ？ K. It is the moral life of etc. He is not an intelligent man, who etc.
218
The Analects.
VOLUME 【1.
BOOK IV.
mmm
mmmmm
CH APTER L— The Master said : " It is the moral character of a neighbourhood that constitutes its excellence, and how can he be considered wise who does not elect to dwell in moral surroundings ？ ，，
CHAPTER II.— The Master said: "A man without Virtue cannot long abide in adversity, nor can he long abide in happi-
里 仁第四
子曰、 里 仁爲美
擇不 處仁， 焉得
子曰、 不仁者 、不
可以久 處約， 不
可 以長處 樂、 仁
者安 仁、。 S 者利
219
IV. II, III.
THE ANALECTS.
Couv. Un bon voisinage est celui ou regne la probite. Pourrait-on appeler sage etc.
CHAPTER II.— THE CONTENTMENT OF VIRTUE. 處約、 or cannot 'abide' adversity. C。 約、 窮困 也、 straitened. 浮! j g 貪也、 covet. The virtuousless 久約必 濫久樂 必淫、 iflong in adver- sity casts off restraint, if long in prosperity goes to excess. But the virtuous 安其仁 flH 無 適不然 rests in his virtue 'and has no aim outside it. As to the wise 貝 禾 |] 於仁而 不易所 守 he counts it gain to be virtuous, and holds fast to whatever of it he has attained. L. " 不 可 may not, 不 能 cannot. The inability is moral."
L cannot abide long in a condition of poverty and
hardship, or in a condition of enjoyment. The virtuous rest in virtue ； the wise desire virtue. Z. destitutus
probitate non potest diu manere in paupertate, gaudio :
probus quiescit in virtute, sapiens lucro ducit probitatem. K. A man without moral character cannot long put up
with adversity, enjoy prosperity. Men of moral
character find themselves at home in being moral ； men of
intelligence find it advantageous to be moral. Couv
indigence ou dans I'opulence trouve son bonheur dans
la vertu ； n'ambitionne que le tresor de la vertu.
CHAPTER III.— ONLY THE GOOD CAN LOVE AND HATE. C. 惟 之爲言 獨、 only. 篕無私 心然後 好憩當 於理、 For a man must be without selfishness before he can love or hate his fellovvmen aright. L. It is only the truly virtuous man who can love, or who can hate, others. Z. Solum virtute praeditus potest arnare alios, potest odisse alios. K. It is only men of
220
THE ANALECTS. TV. Ill, IV, V.
moral character who know how to love men or to hate men Couv. Seul I'homme veitueux sait aimer et hair les hommes comnie il convient.
CHAPTER IV. —TO WILL VIRTUE IS TO BE FREE FROM VICE, ^dj C. 誠 也 Really, or, If really ； Kuan 誠 實。 C. 志 者 心 之所之 By * will ， is meant the aim (所 之) of the heart. 無惡、 無 爲 惡之事 d。 no evil. 楊氏 曰苟志 仁 必無過 舉也、 然 而爲惡 則無矣 o The philo- sopher Yang says : Tho' the will be set on Virtue it does not follow that mistakes will not arise, but deliberate wrong will not be committed. L. If the will be set on virtue, there will be no practice of wickedness. Z. vere intentus in probitatem, nihil mali aget. K. If you fix your mind upon a moral life, you will be free from evil. Couv. Celui qui s'applique serieusement a cultiver la vertu s'abstient de mal faire.
CHAPTER v.— THE RIGHT BEFORE ALL ELSE. I. 得之 C5 The first is 得處之 retain them, the second 得去之 leave them. 君子之 審富貴 而 安貧賤 也如此 〇 In this way does a man of honour examine his prosperity, or remain content with his adversity. L. Riches and honours etc. If it cannot be obtained in the proper way, they should not be held.
Poverty and meanness dislike. If etc. they should not
be avoided. Z. Divitiae cum honoribus etc. pauperitas
et ignobilitas, aversantur ； at vel si non ex recto jure
offenderis ea, ne deseras. K. Riches and honours are objects of men's desire ； but if I cannot have them without leaving the path of duty, I would not have them etc.
22 J
IV. V, VI.
THE ANALECTS.
Couv. La pauvrete et rabjection sont en horreur aux hommes ； si elles vous viennent, meme sans aucune faute de votre part, ne les fuyez pas.
2. 惡 乎 How ！ C. 君子所 以爲君 子以其 仁 也 C) The right of an honourable man to that title rests
on his Virtue. L. If a superior man abandon virtue,
requirements of that name. Z. Sapiens amandata virtute, qui dum explebit sapientis nomen. K. A wise man who leaves his moral character is no longer entitled to the name of a wise man. Couv. Si I'homme sage etc. comment soutiendra-t-il son titre de sage ？
3. C. 終食者 一飯之 頃 o For the brief period of a meal. 造次、 急遽苟 且之時 o Times of haste and flurry. 顚 沛、 傾覆 流離之 際。 Circum- stances of upheaval or exile. Such is the spirit of the chun-lzu in regard to the acceptance 取、 or rejection 舍、 of wealth, rank and all things. L The sup. man does not even etc. act contrary to virtue etc. Z. in repentinis casibus profecto in ea est, in eversionis angustis etc. K. A wise man never for one single moment in his life loses sight of a moral life ； in moments of haste and hurry, as in moments of danger and peril, he always clings to it. Couv. II y demeure toujours, meme au milieu des affaires les plus pressantes, meme au milieu des plus grandes troubles.
CHAPTER VL— THE TRUE LOVER OF VIRTUE AND HATER OF VICE. i. C. 好仁 者眞知
仁之可 好故天 下之萬 物無以 如之。 The lover of Virtue well knows its value, hence he will put nothing under heaven before it. L. I have not seen etc.
222
THE ANALECTS. IV. 11, III, IV, V
ness ； but the Virtuous man is at rest in Virtue, and the wise man covets it."
CHAPTER III.— The Master said : " Only the Virtuous are competent to love or to hate men."
CHAPTER IV.— The Master said : "He who has really set his mind on Virtue will do no evil."
CHAPTER v.— I. The Master said: " Wealth and rank are what men desire, but
仁。
三 子曰、 惟 仁者， 能
好 人、 能 惡 人。
四子曰 、苟 志於仁
矣、 無 恶 也。
五 If 曰、 富 與 貴、 是
人 之 所 欲 也、. 不
以 K 道 得 之、 不
223
IV. VI, VII.
THE ANALECTS.
He who hated what is not virtuous, would practise Virtue
in such a way that etc. approach his person. Z
amator is justitiae, nihil est quod anteponat ei : osor is iniquitatis, ita aget justitiam ut etc. K. I do not now see a man who really loves a moral life etc. One who really hates an immoral life would be a moral man who would not allow anything the least immoral in his life. Couv. Celui qui aime vraiment la vertu la prefere a toute autre chose ； celui qui hait sincerement le vice, cultive la vertu, et fuit toute atteint du mal.
2. C. 仁雖難 能 而 至 之 亦 易。 Altho' Virtue is difficult of attainment it is also easy. I .. Is etc ？ I have not seen the case in wh. his strength would be insufficient. Z. Idem. K. Nevertheless, if a man were really to exert
himself I do not believe he will find that he has not the
strength to do it. Couv. Est-il un homme qui travailie de toutes ses forces a pratiquer la vertu un jour entier ？
3. C. 蓋、 疑 詞 〇 A particle of doubt. L. Should there possibly be any such case, I have not seen it. Z. forte id extitit ； sed ego nondum illud vidi. K. At least I have never heard etc. Couv. Peut-etre en existe-t-il ； mais etc.
CHAPTER. VII.— A MAN'S VIRTUES KNOWN FROM HIS FAULTS. 過： Exceed, transgress, fault.
C. 君子常 失於厚 小 人 常 失於 薄 0 The chiintzu errs through generosity, the petty man through selfishness. 君 子過於 愛 小 人 過於忍 The chuntzu errs through kindness, the inferior man through callousness. L. The faults of men are characteristic of the class to which they belong. By observing a man's
224
THE ANALECTS.
IV. V.
於
必
之
子
得
13.
o
於
間
君"
去
之、 也、
IS
焉
连
子
仁
不 不
是
unless they be obtained in the right way they are not to be possessed. Poverty and obscurity are what men detest ； but unless it can be brought about in the right way, they are not to be abandoned. 2. If a man of honour forsake Virtue how is he to fulfil the obligations of his name ！ 3. A man of honour never disregards Virtue, even for the space of a single meal. In moments of haste he cleaves to it ； in seasons of peril he cleaves to it."
處也。 貧
人 之 所
以 其 道
去 也。 Sf?
M 乎 成
無 終 食
仁、 fS! 次
顚 沛 必
225
IV. Vir, VIII, IX. THE ANALECTS.
faults it may be known that he is virtuous. Z. Homines excedunt singuli in suo gene re : observa excessus, et sic scies cordia virtutem. K. Men's faults are characteristic. By observing a man's failings you can judge of his moral character. Couv. C ha que classe d'hommes tombe dans un exces qui lui est particulier.
CHAPTER VIIL— MY LIFE TO READ THE RIDDLE i Or, He who hears etc. may etc. The Comnis holding Conf. to be all-wise, (生 而 ^口 之)， a veritable Buddha, are unwilling to recognise this saying as an expression of the Sage's personal yearning for Light. To the unprejudiced the Sage would be ennobled and not degraded by interpreting, ― " If I could hear the Truth in the morning, I would be willing to die in the evening." The ancient Comm. 何 晏 interprets : If in the morning I heard that right principles prevailed I could die the same evening. 道者^ 物當 然之现 Tao is the natural law of all existence, or (L.) the principles of what is right in events and things. L. If a man in the morning hear the right way, he may die in the evening without regret. Z. si mane acceperis sapientiam, vespere mod licebit. K. When a man has learnt wisdom in the morning, he may be content to die in the evening before tne sun sets. Couv. Celui qui le matin a compris les enseignements de la sagesse, le soir pent mourir content.
CHAPTER IX.— SHABBY AND UNASHAMED. 士 A man of education, a student. 與 with, 議 discuss, = to discuss with. L. A scholar whose mind is set on truth, and who is ashamed etc. L. literatus intendens in sapientiam, et tamen erubescens etc. K. It is useless to
226
THE ANALECTS. IV. VI.
-A.
八
力
有二
仁
好
卜
子
於
能
者、
仁
仁
卷、
B
仁
•
加
不
我
矣
曰
乎
不
仁
無
不
未
，
用
其
使
以
仁
見
我
其
身
不
其
尙
者
好
CHAPTER VI.— I. The Master said: " I have never seen one who loved Virtue, nor one who hated what was not Virtuous. He who loved Viitue would esteem nothing above it; and he who hated what is not Virtuous would himself be so Virtuous that he would allow nothing evil to adhere to him. 2. Is there any one able for a single day to devote his strength to Virtue ？ I have never seen such a one whose ability
227
IV* IX, X, XL THE ANALECTS.
speak to a gentleman who wants to give himself up to serious studies, and who yet etc. Couv.' un homme qui se livre a 1' etude de la sagesse etc. ne merite pas de recevoir mes enseignements.
CHAPTER X. — PRINCIPLE AND PREJUDICE. 適 destination, towards. C. says means 專 主 determi- nation for, and 莫 is 不肯 determination against, or (謝 • 氏) by 可 and 不 可 respectively ；無可 無不可 no ' I shalls ' or ' I shall nots' ； i.e. every course shall be tested by the law of right. Kuan. 適就 是一定 要這樣 做 的 意 思 0 The phrase 義之與 比 is difficult to parse. " He is the partisan of the right," suggests itself as the simplest equivalent. L. interprets " his is the accord- ing with and keeping near to righteousness." 與 along with, 比 C. interprets as 從 to follow. L. The sup. man, in the world, does not set his mind either for anything, or against anything ； what is right he will follow. Z. Sapiens vir quoad totum imperium, nihil obstinat velle nihil nolle, aequitas est quacum adhaeret. K. A wise man in his judgment of the world has no predilections nor pre- judices ； he is on the side of etc. Couv. Dans le gouverne- ment de I'empire, le sage ne veut ni ne rejette rien avec opinionatrete. La justice est sa regie.
CHAPTER XL— THE PHILOSOPHIC DESIRE JUSTICE NOT MERCY. Or, The noble man thinks of the consequences, the inferior man of being favoured. 君 - 子、 小 人、— see Intro. VIII. C. 樂善^ 不善 所 以爲君 子 〇 To delight in goodness and dislike its opposite is the mark of the chiintzu. 苟安務 得所以 爲 zj、 人〇 Unworthy eaiie and aiming at all he can
228
THE ANALECTS. IV. VI, VII, VUI.
would be insufficient 3. If perchance there be such I have never seen him."
CHAPTER VII.— The Master said: "A man s faults all conform to his type of mind. Observe his faults and you may know his virtues."
CHAPTER VIIL— The Master said: " He who heard the Truth in the morning might die content in the evening."
229
未 見. 力 不 足 者。
三
蓋 有 之 矣、 我 未
之， 見 也。
七 子 曰、 之 過 也、
各 於 其 黨， 觀 過、
斯知 仁矣。
八子曰 、朝聞 道、 夕
死. 可 矣。
IV. XI, Xir, XIII. THE ANALECTS.
get, ― this is the mark of the inferior man. 't 襄、 思 念 也、 Cherish, means to keep in mind, f 裒 德謂存 其固有 之善、 To maintain the virtue he has actually acquired. 懷 土謂溺 其巴處 之安、 Sunk in the comfort he has laid hold of. 懷 刑、 畏 法 Dread the law ； 懷 惠 ； 貪 TflJ look for advantage. L. suggests ' earthly ， for 土 ； Couv. ' wellbeing.' L. The sup. man thinks of
virtue ； the small man thinks of comfort sanctions of
the law ； favours he may receive. Z. sapiens vir
affectat virtutem, vulgaris homo cogitat terrena ； leges,
studet lucro. K. A wise man regards the moral
worth of a man ； a fool, only his position justice,
favours. Couv. L'homme sage aspire a la perfection, et
I'homme vulgaire, au bien-etre ； a observer les lois,
a s'attirer des faveurs.
CHAPTER XIL— SELFISHNESS BREEDS ANI- MOSITY. C. 1、 依 也 3 程子 曰欲利 於己必 害 於 入。 The phil ： Ch' eng says : He who seeks his own interests must injure others. L. He who acts with a constant view to his own advantage, will be much mur- mured against. Z. Incumbere in lucrum ad agendum, multas simultates excipiet. K. If you always look only
to your own advantage many enemies. Couv. Celui
qui c here he uniquement son interet propre, excite
beaucoup de mecontentements.
CHAPTER XIII.— THAT WHICH MAKES THE WHEELS RUN SMOOTHLY. 爲 國 Operate, ad- minister the State. 如 fg 何 Like what is his Li. C. 讓者 牆之實 也。 Deference is the essence (substance) of courtesy. 何 有言不 難也、 Ho yu means no
230
THE ANALECTS. IV. IX, X, Xi
十
子
B 君 子
"、v
也
天 下 也
"、、
十
子
九
而 子
之 適 、 與 tj^
CHAPTER IX.— The Master said : "The student who aims at Wisdom, and yet who is ashamed of shabby clothes and poor food, is not yet worthy to be discoursed with."
CHAPTER X.—The Master said : " The wise man in his attitude towards the world has neither predilections nor prejudices. He is on the side of what is right."
CHAPTER XL— The Master said : " The man of honour thinks of his character,
231
nr 士 志 於 道、
恥 惡 衣 惡 食
未 足 與 議 也。
曰、 君子 之於.
IV. Xllf, XIV, XV. THE ANALECTS.
difficulty. 不 然 則 其 禮 文雖具 etc., otherwise, tho' his rules of etiquette be complete, 一 what use are they ？ L. Is etc. with the complaisance proper to the rules of propriety etc ？ If etc. what has he to do with the rules of propriety ？ Z. Potesne juxta officiorum' veracitatem ad-
ministrare regnuni ？ tunc quid negotii ？ tunc ad quid
officiorum formae ？ K. He who can rule a country by courtesy and good manners that are in him, will find no difficulty in doing it. But etc. what can the mere rules of
etiquette and formality avail him. Couv. Celui qui n'a
pas la deference requise par I'urbanite, quelle urbanite peut-il avoir ？
CHAPTER XIV,— NOT PLACE OR FAME, BUT FITNESS FOR THEM. 不 患、 being in the indicative and not imperative mood, one would naturally render : . I will not be anxious, etc. but this is heterodoxy. C. 所 以立 謂所以 立乎其 位者、 means, that whereby he may stand in the position (desired). 程子 曰君子 求其在 己者而 S 矣 3 The philos. Cheng says : The wise man seeks for that \vh. is within himself ； i.e. seeks his satisfaction within. L. A man should say, I am
not concerned that I have no place, how I may fit
myself for one not known, 1 seek to be worthy to be
known. Z. ne angaris quod careas dignitate, sed solli- citus sis de eo ob quod elevens. K. Be not concerned that you are not known, but seek to do something to deserve a reputation. Couv. Ne soyez pas en peine de ce que persoiuie ne vous commit ； travaillez a vous rend re digne d'etre coiinu.
CHAPTER XV.— CONFUCIAN MONISM : A
-232
THE ANALECTS. IV. XI, XII, XIII.
如
能
爲
子
子
懷
小
禮
以
國
多
开 1!
人
何
o
禮
子了
能
夕 a*
放
小
懷
讓
何
以
於
人
±
爲
有、
鱧
利
懷
君
國、
不
而
子
the inferior man of his position. The man of honour desires justice, the inferior man favour."
CHAPTER XII.— The Master said: " He who works for his own interests will arouse much animosity."
CHAPTER XIIL— The Master said: " Is a Prince able to rule his country with courtesy and deference, ― then what difficulty will he have ？ And if he cannot rule his country with courtesy and deference, what use are the forms of courtesy to him ？ ，,
233
IV. XV.
THE ANALECTS.
CONSCIENCE FOR SELF AND OTHERS, i. 參 name of 曾子 Intro. VJII. 唯 Interjection oh ！ 貫、 通 也 (Kuan 貫 串) like the stringing together of cash, beads etc. 吾 道一以 貫之、 In my doctrines there is one principle by which to thread them ； or, which runs through them. C. 唯者應 之速而 無疑也 A ready unhesitating response. 聖乂 V 之 )6 然 一 M m 泛 應 rtll 當用谷 不同〕 The mind of the Sage may be summarised in one principle which satisfies every demand, tho' in practice it is of diversified application. Tseng Tzu had discovered (精 察) the various applications (用 處) of this law, and earnestly put them into practice (力 行 之)、 but he had not yet learnt their essential unity 未 知 ； K 體之 一爾、 C. says 譬則天 地之至 誠 無 息 而 萬 物 ^f 得 其 所 也。 The ail answer- ing monism of the Sage may be likened to the absolute unceasing sincerity of Heaven and Earth, whereby all things find their right place. The 至誠 is the principle, 體 ； the 各 得其所 is the practice, 用、 So was it with the Master's teaching. L. my doctrine is that of an all-pervading unity. Z. mea ageiidi ratio per unum per- transigit omnia. K. In all my life and teaching there is one underlying connected principle. Couv. ma doctrine se reduit a une seiile chose qui embrace tout.
2. 而 t3 矣 and that is the end, or, that is all. 忠 conscientiousness, and 恕 consideration for others, tho' seemingly two are counted as one in essence. C. 忠 means 盡己、 恕 means 椎己、 the one intensive, the other extensive. 忠 is the 體 essence, or embodiment, 恕 its 用 manifestation. is the 天 道 law of one's
234
THE ANALECTS.
IV.
XIV, XV.
十
十
五
四
問 曰、
一
子一
Am
莫
m
子
以
Ah
己
所
曰
何 子二
參
以
不
Z
平
求
立、
m
坞 門
曾
3x1 口
爲
不
無
曾 人
子
道
可
m
位、
CHAPTER
XIV.-
—The
Master
said ：
One should ]
QOt be
concerned
at
lack of
position ； but should be concerned about what will fit him to occupy it. One should not be concerned at being unknown ； he should seek to be worthy of being known."
CHAPTER XV.— I. The Master said: " Shen ！ My teaching contains one all- pervading principle." " Yes," replied Tseng Tzu. 2. When the Master had left the room the disciples asked, " What did he mean ？ ，， Tseng Tzu replied, " Our Master's
235
IV. XV, XVI.
THE ANALECTS.
higher nature 恕 the 人 道 the (same) law extended to other men. 忠 二中 心、 the heart in the centre, or right place, relationship to self ； 恕 heart-like, i.e. following the naturally good heart in relations with others. L. The doctrine of our Master is to be true to the principles of our nature, and the benevolent exercise of them to others,— this and nothing more. Z. Magistri ethica est integritas cordis exteiv;a ad pioximum, et nihil aliud. K. The principle in the Master's life and teaching is comprised in the two words, conscientiousness and charity. Couv. Toute la sagesse de notre makre consiste a perfectionner soi-meme et a aimer les autres comme soi-meme.
CHAPTER XVI.— WHAT IS RIGHT VERSUS WHAT WILL PAY. C. 喩 猶 曉 也。 Know, be enlightened. 義者天 |里 之^ f 宜、 That wh. accords with divine principle ； 利者人 情 之 所欲、 that wh. men's lower nature desires. (程 氏 曰) 君子 之於義 5 & 小 人之於 矛! )〇 What the common herd is in regard to self-interest that the wise man is in regard to
the right. (楊 氏曰） 君子有 舍生而 取義者 o Wise men have even sacrificed their lives for the sake of what is right, — an idea repugnant to the idea of gain, for,
人之所 欲無甚 於生、 所 憩無甚 於死、 there is nothing- men desire more than life, or detest more than death ； therefore who would be willing to part with life for the sake of the right, except the enlightened ？ L. The
mind of the sup. man is conversant with righteousness ；
gain. Z. sapiens vir est prudens in justitia, vulgaris homo intelligans in lucro. K. A wise man sees what is right in a question ； a fool what is advantageous to himself. (Ala- 一 J
• 236
THE ANALECTS. IV. XVI, XVII, XVIII.
母 而 思 於 喩矣之
內 齊 利 於 道
0 、
teaching is simply this ： Conscientiousness to self and consideration for others."
CHAPTER XVL— The Master said : "The Wise man is informed in what is right. The inferior man is informed in what will pay."
CHAPTER XVII.— The Master said : " When you see a man of worth, think how to rise to his level. When you see an unworthy man, then look within and examine yourself."
CHAPTER XVIIL— The Master said:
23；
子曰、 夫子
忠 恕 而 B
十六 子曰、 君子
義、 小人敏
十七 子 曰、 見 賢
焉、 見不賢
自 省也。
十八 子曰、 事 父
IV. XVII, XVIII. THE ANALECTS.
baste r says ― The gentleman regards what is right, the cad
what will pay) Couv tres intelligent en ce que
concerne le devoir, I'interet propre.
CHAPTER XVII.— RIVAL THE GOOD, BE WARNED BY THE BAD. C. 思 齊者冀 己亦、 有 是善、 Hope to obtain this worth for oneself. L. When we see men of worth we should think of equalling
them, turn inwards and examine ourselves. Z. videns
non sapientem, tunc interius teipsum examina. K. When we meet with worthless men, we should turn into ourselves and find out if we do not resemble them, Couv. Quand vous voyez un homme depourvu de vertu, examinez-vous vous-meme.
CHAPTER XVIIL— FILIAL PIETY INCLUDES FILIAL REMONSTRANCE. C. 幾、 微 也 i.e. 父 母 有過 下氣悔 色柔聲 以 諌 也、 （Fi'om 禮 言己 內 則 X. 1. 15). When parents are in the wrong a son may, with bated breath, a sympathetic mien, and a gentle voice remonstrate with them. 又敬、 起敬起 孝 、 Stimulate his respect and reverence, ― until they are again pleased with him, then again urge them. 勞 = 不 悅 而撻之 流血、 (See above 禮 言己 ). If in their displea- sure they beat him till the blood flows, 一 he must bear no resentment. Kuan says 勞二責 打 corporal discipline. Better suffer punishment than allow his parents, for lack of persuasion, to wrong others. L. In serving his parents,
a son may remonstrate with them, but gently ； do not
incline, to follow his advice, increased degree of re- verence, but etc. ； and should they punish him, he does not murmur. Z. serviens pater et mater sensim
238
THE ANALECTS. IV. XVIII, XIX, XX
二 十 十 九
孝
於
子
子
敬
崎
矣
0
父
曰
m
0
不
見
之
遊
父
中
it
年
必
母
勞
不
可
有
it:
而
謂
改
方
不
不
又
0
" In his duty to his parents a son may gently remonstrate with them、 If he see that they are not inclined to yield, he should be increasingly respectful but not desist, and though they deal hardly with him he must not complain."
CHAPTER XIX.— The Master said: "While a father, or mother are alive, a son should not travel far. If he travel he must have a stated destination."
CHAPTER XX.— The Master said : " If for three years a son does not change from his father's ways, he may be called filial."
239
IV. XVII r, XIX, XX， XXI. the analects.
reprehendas, magis revere re etc. ； si te vexent, nec
turn indignaberis. K. should seldom remonstrate with
them ； but if he was obliged to do so not listen, yet
not fail in respect etc. ； however much trouble they may
give him, never complain. Couv. Si vos parents
tombent dans une faute, evertissez-les avec grancle
douceur Quand meme ils vous maltraiteraient, n'en
ayez aucun ressentinient.
CHAPTER XIX.— A ROVING SON UNFILIAL. The 備 旨 says 方二 定向、 a definite direction. C. says, when you say 東 you must not go 西、 (范 氏
曰）、 子能以 父母之 心 爲 心 則 孝 矣 3 If a
son can cultivate the parental (kind of) heart, — i.e. the
same thought for them that they have for him, ― he may
be called filial. L. may not go abroad to a distance,
a fixed place to \vh. he goes. Z lie longa peragres
determines locum. K. should not go far abroad let
them know where he goes. Couv. n'allez pas voyager au
loin, dans une direction determinee.
CHAPTER XX. -See I. ii.
CHAPTER XXL— A FILIAL SON REMEMBERS HIS PARENTS' AGE. Or, On the one hand as a cause for joy, on the other for fear. C. 猶 記 憶 也、 to bear in mind. 喜其壽 又懼. 其衰、 rejoicing in their length of days and fearing their decay. L. The years etc. may by no means not be kept in the memory, as an occasion at once for joy and for fear. Z. Parentum aetas nequit non teneri ； hinc quidem ut laeteris, inde vero ut timeas. K. A son should always keep in mind etc., as a matter for thankfulness as well as for anxiety. Couv.
240
THE
ANALECTS.
IV. XXI,
, XXII,
XXII
廿
蝻 ―, mm^m
a 0
廿
子
逮 不
子 懼
0
則
不
子
鮮
m 出、
0
以
可
以
恥
古
不
父
約
^弓
者
一 ，
知
母
失
之
則
《
之
之
不
之
以
1 赢
年
. . ：、
CHAPTER XXL— The Master said :
" The age of one's parents should ever be kept in mind, as an occasion at once for joy and for fear."
CHAPTER XXIL— The Master said : " The men of old were reserved in speech out of shame lest they should come short in deed."
CHAPTER XXIII.— The Master said: " The self-restrained seldom err."
241
IV. XXII, XXIII, XXIV. THE ANALECTS.
Vous devez vOus lappeler souvent etc. vous rejouir de leur longevite, et craindre qu'ils ne viennent a mourir.
CHAPTER XXII.— PERFORMANCE SHAMING PROMISE. Or, The non-utterance 不出 of 之 the words 言 (of) the ancients 古 者 was shame 恥、 of 之 their 躬 not 不 coming up to (them) 逮、 C. 行不 及言可 恥 之 甚 o For performance to come short of promise is the acme of shame. L. The reason why the ancients did not readily give utterance to their words, was
that they feared actions not conic up to them. Z.
antiqui sermonem non effundebant ； verecundabantur se eo noil attingere. K. Men of old kept silence for fear lest what they said should not come up to wliat tliey did. Couv. Les anciennes n'osaient pas emettre de maxiiiies ； ils craignaient que leurs actions ne repondissent pas a leurs paroles.
CHAPTER XXIII.— SELF-RESTRAINT AVOIDS ERROR. Or, By using restraint your mistakes will be few ； or, Those who have gone astray through self-restraint are few. L. The cautious seldom err. Z. qui in se coercendo deficiant sibi, rari sunt. K. He who wants little, (or, He who confines his sphere) seldom goes wrong. Couv. On s'egare rarement en s'imposant a soi-meme des regies severes.
CHAPTER XXIV. — ACTIONS SPEAK LOUDER THAN WORDS. The Comm. 古月 thinks chapters 1 5-24 were recorded by Tseng Tzu's disciples. Note the use of Tseng Tzu, ' the philosopher Tseng 'in 1 5. L. The sup. man wishes to be slow in his words and earnest in his conduct. Z tardus in verbis et promptus in actionibus.
242
THE ANALECTS. IV. XXIV, XXV, XXVI.
廿
廿
廿
八
五
四
子
有
子
於
子
游
0
而
君
事
不
敏
子
君
於
欲
必
n ―
訥
CHAPTER XXIV. — The Master said ： " The wise man desires to be slow to speak but quick to act."
CHAPTER XXV.— The Master said : " Virtue never dwells alone ； it always has neighbours."
CHAPTER XXVI.— Tzu Yusaid: "In
243
IV. XXIV， XXV， XXVI. THE ANALECTS.
K. slow in speech and diligent in conduct. Couv. . . ...
lent dans ses disc ours et diligent dans ses actions.
CHAPTER XXV.— VIRTUE ATTRACTS FRIENDS. C. 鄰猶親 也。 Neighbours in the sense of friends. L. Virtue is not left to stand alone. He who practises it will have neighbours. Z. virtus non sola manet, certe habet asseclas. K. Moral worth is never left alone ； society is sure to grow round him. Couv. La vertu ne va jamais seule ； un homme vertueux attire toujours des imitateurs.
CHAPTER XXVL— IMPORTUNITY ESTRAN- GES. C. 數、 煩 數也、 Annoying frequency. L. frequent remonstrances lead to disgrace frequent re- proofs make the friendship distant. Z es importunus,
tunc dedecore afficieris ； tunc alienabis. K. keep
constantly pointing out his errors it will lead to your disgrace etc. Couv. Celui qui par des avis reiteres se rend importun a son prince etc.
'/ok ：
244
THE ANALECTS. IV. XXVI.
斯 斯 疏 辱
友
serving one's prince Importunity results in disgrace ； as importunity between friends results in estrangement."
245
V.
THE ANALECTS.
VOLUME III.
BOOK V.
CONCERNING CERTAIN DISCIPLES AND OTHERS.
CONTENTS. —- This book is said by Chu Tzu to treat of the character of men and their doings, and to be an enquiry into affairs and principles, and he refers approvingly to the opinion of 胡 氏 who surmised that it was the production of a disciple of Tzu Kung, probably because his name occurs in it several times.
CHAPTER L— CONFUCIUS AS MATCHMAKER. I . For Kung Yeh Ch'ang see Intro. V. 妻 verb, to wive, f 累 black cords, 魏 bound,— imprisoned. 子 child, son, daughter. 罪 from net and wrong, enmeshed in or through wrongdoing. C. 有罪 無罪在 我而！ 3、 豈以 自外至 者爲榮 辱哉、 Sin or its opposite rests entirely with the individual himself, for how can that wh. merely attaches from without be either honour or disgrace. L. that he might be wived ； altho' he was put in bonds, he had not been guilty of any crime. Z. licet esset inter vincula, non esse ejus culpani. K. No man need hesitate to give his daughter to such a man to wife. It is true he has been in prison etc. Couv. a qui I'on pouvait convenablement dormer une fille en mariage ； que, bien qu'il fut dans les fers etc.
2. Nan Yung. Intro. V. 戮 Kuan says, judicial decapi- tation after death. 兄 His elder bro'. i. e. the cripple
246
.THE ANALECTS.
V. I.
VOLUME III.
BOOK Y.
兄 免 道 子= ^i^ 練 可
CHAPTER I.— The Master said of Kung Yeh Chang that he was a suitable man to marry, for though he had been in prison it was through no wrong-doing of his. So he gave him his own daughter to wife. 2. The Master said of Nan Yung that when the country was well governed he would not be set aside, and when the country was ill governed he would escape suffering and
247
公冶 長第五
If 謂 公 冶 畏
窭也、 雖在綴
之 中、 非其罪
以其 子赛之
謂 南容， 邦有
不廢、 邦無道
於 刑戮。 以 其
V. I, II.
THE ANALECTS.
Meng Pi. C. 不廢、 言必見 J]] means he would cer- tainly find employment ； 以其謹 於言行 、故 能 >色 用於 治朝、 免 禍 於亂 til: &、 because he was guarded in speech and action he would be employed in the periods of order and escape evil in times of disorder. In repudiating the view that Com. chose an inferior spouse for his own daughter out of respect to his elder bro', 程 子 says that such ideas derogate from the dignity of the Sage, who was independent of any such 避 縑 fear of misunder- standing'. L. not be out of office, escape punishment
and disgrace. Z. non rejicietur, evadet a poem's et
nece. K. he w ill not be neglected, escape persecution.
Couv. aurait to uj ours une charge ； il saurait, (par sa
circonspection), ecliapper aux tourments et a la peine capitale.
CHAPTER 11.— HONOUR BREEDS HONOUR. Tzu Cliien v. Intro. V. 善 the State of Lu ； 一 altho' decadent it was still not destitute of men of honour, for otherwise how could Tzu Chien have learnt to be hon- ourable ？ 若 人 Such a man. C. Th^ first 渐 is 此 人 this man, the second is 斯 德 this virtue. 尊賢取 友以成 其德、 He had respect to the worthy in choosing his friends, thereby perfecting his character. L. Of superior virtue is such a man ！ If there were not virtuous men in Lu, how could this man have acquired this character. Z. quantae sapientiae iste vir ！ K. What a wise and good man he is ！ I wonder if there were no etc. how that man could have acquired the character he
has. Couv. Quelle sagesse est en cet horn me ！ Si
n'avatt pas de sages etc.
248
THE ANALECTS.
V, I, II.
子
哉
子
之
m、
若
謂
子
斯
A
子
焉
之
0
取
君
斯
. 君
子
0
death. So he gave him his elder brother's daughter to wife.
CHAPTER 11. 一 The Master said of Tzu Chien : "An honourable man indeed is such a one as he ！ Were Lu without men of honour how could he have acquired this excellence ！ ，，
249
V. Ill, IV.
THE ANALFCTS.
CHAPTER III.— A VESSEL OF HONOUR. 賜 Tzu Kung's name, see Intro. Y. 何 如、 What like ？ Kuan. He called himself by his name out of respect to the Master. C. 器有用 之成材 、 An article of re- cognised utility. The 糊 • 璉 were grain vessels used in the Grand Anc. Temple, the 糊 in the 商 and the 键 in the 周 dyn. ； they were 飾以玉 jewelled and were very 華 类 handsome. Altho' Tzu Kiing 未 至於不 器 had not yet got beyond the ' vessel ， or machine stage, he was a ' vessel of honour ，器 之貴者 11. xii. L.
What do you say of me, Tsze ？ You are a utensil A
gemmed sacrificial utensil. Z. ego Se quomodo ？ tu
es vas gemmata capedo. K. A jewelled work of art.
Couv. Un vase pour les offrandes.
CHAPTER IV.— VIRTUE NOT GUAGED BY FLUENCY. I. 雍 name of 冉 雍 Intro. V. Yung! he is virtuous but not eloquent. C. 俊、 口 才也 facility of speech. 仲弓爲 人重厚 簡默、 而時 人以佞 爲 賢、 Chung Kung was grave and reserved, and the men of the period deemed facility of speech a mark of worth. L. Yung is truly virtuous, but he is not ready with his tongue. Z. perfectus, at non facundus. K. good
moral man, not a man of ready wit. Couv. tres
vertueux, niais peu habile a parler.
2. C. 禦、 當 也 猶 應答、 To encounter, or to an- swer. The 備 旨 defines it as 抵 當 人 to oppose men. He who meets men with a ready tongue. 口 if 合 C. says 袷二辦 ready. The 備 旨 says 口給者 言不根 心、 P 、從 口中 備 辦 出來、 it means not rooted in the lieart, but only prepared ' and uttered by the lips. L,
25Q
其屬，
\z tt 禦 M 於 人 用 人 以
THE ANALECTS, 四
不 或"^ m
子二 雍 也
0
曰 也
V. III, IV. tli 何 子
B 如。 貢 何 子 問 器曰曰
CHAPTER III. 一 TzG Kung asked ： " What is your opinion of me ？ ，， " You are a vessel," said the Master. "What sort of a vessel ？ " he asked. "A jewelled temple vessel ，， was the reply.
CHAPTER IV. ― I. Some one remark- ed : "A virtuous man is Yung, but he is not ready of speech." 2. " What need has he of ready speech ？ " said the Master. "The man who is always ready with his tongue to others will often be disliked by them. I do not know about bis virtue, but what need has he of ready speech ？，，
251
賜 也
^ 器
也、 曰-
仁 0
焉 用
口 給-
V. IV, V, VI.
THE ANALECTS.
They who encounter men with smartness of speech for the most part procure themselves hatred. Z. excipiens alios cum verborum discussione, saepe odio habetur ab aliis. K. A man who is always ready with his tongue to others will only often make enemies. Couv. Ceux qui re^oivent tout le monde avec de belles paroles, qui viennent seulement des levres, etc.
CHAPTER v.— AN UNCERTAIN " CALL." For Ch'i-tiao K，ai see Intro. V. There is my for this (office) as yet inability to be assured. The 之 is possessive. C. 斯、 措 此理 而 言、 refers to ' this art ' of ruling men. 信、 謂 眞知 其如此 而無^ 髮之 疑 也、 means to truly know it to be so without a particle cf doubt. L. I am not as yet able to rest in the assurance of THIS. Z. ego id necdum potui indubitate noscere. K, I have not yet confidence in myself. Couv. Je ne suis pas encore parvenu a savoir parfaitenient (I'art de me gouverner moi-meme et les aulres). .
CHAPTER VI.— DISCRETION BETTER THAN VALOUR. For Yu, i. c. Tza Lu see Intro. V. The 備 旨 says 道是經 邦齊世 之道、 （His) doctrines for regulating the State and ordering the world. 不 行. 是不 見用、 Non- progressive means not put into prac- tice. 浮 海 有 不 忽 睹 斯民陷 溺 意、 Float on sea means he could not bear to see the degradation of the people. C. quotes 程 子 as saying 浮 、海 之歎、 傷天 下 之無賢 君、 This exclamation about floating away on the sea is a sigh over the absence of a virtuous prince in the Empire. C. on 無 所取材 (no capacity for select- ing his materials) says 夫子 美其. 勇而譏 其不能
252
THE ANALECTS.
V, V, VI.
CHAPTER v.— The Master wanted to engage Ch'i-tiao K'ai in office, but he re- plied : " I still lack confidence for this." Whereat the Master was pleased.
CHAPTER VI.— The Master said : " My doctrines make no progress. I will get upon a raft and float away upon the sea. If any one accompanies me will it not be Yu ？ " Tzu Lu on hearing this was pleased ； whereupon the Master said : " Yu is fonder of daring than I ； he also exercises no discretion."
五 子使漆 雕開仕
對曰、 吾 斯之未
能 信。 子 說。
六子曰 ，道不 行， 乘
桴浮于 海、 從 我
者、 其 由扉 r 子路
n 之 喜。 子日、 由
也、 好 勇過我 、無
所 取材。
253
V. VI， VII.
THE ANALECTS.
裁 度事理 以適於 義也、 The Master praises his bravery and ridicules him for not being able to cut and measure the rights of things in order to only go in the right direction. L. float about on the. sea. He that will accom- pany me will be Yu, I dare to say He does not
exercise his judgment upon matters. Z. Mea docti'ina
non propagatur : si conscensa rati fluctuam in mari at
cares quo feras judicium de rebus. K. There is no order or justice now in the government of China. I will betake me to a ship and sail over the sea to seek for it in other
countries you do not exercise judgment when using
(your courage). Couv. Si je me confiais aux flots de
la mer, celui qui me suivrait etc il n'a pas le discern- ment necessaire pour bien juger.
CHAPTER VIL— UNFAILING VIRTUE : FEW THERE BE THAT FIND IT. i. For Meng \Vu see 11. vi. TzLi Lu Intro. V. 仁 Intro. VIII. The 備 旨 says 仁 必全體 不息、 Virtue must be perfect and un- failing.
2. C. 賦、 兵也、 by 賦 soldiers is meant, for the military levies were supplied according to the amount of land tax. According to the 周 禮 every district of 64 井 provided 1 chariot, 4 warhorses, 12 oxen, 3 men in armour and 72 foot- soldiers all completely armed. 子 路 之於仁 、蓋 日 月至 焉者、 Tz{i Lu attained to Virtue for a day or a month, —— intermittently ； hence it was as difficult to say he was Virtuous as to say that he was not. His ability was indisputable, his unvarying rectitude doubtful. For 千 乘之國 see 1. v. L. might be employed to manage the military levies, but 1 do not know
254
THE ANALECTS.
V. VII,
CHAPTER VII.— I. Meng Wu Po asked whether Tzii Lu was a man of Virtue. The Master answered " I do not know." 2. One his repeating the question the Master said : " Yu ！ In a kingdom of a thousand chariots he might be appointed to the ad- ministration of its levies, but I do not know about his Virtue." 3. " What about Ch'iu ？ " he asked, to which the Master replied : " Ch'iu ! Over a city of a thousand families, or a Household of a hundred chariots, he might be appointed as Controller ； but I do
七孟武
仁 乎。
也。 r
也、 千
使 i§
知 其
千 室
之 家"
宰 也_
伯 問
子 日、
問。 子
0 之
其 陚
仁 也。
子 曰、
之 邑、
可 使
不 知
m、 to
國、 可
也、 不
^ 也
求 也、
百 乘
爲 之
其 仁
255
V. VII, VIII.
THE ANALECTS.
whether he be perfectly virtuous. Z. potest fieri ut regat ejus milites : nescio illius cordis perfectionem. K. a State of even the first rate power entrusted with the organisa- tion of the army. I cannot say if he could be called a moral character. Couv. capable de former les troupes etc. Je ne sais pas si sa vertu est parfaite.
3. For 求、 冉有 see Intro. V. The 備 旨 says : 邑 長主治 人者、 家 臣主治 事者、 The chief of a city controlled men, the steward of a Family controlled affairs. L. employed as governor. Z. potest gerere ejus
gubernatorem. K. large town small principality.
Couv. capable de gouverner la maison d'un grand prefet.
4. For Ch'ih 公西華 see Intro. V. The 備 旨 says ^ 帶 means clad in Court robes, girdled with a sash and standing by his prince's side. It describes 賓 by 鄰 君 neighbouring princes and 客 by 來 聘之臣 ministers coming on State engagements. L. employed to converse with the visitors and guests. Z. possit cum hospitibus eloqu. K. At court, in a gala-dress reception, entrust- ed with the duty of entertaining the visitors.. Couv. de converse!' avec les botes et les visiteurs.
CHAPTER VIII— TZU KUNG'S TRIBUTE TO HUI. Tzu Kung and Hui. Intro. V. <^ etc. You and Hui which surpasses ？ 賜 Tzu Kung's name. 望 To look up, or for, expect, hope. How dare 1 hope to be like Hui ！ 備 旨 interprets 望 by J: 匕、 compare. 以 uses, or by. He hears one point and by it knows ten, i. e. all. ^ 與 女 The ancient comm. 包 咸 very naturally inter- prets by " I and you," but the dignity of the Sage, increas- ing with the ages, forbids such an indignity. C. 愈、 勝
256
TJrlE ANALECTS.
V. VII, VIII.
m
何
具
不 使 束
何
敢
愈
El
知與帶
如。
以
對二
女
其 賓 立
子
not know about his Virtue." 4. " And what about Ch'ih ？ ，， he asked. " Ch'ih ！ ，， said the Master. " Girded with his sash and standing in a Court, he might be appointed to con- verse with its guests ； but I do not know about his Virtue."
CHAPTER VIII.— I. The Master ad- dressing Tzu Kung said : "Which is the superior, you or Hiii ？ " 2. " How dare I look at Hui ！ ' he answered, " Hui hears one
也。 赤也
曰、 赤 也、
於 翻、 可
客 言 也、
仁 也。
^ 謂 子
賜 也、
囘、 囘 也，
257
V. VIII, IX.
THE ANALECTS.
也 excel. — and 十； 一數 之始、 十數之 終、
One is the beginning of numbers, ten the end. 與、 許 也 grant, allow. L. compare myself with Hwuy. Hwuy hears one point and knows all about a subject etc. Z. qui
ausum suspicere Hoei ? ego concedo tibi quod non
vales. K, when I have learnt anything I can only follow out its bearing and applications to one or two particular cases. Couv. mettre en parallele avec Houei ？
CHAPTER IX.— CARVING ROTTEN WOOD AND DECORATING MUD WALLS. Tsai Yu Intro. V. Kuan 晝、 自早至 晚 的 總 名、 The 備 旨 says 一日 忽當晝 而寢、 C. 晝寢 謂一當 畫 而 寢 asleep during the day. 朽、 腐 也 rotten. ；}； 亏、 鏝 也、 trowel. 言其志 氣昏惰 敎無所 施也、 it means that his will was torpid and teaching found no place for exhibition. 誅、 責也 reproof. 言不 足責、 乃所 以深 責之、 it means that he was not worth rebuking, which is the severest rebuke of all. The 備 旨 says 糞 土是 汚穢不 潔之土 of unclean earth. Also 人 必 有受 敎之地 、 A man must have some ground for the reception of teaching. L. a wall of dirty earth will not receive the trowel. This Yu ！ ― what is the use of
reproving him ？ Z. die cubabat e sordido luto murus
noil potest tectorio exornari. K. spent the best hours of the day in sleep. You cannot carve anything out of rotten wood nor plaster up a wall built of rubbish. Couv. un mur de fumier et de boue ne peut etre crepi.
2. The 子 曰 are not read, it is assumed that these two words are a gloss ； if not, then that this statement was made on another occasion. 改 是 changed this, i. e. 聽 其 言
258
THE ANALECTS. V. VIII, IX.
九
於 而 於 何 可 ii^ 0 弗 ！ It) 一
point and from it apprehends the whole ten. I hear one point and apprehend a second therefrom." 3. The Master said : " You are not equal to him, I grant you, you are not equal to him."
CHAPTER IX.— I. Tsai Yii spending the daytime in sleep, the Master said : " Rotten wood is unfit for carving, and a wall of dirt unfit . for plastering. As to Yii, ― what is the use of reproving hi in ！ " 2. " Formerly," he continued, " my attitude towards others was to hear what they said and give them credit for their deeds. Now
知 十、 賜 也、 聞
以 知 一 一。 曰、
如 也、 吾 與. 女
如 也。
k- 予晝 寢。 子
朽 木 不 可 雕
糞土 之牆、 不
誅。 日、 始 吾
人也、 聽 . 其 一一目
信 K 行、 今 吾
259
V. IX, X， XI. THE ANALECTS.
而信其 行'、 The 吾方 5^ 人 is I in regard to men. 與 is an exclamation. L. At first, my way with men etc. It is from Yu that I have learned to make this change. Z. Initio ego quoad alios etc. K. At one time, when I wanted to judge of a man, I listened to what he said, and I knew for certain what he would do in his life etc. Couv. Auparavant quand j'avais entendu parler un homme, je croyais que sa conduite repondait a ses paroles etc.
CHAPTER X.— PASSION IS WEAKNESS NOT STRENGTH. Shen Cheng, 子 周 Intro. V. C. 剛、 堅强 不屈之 意、 最 人所難 能 者、 Firm and unbending, man's greatest difficulty. 能勝 物之謂 剛 、 Strength means to master all that comes. 爲物檢 之 謂 愁、 By passion is meant to be at the mercy of whatever presents itself. L. I have not seen a firm and
unbending man is under the influence of his passions.
Z. fortiter rigidum T'chang voluptati deditus etc. K.
he is a man of strong passions ； he is not a man of strong character. Couv. T'chang est 1' esc lave de ses passions ； comment a u rait ― il fermete d'ame ？
CHAPTER XL— THE GOLDEN RULE, cf also XII. ii; 中腐 XIII. 3. and Matt VII. I2. Or, When Tzu Kung said, What I do not wish men to impose on me, I wish not to impose on them, the Master observed, That is not what you have reached to. C. 此 仁者之 事不待 勉强、 This is the action of the perfectly Vir- tuous and is independent of effort, ― and to this Tzu Kung had not attained. Comparing this with XII ii, where 勿 is used C. says 無者自 然而然 、勿者 禁 止 之 謂、 此 所以爲 仁恕之 別：） 無、 being in the indicative
260
THE ANALECTS. V. IX, X, X
我不 ？ g 申見 予言
欲 焉 剛 與 而
my attitude towards others is to listen to what they say and note what they do. It is through Yii that I have made this change."
CHAPTER X.— The Master said: "I have never seen a man of strong character." Some one remarked, " There is Shen Ch'eng." " Ch eng ！ " said the Master. " He is under the influence of his passions, and how can he be possessed of strength of character ！ ，，
CHAPTER XI. ― Tzu Kung said : "What I do not wish others to do to me,
v\ 1、 41!、
改 是。
+ 子曰、 吾未
卷。 或對曰 •
子 曰 > 根 也
得 剛。
十 一 子 貢 曰、 我
人 之加諸
26 1
V. XI, XII.
THE ANALECTS.
mood implies spontaneous action ； 勿 imperative, implies a prohibition, and herein lies the difference between magnani- mity and tolerance. L. What I do not wish men etc. Tsze ！ you have not attained to that. Z. ego quod nolo alios addere super me etc. K. What I do not wish that others should not do unto me etc. Couv. Ce que je ne veux pas que les autres me fassent etc.
CHAPTER XII. —CONFUCIUS' CULTURE EX- OTERIC, HIS PHILOSOPHY ESOTERIC. C. 文章
德之見 乎外者 、威儀 文辭皆 是也、 By 文
章 is meant the external manifestation of his moral char- acter, such as his grave deportment and cultivated expres- sion. 性者人 所受之 天理、 By ' nature ' is meant that part of the Divine principle with which man is endowed. 天道 者天理 自然之 本體、 By 天道 is meant the Divine principles themselves (or their ' natural embodi- ment '). 其實 一理、 In reality they are all one prin- ciple. Confucius is said to have seldom spoken of (罕 言 之) these subjects, so numbers of his followers had never heard his views. Tzu Kung is assumed to have just heard them and 歎其美 to here admire their excellence' L. The Master's personal displays of his principles and ordin- ary descriptions of them may be heard. His discourses about man s nature and the way of Heaven cannot be heard. Z. Magistri concilium decorum, possum obtinere ut percipiam ； at Magistri doctrinam de natura coelique lege, non datur percipere. K. You will often hear the Master speak on the subjects of art and literature, but you will never hear him speak on the subjects of metaphysics Qr theology. Couv. 11 est doniie a tous les disciples
262
THK ANALECTS. V. XI, XII, XIII
that also I wish not to do to them." "TzG!" observed the Master, "that is a point to which you have not attained."
CHAPTER XII.— Tzu Kung said : " Our Master's culture and refinement (all) may hear ； but our Master's discourse on the nature of man and the Laws of Heaven it is not given (to all) to hear."
CHAPTER XIII.— When Tzu Lu heard any precept and had not yet been able to put it into practice, he was only afraid lest he should hear some other.
十 u
0 亦
子
十二 子
文 章、
也、 夫
fd、
而 聞
匕匕 一丁、
f 〈门
曰、 賜 也、 非
及 也。
Rr 夫子之
可得而
子 之 一一一曰
道、 不 可
也。
有聞、 未
唯 恐 有
1
性
之
263
V. XII, XIII, XIV. THE ANALECTS.
d'entendre les legons du Maitre sur la term du corps et les bienseances, mais non ses enseignements sur la nature de I'homme et I'action du Gel.
CHAPTER XIIL— DIGEST ONE MEAL BEFORE TAKING ANOTHER. L. When Tsze Lu heard any- thing, if he had not yet succeeded in carrying it into practice, he was only afraid lest he should hear something else. Z. si habuerat documentum quin illud potuerit in
actum deducere. K he was afraid to learn anything
new. Couv il craignait d，en recevoir un nouveau,
jusqu'a ce qu'il fut parvenu a - mettre en pratique le premier.
CHAPTER XIV.— CULTURE MAY EXIST A- PART FROM RECTITUDE. 孔文子 name 圉 a statesman of Wei, and contemporary of Conf. He caused his lord to divorce his wife and married his own daughter to him. Later his lord's immorality resulted in exile from the State, and 文 子 married his aforesaid daughter to the new lord. He also had contemplated insurrection. Tzu Kung could not understand how such a man should get the posthumous title of 文 the refined, cultured ； but Conf. maintains that the Laws for posthumous titles 鐘 法 had been properly applied to his namesake. The 備 旨 and Kuan define 敏 by 聰 明、 何以 Wherefore? 是 以 therefore. L. He was of an active nature and yet fond of
learning. Z. ob quid vocatus expolitus ？ sagax. et
amans studium. K. Beau-clerc. He was a man of great industry, who applied himself to self- culture. Couv. Poli ou cultive tres intelligent. .
264
THE
ANALECTS.
V. XIV, XV
丁 五
十
四
上 行
子
子
也
o
T; 子
也 已
之
謂
子
何 貢
敬、 也
道
子
乙
0
以 問
四
X
r
敏
謂 曰、
養 其
有
111
而
之 孔
民 事
其
君
是
女？
文 文
CHAPTER
XIV.—
-丄 zu
Kun
g asked ：
" On what ground has K'ung Wen Tzu received his posthumous title of Wen ？ ，， " He was clever and fond of learning," re- plied the Master, " and he was not ashamed to seek knowledge from his inferiors ； 一 that is why he has been styled ' Cultured.' "
CHAPTER XV.— The Master remarked of Tztl Chan that he had four of the Ideal Man's characteristics ； 一 in his personal con- duct he was serious, in his duty to his superior he was deferential, in providing for
265
V. XV, XVI,
THE ANALECTS,
CHAPTER XV.— ARTICLES OF THE IDEAL MAN'S CREED. 子產 or 公 孫 僑 was a high officer of the 鄭 State, and a contemporary of Conf, , who wept at his death. The 備 旨 says 行 己 means 待 人 接 物 treatment of others and general conduct. C. 恭、 謙 遞 modest and retiring. 敬、 謹 恪也 circumspect and respectful. 惠、 愛 禾！] 也 affectionate beneficence. 使 is not 役 使 forced service, but directing and ordering. L. in his conduct of himself he was humble ； in serving etc.
respectful ； in nourishing etc. kind ； in ordering just.
Z. habere sapientis dotes quatuor : Is sua agens est
humilis, obsequiosus, alens beneficus, admini-
strans aequus. K. He showed himself to be a good
and wise man in four ways. In his conduct of himself
earnest, in serving the interests of his prince serious.
In providing for the wants of the people generous, and
in dealing with them just. Couv. pratiquait parfaite-
ment quart vertus : a savoir, la deference envers ses egaux, le respect envers ses superieurs, la bienfaisance envers le peuple, le justice envers ses sujets,
CHAPTER XVI.— THE ART OF FRIENDSHIP. Or, Was good at friendly intercourse. ^ Zji jtjj a con- temporary of Conf. and minister of 齊 State, his post- humous name was 嬰. The 仲 means secundus, as 伯 means primus and 叔 tertius. C. quotes 程子 as saying : 人交久 則 敬衰、 久而 能 敬 所以爲 善、 Prolonged intercourse results in the decay of courtesy, ― familiarity breeds contempt, 一 and it is the maintenance of courtesy despite lapse of time that is here referred to as excellent. L. knew well how to maintain
266
THE ANALECTS. V. XV, XVI.. XV/I
十 十
七 7^
矢 tf
晏
其
ill
藻
文
久
平
使
仲
而
民
何
居
敬
口
也
the people he was beneficent, and in direct- ing them he was just.
CHAPTER XVI. —The Master said: "Yen P'ing Chung was gifted in the art of friendship. Whatever the lapse of time he maintained towards his friends the same consideration."
CHAPTER XVII— The Master said: "Tsang Wen Chung kept a large tortoise in an edifice, on whose pillar tops were representations of hills, and on its king-posts of water plants, ― of what sort was his wisdom ！ ，，
也 惠、
義。
子 曰、
皇〈 人
之。
子 曰、
0, 山
n .1 七、
267
V. XVI, xvif.
THE ANALECTS.
friendly intercourse. The acquaintance might be long, but he showed the same respect at first. Z. apposite cum aliis amicitiam nectit ； diutine, et adhuc reveretur eos. K. knew how to observe the true relations in friendship. However long standing he always maintained through- out the same invariable careful respect. Con v. est ad- mirable dans ses relations avec ses amis il les traite
toujoiirs avec respect.
CHAPTER XVIL— PANDERING TO A TOR- TOISE. Or, Housed a turtle, with hill-like capitals and duckweed king-posts etc. Such capitals were only proper in the Imperial Temple, and it is supposed that Conf.'s criticism is due to the superstitious veneration thus shewn to this creature, 一 China's medium of divination. The State of 蔡 was famous for its tortoises, whence they acquired their name. C. 臧 文 { 中 A minister of % alias 臧 孫 氏 name 辰、 居猶 藏也、 居 is like 'to keep.' 蔡、
大 HI 也、 節 柱頭斗 拱也、 藻水 草名、 稅梁
上短 柱也、 丁 sang Wen had a reputation for wisdom ；
Conf. means that he neglected what was due to the people and also offended the spirits by these extravagances. L. on the capitals of the pillars of \\ h. he had hills made, with representations of duckweed etc. Z. habitaculum fecit magnae testudina. K. The man actually built a chapel elaborate with carvings for a large tortoise \vh. he kept. Couv. a fait batir, pour loger une grande tortue, une edifice etc. figure des montagnes etc. et la peinture a represente etc. (Wenn tchoung believed that a tortoise surrounded with such honour would certainly bring down celestial favours, ignoring that it merely divined and did not cause good or evil).
268
tHE ANALECTS.
V. XVIII.
十 八
乎
o
0
新
尹
尹
子
子
0
中
化、
令
之
"、、
水
矢
- 0
J.
問
知、
a
何
必
仕
E3
焉
仁
如 0
以
爲
令
曰 1 守
矣
告
令
令
尹
CHAPTER XVIIL— I. Tzu Chang ask- ed ： ''The Prime Minister Tzu Wen thrice took office as Prime Minister with never a sign of elation, and, though thrice retired from it, showed never a sign of annoyance ； the policy also of his late ministry he never failed to explain to the new Minister ； 一 what would you say of him?" "He was con- scientious," answered the Master. "Was lie a man of ideal Virtue ？ " asked the disciple. " I do not know," said the Master. " Why should he be deemed a man of ideal
269
V. XVIII.
THE ANALECTS.
CHAPTER XVIIL—TRUE VIRTUE INCLUDES ALL THE VIRTUES, i. 子長 Intro. V. C. 舍尹 宫 名楚上 卿 執 政者、 Official title of the Prime Minister of the Ch'u State. 子 文 surnime ； 鬭 name ； 穀於宽 nourished by a tiger. Tradition says he was born a bastard, exposed, suckled by a tiger (於 and found by a prince who brought him up. He never showed his emotions 喜怒 不形、 He ignored himself and knew only his country's welfare, hence he was perfect in loyalty 忠 盛 矣、 On the whole chapter the 備 旨 says, Loyalty and purity are excellent points but 仁 connotes 心 德 之 全 the perfect virtue of the heart. 仁 者 必 忠 必淸两 忠 淸 未 必 仁 也、 The 仁 are per se loyal and clean-handed, but the loyal and clean-handed are
not per se 仁、 L. The minister thrice took office,
and manifested no joy in his countenance. Thrice he retired, and manifested no displeasure. He made it a point to inform the new minister of the way in wh. he had
conducted the govt, etc loyal perfectly virtuous.
Z. nec habuit guadii speciem fidelis an corde per-
fectus ？ qui attigerit perfectionem ？ K. the least signs
of elation disappointment the line of policy wh. the
Govt, under him hitherto had been pursuing a con- scientious man I cannot say if he could be called a
moral character. Couv. il n'en manifeste aucune joie
fidele au devoir (son indifference pour les changes)
est-elle la perfection ？
2. C. 崔 子 was a minister of the 齊 State, of the name of 杯、 The 君 was 莊 公 name 光、 murdered B. C. 548. 陳文子 was also a minister in 齊、 name 須無、 Ten 乘 meant 40 horses. He renounced all
2 70
tHE ANALECTS,
V XVIIJ.
Virtue ？ " 2. "When Ts'ui Tzu put to death the Prince of Ch，i， although Ch