The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 01 of 55 Acapulco in New Spain had little reason for existence, save for the annual fair at the time of the arrival of the Manila ship, and the silver fleet from Peru. That event transformed what might more properly be called "a poor village of fishermen" into "a populous city," for the space of about two weeks. [107] The commerce between the Philippines and Mexico was conducted in this manner from 1604 to 1718, when the silk manufacturers of Spain secured the prohibition of the importation of Chinese silk goods into New Spain on account of the decline of their industry. A prolonged struggle before the Council of the Indies ensued, and in 1734 the prohibition was revoked and the east and west cargoes fixed at $500,000 and $1,000,000 respectively. [108] The last nao , as the Manila-Acapulco galleon was called, sailed from Manila in 1811, and the final return voyage was made in 1815. After that the commerce fell into private hands, the annual exports were limited to $750,000 and the ports of San Blas (Mexico), Guayaquil (Ecuador), and Callao (Peru) were opened to it. Other changes were the establishment of direct communication with Spain and trade with Europe by a national vessel in 1766. [109] These expeditions lasted till 1783 and their place was taken in 1785 by the Royal Philippine Company, organized with a capital of $8,000,000, and granted the monopoly of the trade between Spain and the islands. [110] The Manila merchants resented the invasion of their monopoly of the export trade, and embarrassed the operations of the company as much as they could. [111] It ceased to exist in 1830. By this system for two centuries the South American market for manufactures was reserved exclusively for Spain, but the protection did not prevent Spanish industry from decay and did retard the well-being and progress of South America. Between Mexico and the Philippines a limited trade was allowed, the profits of which were the perquisites of the Spaniards living in the Philippines and contributed to the religious endowments. But this monopoly was of no permanent advantage to the Spanish residents. It was too much like stock-jobbing, and sapped all spirit of industry. Zúñiga says that the commerce made a few rich in a short time and with little labor, but they were very few; that there were hardly five Spaniards in Manila worth $100,000, nor a hundred worth $40,000, the rest either lived on the King's pay or in poverty. [112] "Every morning one could see in the streets of Manila, in the greatest poverty and asking alms, the sons of men who had made a fine show and left much money, which their sons had squandered because they had not been well trained in youth." [113] The great possibilities of Manila as an entrepot of the Asiatic trade were unrealized; for although the city enjoyed open trade with the Chinese, Japanese, and other orientals, [114] it was denied to Europeans and the growth of that conducted by the Chinese and others was always obstructed by the lack of return cargoes owing to the limitations placed upon the trade with America and to the disinclination of the Filipinos to work to produce more than was enough to insure them a comfortable living and pay their tributes. That the system was detrimental to the economic progress of the islands was always obvious and its evils were repeatedly demonstrated by Spanish officials. Further it was not only detrimental to the prosperity of the islands but it obstructed the development of Mexico. Grau y Monfalcon in 1637 reported that there were fourteen thousand people employed in Mexico in manufacturing the raw silk imported from China. This industry might be promoted by the relaxation of the restrictions on trade. It would also be for the advantage of the Indians of Peru to be able to buy for five pence a yard linen from the Philippines, rather than to be compelled to purchase that of Rouen at ten times the price. [115] But such reasoning was received then as it often is now, and no great change was made for nearly two centuries. We have now passed in review the political, ecclesiastical, and commercial administration of the Philippines in the olden time; and a general survey of some of the more striking results of the system as a whole may now be made. This is especially necessary on account of the traditional and widely prevalent opinion that the Spanish colonial system was always and everywhere a system of oppression and exploitation; whereas, as a matter of fact, the Spanish system, as a system of laws, always impeded the effectual exploitation of the resources of their colonies, and was far more humane in its treatment of dependent peoples than either the French or English systems. If, on the one hand, the early conquistadores treated the natives with hideous cruelty, the Spanish government legislated more systematically and benevolently to protect them than any other colonizing power. In the time of the first conquests things moved too rapidly for the home government in those days of slow communication, and the horrors of the clash between ruthless gold-seekers and the simple children of nature, as depicted by the impassioned pen of Las Casas and spread broadcast over Europe, came to be the traditional and accepted characteristic of Spanish rule. [116] The Spanish colonial empire lasted four hundred years and it is simple historical justice that it should not be judged by its beginnings or by its collapse. The remoteness of the Philippines, and the absence of rich deposits of gold and silver, made it comparatively easy for the government to secure the execution of its humane legislation, and for the church to dominate the colony and guide its development as a great mission for the benefit of the inhabitants. [117] To the same result contributed the unenlightened protectionism of the Seville merchants, for the studied impediments to the development of the Philippine-American trade effectually blocked the exploitation of the islands. In view of the history of our own Southern States, not less than of the history of the West Indies it should never be forgotten that although the Philippine islands are in the Tropics, they have never been the scene of the horrors of the African slave trade or of the life-wasting labors of the old plantation system. Whether we compare the condition of the natives of the other islands in the Eastern Archipelago or of the peasants of Europe at the same time the general well-being of the Philippine mission villagers was to be envied. A few quotations from unimpeachable witnesses, travelers of wide knowledge of the Orient, may be given in illustration and proof of this view. The famous French explorer of the Pacific, La Pérouse, who was in Manila in 1787, wrote: "Three million people inhabit these different islands and that of Luzon contains nearly a third of them. These people seemed to me no way inferior to those of Europe; they cultivate the soil with intelligence, they are carpenters, cabinet-makers, smiths, jewelers, weavers, masons, etc. I have gone through their villages and I have found them kind, hospitable, affable," etc. [118] Coming down a generation later the Englishman Crawfurd, the historian of the Indian Archipelago, who lived at the court of the Sultan of Java as British resident, draws a comparison between the condition of the Philippines and that of the other islands of the East that deserves careful reflection. "It is remarkable, that the Indian administration of one of the worst governments of Europe, and that in which the general principles of legislation and good government are least understood,—one too, which has never been skillfully executed, should, upon the whole, have proved the least injurious to the happiness and prosperity of the native inhabitants of the country. This, undoubtedly, has been the character of the Spanish connection with the Philippines, with all its vices, follies, and illiberalities; and the present condition of these islands affords an unquestionable proof of the fact. Almost every other country of the Archipelago is, at this day, in point of wealth, power, and civilization, in a worse state than when Europeans connected themselves with them three centuries back. The Philippines alone have improved in civilization, wealth, and populousness. When discovered most of the tribes were a race of half-naked savages, inferior to all the great tribes, who were pushing, at the same time, an active commerce, and enjoying a respectable share of the necessaries and comforts of a civilized state. Upon the whole, they are at present superior in almost everything to any of the other races. This is a valuable and instructive fact." [119] This judgment of Crawfurd in 1820 was echoed by Mallat (who was for a time in charge of the principal hospital in Manila), in 1846, when he expressed his belief that the inhabitants of the Philippines enjoyed a freer, happier, and more placid life than was to be found in the colonies of any other nation. [120] Sir John Bowring, who was long Governor of Hong Kong, was impressed with the absence of caste: "Generally speaking, I found a kind and generous urbanity prevailing,—friendly intercourse where that intercourse had been sought,—the lines of demarcation and separation less marked and impassable than in most oriental countries. I have seen at the same table Spaniard, Mestizo and Indian—priest, civilian, and soldier. No doubt a common religion forms a common bond; but to him who has observed the alienations and repulsions of caste in many parts of the eastern world—caste, the great social curse—the binding and free intercourse of man with man in the Philippines is a contrast worth admiring." [121] Not less striking in its general bearing than Crawfurd's verdict is that of the German naturalist Jagor who visited the islands in 1859-1860. "To Spain belongs the glory of having raised to a relatively high grade of civilization, improving greatly their condition, a people which she found on a lower stage of culture distracted by petty wars and despotic rule. Protected from outside enemies, governed by mild laws, the inhabitants of those splendid islands, taken as a whole, have no doubt passed a more comfortable life during recent centuries than the people of any tropical country whether under their own or European rule. This is to be accounted for in part by the peculiar conditions which protected the natives from ruthless exploitation. Yet the monks contributed an essential part to this result. Coming from among the common people, used to poverty and self-denial, their duties led them into intimate relations with the natives and they were naturally fitted to adapt the foreign religion and morals to practical use. So, too, in later times, when they came to possess rich livings, and their pious zeal, in general, relaxed as their revenues increased, they still contributed most essentially to bring about conditions, both good and bad, which we have described, since, without families of their own and without refined culture, intimate association with the children of the soil was a necessity to them. Even their haughty opposition to the secular authorities was generally for the advantage of the natives." [122] Similar testimony from a widely different source is contained in the charming sketch "Malay Life in the Philippines" by William Gifford Palgrave, whose profound knowledge of oriental life and character and his experience in such divergent walks in life as soldier and Jesuit missionary in India, pilgrim to Mecca, and English consul in Manila, give his opinion more than ordinary value. "To clerical government," he writes "paradoxical as the statement may sound in modern European ears, the Philippine islands owe, more than to anything else, their internal prosperity, the Malay population its sufficiency and happiness. This it is that again and again has stood a barrier of mercy and justice between the weaker and stronger race, the vanquished and the victor; this has been the steady protector of the native inhabitants, this their faithful benefactor, their sufficient leader and guide. With the 'Cura' for father, and the 'Capitan' for his adjutant, a Philippine hamlet feels and knows little of the vexations inseparable from direct and foreign official administration; and if under such a rule 'progress,' as we love to term it, be rare, disaffection and want are rarer still." As compared with India, the absence of famines is significant; and this he attributes in part to the prevalence of small holdings. "Not so much what they have, but rather what they have not, makes the good fortune of the Philippines, the absence of European Enterprise, the absence of European Capital. A few European capitalist settlers, a few giant estates, a few central factories, a few colossal money-making combinations of organized labour and gainful produce, and all the equable balance of property and production, of ownership and labour that now leaves to the poorest cottager enough, and yet to the total colony abundance to spare, would be disorganized, displaced, upset; to be succeeded by day labour, pauperism, government relief, subscriptions, starvation. Europe, gainful, insatiate Europe would reap the harvest; but to the now happy, contented, satiate Philippine Archipelago, what would remain but the stubble, but leanness, want, unrest, misery?" [123] The latest witness to the average well-being of the natives under the old system whom I shall quote is Mr. Sawyer. "If the natives fared badly at the hands of recent authors, the Spanish Administration fared worse, for it has been painted in the darkest tints, and unsparingly condemned. It was indeed corrupt and defective, and what government is not? More than anything else it was behind the age, yet it was not without its good points. "Until an inept bureaucracy was substituted for the old paternal rule, and the revenue quadrupled by increased taxation, the Filipinos were as happy a community as could be found in any colony. The population greatly multiplied; they lived in competence, if not in affluence; cultivation was extended, and the exports steadily increased.—Let us be just; what British, French, or Dutch colony, populated by natives can compare with the Philippines as they were until 1895?" [124] These striking judgments, derived from such a variety of sources, are a sufficient proof that our popular ideas of the Spanish colonial system are quite as much in need of revision as popular ideas usually are. Yet one must not forget that the Spanish mission system, however useful and benevolent as an agency in bringing a barbarous people within the pale of Christian civilization, could not be regarded as permanent unless this life is looked upon simply as a preparation for heaven. As an educative system it had its bounds and limits; it could train to a certain point and no farther. To prolong it beyond that stage would be to prolong carefully nurtured childhood to the grave, never allowing it to be displaced by self-reliant manhood. The legal status of the Indians before the law was that of minors, and no provision was made for their arriving at their majority. The clergy looked upon these wards of the State as the school-children of the church, and compelled the observance of her ordinances even with the rod. La Pérouse says: "The only thought was to make Christians and never citizens. This people was divided into parishes, and subjected to the most minute and extravagant observances. Each fault, each sin is still punished by the rod. Failure to attend prayers and mass has its fixed penalty, and punishment is administered to men and women at the door of the church by order of the pastor." [125] Le Gentil describes such a scene in a little village a few miles from Manila, where one Sunday afternoon he saw a crowd, chiefly Indian women, following a woman who was to be whipped at the church door for not having been to mass. [126] The prevalence of a supervision and discipline so parental for the mass of the people in the colony could but react upon the ruling class, and La Pérouse remarks upon the absence of individual liberty in the islands: "No liberty is enjoyed: inquisitors and monks watch the consciences; the oidors (judges of the Audiencia) all private affairs; the governor, the most innocent movements; an excursion to the interior, a conversation come before his jurisdiction; in fine, the most beautiful and charming country in the world is certainly the last that a free man would choose to live in." [127] Intellectual apathy, one would naturally suppose, must be the consequence of such sedulous oversight, and intellectual progress impossible. Progress in scientific knowledge was, indeed, quite effectually blocked. The French astronomer Le Gentil gives an interesting account of the conditions of scientific knowledge at the two Universities in Manila. These institutions seemed to be the last refuge of the scholastic ideas and methods that had been discarded in Europe. A Spanish engineer frankly confessed to him that "in the sciences Spain was a hundred years behind France, and that in Manila they were a hundred years behind Spain." Nothing of electricity was known but the name, and making experiments in it had been forbidden by the Inquisition. Le Gentil also strongly suspected that the professor of Mathematics at the Jesuit College still held to the Ptolemaic system. [128] But when we keep in mind the small number of ecclesiastics in the islands we must clear them of the charge of intellectual idleness. Their activity, on the other hand, considering the climate was remarkable. [129] An examination of J.T. Medina's monumental work [130] on printing in Manila and of Retana's supplement [131] reveals nearly five hundred titles of works printed in the islands before 1800. This of course takes no account of the works sent or brought to Spain for publication, which would necessarily comprise a large proportion of those of general rather than local interest, including of course the most important histories. To these should be added no small number of grammars and dictionaries of the native languages, and missionary histories, that have never been printed. [132] The monastic presses in the islands naturally were chiefly used for the production of works of religious edification, such as catechisms, narratives of missions, martyrdoms, lives of saints, religious histories, and hand-books to the native languages. Simpler manuals of devotion, rosaries, catechisms, outlines of Christian doctrine, stories of martyrdoms, etc., were translated for the Indians. Of these there were about sixty in the Tagal, and from three to ten or twelve each in the Visayan, Vicol, Pampanga, Ilocan, Panayan, and Pangasinán languages. [133] If, as is credibly asserted, the knowledge of reading and writing was more generally diffused in the Philippines than among the common people of Europe, [134] we have the singular result that the islands contained relatively more people who could read, and less reading matter of any but purely religious interest, than any other community in the world. Yet it would not be altogether safe to assume that in the eighteenth century the list of printed translations into the native languages comprised everything of European literature available for reading; for the Spanish government, in order to promote the learning of Spanish, had prohibited at times the printing of books in Tagal. [135] Furthermore, Zúñiga says explicitly that "after the coming of the Spaniards they ( i.e. the people in Luzon) have had comedies, interludes, tragedies, poems, and every kind of literary work translated from the Spanish, without producing a native poet who has composed even an interlude." [136] Again, Zúñiga describes a eulogistic poem of welcome addressed by a Filipino villager to Commodore Alava. This loa , as this species of composition was called, was replete with references to the voyages of Ulysses, the travels of Aristotle, the unfortunate death of Pliny, and other incidents in ancient history. The allusions indicate some knowledge at any rate outside the field of Christian doctrine, even if it was so slight as not to make it seem beyond the limits of poetic license to have Aristotle drown himself in chagrin at not being able to measure the depths of the sea, or to have Pliny throw himself into Vesuvius in his zeal to investigate the causes of its eruption. The literary interests of the Indians found their chief expression however in the adaptation of Spanish plays for presentation on religious holidays. Zúñiga gives an entertaining description of these plays. They were usually made up from three or four Spanish tragedies, the materials of which were so ingeniously interwoven that the mosaic seemed a single piece. The characters were always Moors and Christians, and the action centered in the desire of Moors to marry Christian princesses or of Christians to marry Moorish princesses. The Christian appears at a Moorish tournament or vice versa. The hero and heroine fall in love but their parents oppose obstacles to the match. To overcome the difficulties in case of a Moor and Christian princess was comparatively easy. A war opportunely breaks out in which, after prodigies of valor, the Moor is converted and baptized, and the wedding follows. The case is not so easy when a Christian prince loves a Moorish lady. Since he can never forsake his religion his tribulations are many. He is imprisoned, and his princess aids in his attempt to escape, which sometimes costs him his life; or if the scene is laid in war time either the princess is converted and escapes to the Christian army, or the prince dies a tragic death. The hero is usually provided with a Christ, or other image or relic, given him by his dying mother, which extricates him from his many plights. He meets lions and bears, and highwaymen attack him; but from all he escapes by a miracle. If, however, some principal personage is not taken off by a tragic end, the Indians find the play insipid. During the intermission one or two clowns come out and raise a laugh by jests that are frigid enough "to freeze hot water in the tropics." After the play is over a clown appears again and criticizes the play and makes satirical comments on the village officials. These plays usually lasted three days. [137] Le Gentil attended one of them and says that he does not believe any one in the world was ever so bored as he was. [138] Yet the Indians were passionately fond of these performances. [139] If one may judge from Retana's catalogue of his Philippine collection arranged in chronological order, the sketch we have given of the literature accessible to Filipinos who could not read Spanish in the eighteenth century would serve not unfairly for much of the nineteenth. The first example of secular prose fiction I have noted in his lists is Friar Bustamente's pastoral novel depicting the quiet charms of country life as compared with the anxieties and tribulations of life in Manila. [140] His collection did not contain so far as I noticed a single secular historical narrative in Tagal or anything in natural science. Sufficient familiarity with Spanish to compensate for this lack of books of secular knowledge was enjoyed by very few Indians in the country districts and these had learned it mainly while servants of the curate. It was the common opinion of the Spanish authorities that the Friars purposely neglected instructing the Indians in Spanish, in order to perpetuate their hold upon them; but Zúñiga repels this charge as unjust and untrue. [141] It is obvious that it was impracticable for the Indians to learn Spanish under the mission system. For the pastor of a pueblo of several hundred families to teach the children Spanish was an impossibility. A few words or simple phrases might be learned, but the lack of opportunity for constant or even frequent practice of the language in general conversation would make their attainments in it far below those of American grammar-school children in German in cities where that has been a compulsory study. [142] As long as the mission system isolated the pueblos from contact with the world at large, it of necessity followed that the knowledge of Spanish would be practically limited to such Indians as lived in Manila or the larger towns, or learned it in the households of the Friars. Slavery with its forced transplanting has been the only means by which large masses of alien or lower races have been lifted into the circle of European thought and endowed with a European language. If such a result is secured in the future in any large measure for the Filipino, it can be accomplished only by the translation of English or Spanish literature into the Tagal and other languages, on a scale not less generous than the work of the Friars in supplying the literature of religious edification. This will be a work of not less than two or three generations, and of a truly missionary devotion. We have now surveyed in its general aspects the old régime in the Philippines, and supplied the necessary material upon which to base a judgment of this contribution of Spain to the advancement of civilization. In this survey certain things stand out in contrast to the conventional judgment of the Spanish colonial system. The conquest was humane, and was effected by missionaries more than by warriors. The sway of Spain was benevolent, although the administration was not free from the taint of financial corruption. Neither the islands nor their inhabitants were exploited. The colony in fact was a constant charge upon the treasury of New Spain. The success of the enterprise was not measured by the exports and imports, but by the number of souls put in the way of salvation. The people received the benefits of Christian civilization, as it was understood in Spain in the days of that religious revival which we call the Catholic Reaction. This Christianity imposed the faith and the observances of the mediæval church, but it did for the Philippine islanders who received it just what it did for the Franks or Angles a thousand years earlier. It tamed their lives, elevated the status of women, established the Christian family, and gave them the literature of the devotional life. Nor did they pay heavily for these blessings. The system of government was inexpensive, and the religious establishment was mainly supported by the landed estates of the orders. Church fees may have been at times excessive, but the occasions for such fees were infrequent. The tenants of the church estates found the friars easy landlords. Zúñiga describes a great estate of the Augustinians near Manila of which the annual rental was not over $1,500, while the annual produce was estimated to be not less than $70,000, for it supported about four thousand people. [143] The position of women was fully as good among the Christian Indians of the Philippines as among the Christian people of Europe. But conspicuous among the achievements of the conquest and conversion of the islands in the field of humanitarian progress, when we consider the conditions in other European tropical colonies, have been the prohibition of slavery and the unremitting efforts to eradicate its disguised forms. These alone are a sufficient proof that the dominating motives in the Spanish and clerical policies were humane and not commercial. Not less striking proof of the comfortable prosperity of the natives on the whole under the old Spanish rule has been the steady growth of the population. At the time of the conquest the population in all probability did not exceed a half-million. In the first half of the eighteenth century according to the historian of the Franciscans, San Antonio, the Christian population was about 830,000. At the opening of the nineteenth century Zúñiga estimated the total at a million and a half as over 300,000 tributes were paid. The official estimate in 1819 was just short of 2,600,000; by 1845 Buzeta calculates the number at a little short of four millions. In the next half century it nearly doubled. [144] In view of all these facts one must readily accord assent to Zúñiga's simple tribute to the work of Spain. "The Spanish rule has imposed very few burdens upon these Indians, and has delivered them from many misfortunes which they suffered from the constant warfare waged by one district with another, whereby many died, and others lived wretched lives as slaves. For this reason the population increased very slowly, as is now the case with the infidels of the mountain regions who do not acknowledge subjection to the King of Spain. Since the conquest there has been an increase in well-being and in population. Subjection to the King of Spain has been very advantageous in all that concerns the body. I will not speak of the advantage of knowledge of the true God, and of the opportunity to obtain eternal happiness for the soul, for I write not as a missionary but as a philosopher." [145] The old régime in the Philippines has disappeared forever. In hardly more than a generation the people have passed from a life which was so remote from the outside contemporary world that they might as well have been living in the middle ages in some sheltered nook, equally protected from the physical violence and the intellectual strife of the outside world, and entirely oblivious of the progress of knowledge. They find themselves suddenly plunged into a current that hurls them along resistlessly. Baptized with fire and blood, a new and strange life is thrust upon them and they face the struggle for existence under conditions which spare no weakness and relentlessly push idleness or incapacity to the wall. What will be the outcome no man can tell. To the student of history and of social evolution it will be an experiment of profound interest. Edward Gaylord Bourne Yale University , October, 1902. Preface to Volume I The history of the Philippine archipelago is fitly introduced by presenting a group of documents which relate to Pope Alexander VI's Line of Demarcation between the respective dominions of Spain and Portugal in the recently-discovered New World. So many controversies regarding this line have at various times arisen, and so little on the subject has appeared in the English tongue, that we have thought it well to place before our readers the more important of the documents relating thereto, of which a brief synopsis is here given. They begin with Alexander's Bulls—two dated on the third and one on the fourth day of May, 1493. The first of these (commonly known as Inter cætera ) grants to. Spain all the lands in the West, recently discovered or yet to be discovered, which are hitherto unknown, and not under the dominion of any Christian prince. The second ( Eximiæ devotionis , also dated May 3) grants to Spain the same rights in those discoveries which had formerly been conferred on Portugal in Africa. These grants are superseded by the Bull of May 4 ( Inter cætera ), which establishes the Demarcation Line, and grants to Spain all lands west and south thereof which were not already in the possession of any Christian prince. Still another Bull (dated September 25 of the same year) authorizes Spain to extend her sovereignty also over lands which shall be discovered to the East, including India—thus practically annulling both the Demarcation Line and previous concessions to Portugal. The latter power's remonstrances against this infringement of her former rights lead to the Treaty of Tordesillas (June 7, 1494), in which, by mutual agreement between the sovereigns, a new line of demarcation is established to be drawn two hundred and seventy leagues farther west than that of Alexander VI; and another document (dated April 15, 1495) makes suitable arrangements for a scientific and equitable determination of this boundary. The final action of the Holy See in this matter is indicated by a Bull of Leo X ( Præcelsæ , dated November 3, 1514) granted to Portugal; it confirms all previous papal gifts to that power of lands in the East, and grants to her both past and future discoveries and conquests, there and elsewhere. Disputes arising between Spain and Portugal over the ownership of the Moluccas or Spice Islands (see letters of Cárlos I to his ambassadors at Lisbon, February 4 and December 18, 1523; and the treaty of Vitoria, February 19, 1524), the Junta of Badajoz is convened (April 11-May 31, 1524) to settle this question; and that body fixes the Line of Demarcation three hundred and seventy leagues west of San Antonio, the most westerly of the Cape Verde Islands. (In this connection are presented the opinions of Hernando Colon, Sebastian Cabot, and other competent judges; and letters from Cárlos I to the Spanish deputies.) This settlement proving ineffectual, the Moluccas are relinquished to Portugal by the treaty of Zaragoza (April 22, 1529), Spain retaining possession of the Philippine Islands, although the terms of that treaty placed them outside of her jurisdiction. Reverting to a somewhat earlier date, we note incidentally the Bull of Alexander VI ( Eximiæ , November 16, 1501) which authorizes the Spanish monarchs to levy tithes on the natives and inhabitants of their newly-acquired possessions in the western world; and proceed to a summary of the life and voyages of Fernão de Magalhães (commonly known as Magellan). Synopses are given of many documents published by Navarrete, dated from 1518 to 1527: a contract by Magalhães and Falero to deliver to the House of Commerce of Seville one-eighth of all gains accruing to them from their future discoveries; a petition from the same men to Cárlos I regarding the expedition which they are about to undertake; remonstrances against the undertaking, by the Portuguese ambassador in Spain, Magalhães's request for more money; various appointments in the fleet; restriction of the number of seamen; instructions to Magalhães; a royal order that Ruy Falero shall not accompany the expedition; Magalhães's last will; the expense account of the fleet; an attempted mutiny on one of the ships; Francisco Albo'* journal of Magalhães's voyage; description of the cargo brought back to Spain by the "Victoria;" investigation of Magalhães's death; treaties with the natives of the Moluccas; advice given to the emperor by Diego de Barbosa; Brito's account of Magalhães's voyage; and the confiscation of two of his ships by the Portuguese. This résumé is followed by various supplementary documents. A royal mandate (March 22, 1518) authorizes Falero and Magalhães to undertake their expedition of discovery. A letter from Cárlos to King Manuel of Portugal (February 28, 1519) assures him that nothing in this enterprise is intended to infringe upon Portuguese rights. A document written (April 6, 1519) to Juan de Cartagena, appointed inspector-general of Magalhães's fleet, gives detailed instructions as to his duties in that office, especially in regard to the equipment of the fleet, its trading operations in the Orient, the royal share of profits to be derived therefrom, and the current accounts of the enterprise; he is also charged with the necessary arrangements for the colonization of lands to be discovered, and commanded to furnish to the King information as to the treatment of the natives by their Spanish conquerors, and the general conduct of the officers of the expedition, etc. The fleet is ordered (April 19, 1510) to proceed directly to the Spice Islands, and all persons belonging to it are exhorted to obey Magalhães. A letter (1522) to the King of Spain gives information about Magalhães's death, obtained from some Spanish ship-boys who had found their way to the Portuguese posts in India. The earliest published account of this noted expedition is the letter written (October 24, 1522) to Matthæus Lang, archbishop of Salzburg, by a natural son of his named Maximilian Transylvanus (then a student at Valladolid), relating the events of Magallanes's voyage to the Moluccas (1519-21), his death at the hands of hostile natives, and the further experiences of his followers in the Philippine archipelago and on their homeward voyage. The small remnant of this expedition—the ship "Victoria," and eighteen men—reach Spain on September 6, 1522, the first persons thus completing the circumnavigation of the globe. At this point should appear in the present series the relation of Magalhães's voyage written by Antonio Pigafetta, who himself accompanied the great discoverer. Printed books gave Pigafetta's relation in abridged form, in both French and Italian, as early as 1525 and 1536 respectively; but apparently his own original work has never hitherto been adequately presented to the world. The Editors of the present series, desiring to supply this deficiency, purpose to publish an exact transcription from Pigafetta's original manuscript, with accompanying English translation. They have not, however, been able to secure it in time for Volume II, where it should appear; it will accordingly be presented to their readers at a later period in this work. The Editors Documents Regarding the Line of Demarcation—1493-1529 Papal bulls: Inter cætera (May 3), Eximiæ (May 3), Inter cætera (May 4), Extension de la concesion (September 25)—1493. Treaty of Tordesillas—June 7, 1494. [Note on correspondence of Jaime Ferrer—1493-95.] Compact between the Catholic Sovereigns and the King of Portugal—April 15, 1495. Papal bull, Præcelsæ —November 3, 1514. Instructions from the King of Spain to his ambassadors—February 4, 1523. Letter from Cárlos I to Juan de Zúñiga—December 18, 1523. Treaty of Vitoria—February 19, 1524. Junta of Badajoz: extract from the records (April 14-May 13), opinions of cosmographers (April 13-15), letters to the Spanish delegates (March 21, April 10)—1524. Treaty of Zaragoza—April 22, 1529. Sources : See Bibliographical Data at end of this volun Translations : The Papal Bulls are translated by Rev. Thomas Cooke Middleton, D.D., O.S.A.; the Treaty of Zaragoza, by José M. Asensio; the remaining documents of this group are compiled, translated, and arranged by James A. Robertson. Papal Bulls of 1493 Inter Cætera—May 3 Alexander, etc., to the illustrious sovereigns, our very dear son in Christ, Ferdinand, King, and our very dear daughter in Christ, Helisabeth [Isabella], Queen, of Castile and Leon, Aragon, Sicily, and Granada health and apostolic benediction. Among other works well pleasing to his divine Majesty, and cherished of our heart, this assuredly ranks highest that in our times especially the Catholic faith and the Christian religion be everywhere increased and spread, as well as that the health of souls be procured, and barbarous nations overthrown and brought to the faith itself. Wherefore inasmuch as by the favor of divine clemency, through no fitting merits of ours, we have been raised to this holy see of Peter, recognizing that as true Catholic kings and princes such as we have always known you to be, and as your illustrious deeds already known to almost the whole world declare, you not only eagerly desire but with every effort, zeal, and diligence, without regard to hardships, expenses, dangers, with the shedding even of your blood, are laboring to that end; recognizing besides that already you have long ago dedicated to this purpose your whole soul and all your endeavors—as witnessed in these times with so much glory to the divine name in your recovery of the kingdom of Granada from the yoke of the Moors—we therefore not unrighteously hold it as our duty to grant you even of our own accord and in your favor those things, whereby daily and with heartier effort you may be enabled for the honor of God himself and the spread of the Christian rule to accomplish your saintly and praiseworthy purpose so pleasing to immortal God. In sooth we have learned that, according to your purpose long ago, you were in quest of some far-away islands and mainlands not hitherto discovered by others, to the end that you might bring to the worship of our Redeemer and profession of the Catholic faith the inhabitants of them with the dwellers therein; that hitherto, having been earnestly engaged in the siege and recovery of the kingdom itself of Granada, you were unable to accomplish this saintly and praiseworthy purpose; but, at length, as was pleasing to the Lord, the said kingdom having been regained, not without the greatest hardships, dangers, and expenses, we have also learned that with the wish to fulfil your desire, you chose our beloved son Christopher Colon, whom you furnished with ships and men equipped for like designs, so as to make diligent quest for these far-away unknown countries through the sea, which hitherto no one has sailed; who in fine with divine aid nor without the utmost diligence sailing in the Ocean Sea, as said, through western waters towards the Indies, discovered certain very far-away islands and even mainlands, that hitherto had not been discovered by others. Therein dwell very many peoples living in peace, and, as reported, going unclothed, nor users of flesh meat. Moreover, as your aforesaid envoys are of opinion, these very peoples living in the said islands and countries believe in one God, Creator in heaven, besides being sufficiently ready in appearance to embrace the Catholic faith and be trained in good morals. Nor is hope lacking that, were they instructed, the name of the Savior, our Lord Jesus Christ, would easily be introduced into the said countries and islands. Besides on one of these aforesaid chief islands the above-mentioned Christopher has already had put together and built a fortress [146] fairly well equipped, wherein he has stationed as garrison certain Christians, companions of his, who are to make search for other far-away and unknown islands and countries. In the islands and countries already discovered are found gold, spices, and very many other precious things of divers kinds and species. Wherefore, as becoming to Catholic kings and princes, after earnest consideration of all matters especially of the rise and spread of the Catholic faith, as was the fashion of your ancestors, kings of renowned memory, you have purposed with the favor of divine clemency to bring under your sway the said countries and islands with their inhabitants and the dwellers therein, and bring them to the Catholic faith. Hence in heartiest commendation in the Lord of this your saintly and praiseworthy purpose, desirous too that it be duly accomplished in the carrying to those regions of the name of our Savior, we exhort you very earnestly in the Lord and insist strictly—both through your reception of holy baptism, whereby you are bound to our apostolic commands, and through the bowels of the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, that inasmuch as with upright spirit and through zeal for the true faith you design to equip and despatch this expedition, you purpose also, as is your duty, to lead the peoples dwelling in those islands to embrace the Christian profession; nor at any time let dangers or hardships deter you therefrom, with the stout hope and trust in your hearts that almighty God will further your undertakings. Moreover, in order that with greater readiness and heartiness you enter upon an undertaking of so lofty a character as has been entrusted to you by the graciousness of our apostolic favor, we, moved thereunto by our own accord, not at your instance nor the request of anyone else in your regard, but of our own sole largess and certain knowledge as well as in the fulness of our apostolic power, by the authority of almighty God conferred upon us in blessed Peter and of the vicarship of Jesus Christ which we hold on earth, do by tenor of these presents give, grant, and assign forever to you and your heirs and successors, kings of Castile and Leon, all and singular the aforesaid countries and islands thus unknown and hitherto discovered by your envoys and to be discovered hereafter, providing however they at no time have been in the actual temporal possession of any Christian owner, together with all their dominions, cities, camps, places, and towns as well as all rights, jurisdictions, and appurtenances of the same wherever they may be found. Moreover we invest you and your aforementioned heirs and successors with them, and make, appoint, and depute you owners of them with full and free power, authority, and jurisdiction of every kind, with this proviso however, that by this gift, grant, assignment, and investiture of ours no right conferred on any Christian prince is hereby to be understood as withdrawn or to be withdrawn. Moreover we command you in virtue of holy obedience, that, employing all due diligence in the premises, as you promise—nor do we doubt your compliance therewith to the best of your loyalty and royal greatness of spirit—you send to the aforesaid countries and islands worthy, God-fearing, learned, skilled, and experienced men in order to instruct the aforesaid inhabitants and dwellers therein in the Catholic faith, and train them in good morals. Besides, under penalty of excommunication late sententie to be incurred ipso facto , [147] should anyone thus contravene, we strictly forbid all persons of no matter what rank, estate, degree, order, or condition, to dare, without your special permit or that of your aforesaid heirs and successors, to go for the sake of trade or any other purpose whatever to the said islands and countries discovered and found by your envoys or persons sent thither. And inasmuch as some kings of Portugal, by similar apostolic grant made to them, discovered and took possession of islands in the waters of Africa, Guinea, and the Gold Mine, [148] as well as elsewhere, far which reason divers privileges, favors, liberties, immunities, exemptions, and indults were granted to them by this apostolic see, we through similar accord, authority, knowledge, and fulness of our apostolic power, by a gift of special favor, do empower you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, in the islands and countries discovered and to be discovered by you, to use, employ, and enjoy freely and legally, as is right, in all things and through all things, the same as if they had been especially granted to you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, all and singular these favors, privileges, exemptions, liberties, faculties, immunities, and indults, whereof the terms of all we wish understood as being sufficiently expressed and inserted, the same as if they had been inserted word for word in these presents. Moreover we similarly extend and enlarge them in all things and through all things in favor of you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, the apostolic constitutions and ordinances as well as all those things that have been granted in the letters above or other things whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. We trust in him from whom derive empires and governments and everything good, that with the guidance of the Lord over your deeds, should you pursue this saintly and praiseworthy undertaking, in a short while your hardships and endeavors will result in the utmost success to the happiness and glory of all Christendom. But inasmuch as it would be difficult to have these present letters sent to all places where desirable, we wish, and with similar accord and knowledge do decree that to copies of them, signed by the hand of a notary public commissioned therefor and sealed with the seal of any ecclesiastical officer or ecclesiastical court, the same respect is to be shown in court and outside as well as anywhere else, as would be given to these presents, should they be exhibited or shown. Let no one, therefore, infringe, or with rash boldness contravene this our exhortation, requisition, gift, grant, assignment, investiture, deed, constitution, deputation, mandate, inhibition, indult, exemption, enlargement, will, and decree. Should any one presume to do so, be it known to him that he will incur the wrath of Almighty God, and of the blessed apostles Peter and Paul. Given in Rome at St. Peter's, on the third day of May in the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, of the incarnation of our Lord, in the first year of our pontificate. Gratis by order [of our most holy lord the Pope.] B. Capotius Coll. A. de Compania D. Sorrano N. Casanova Eximiæ—May 3 Alexander, etc., to the illustrious sovereigns, our very dear son in Christ Ferdinand, King, and our very dear daughter in Christ Elizabeth [Isabella], Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon and Granada, health, etc. The sincereness and whole-souled loyalty of your exalted attachment to ourselves and the church of Rome deserve to have us grant in your favor those things whereby daily you may the more easily be enabled to the honor of Almighty God and the spread of Christian government as well as the exaltation of the Catholic faith to carry out your saintly and praiseworthy purpose and the work already undertaken of making search for far-away and unknown countries and islands. For this very day through our own accord and certain knowledge, as well as fulness of our apostolic power, we have given, granted, and assigned forever, as appears more fully in our letters drawn up therefor, to you and your heirs and successors, kings of Castile and Leon, all and singular the far-away and unknown mainlands and islands lying to the west in the Ocean Sea, that have been discovered or hereafter may be discovered by you or your envoys, whom you have equipped therefor not without great hardships, dangers, and expense; providing however these countries be not in the actual possession of Christian owners. But inasmuch as by this apostolic see have been granted divers privileges, favors, liberties, immunities, exemptions, faculties, letters, and indults to some kings of Portugal, who also by similar apostolic grant and donation in their favor, have discovered and taken possession of other countries and islands in the waters of Africa, Guinea, and the Gold Coast, with the desire to empower by our apostolic authority, as also is right and fitting, you and your aforesaid heirs and successors with graces, prerogatives, and favors of no less character; moved also thereto wholly by our own similar accord, not at your instance nor the petition of any one else in your favor, but through out own sole liberality as well as the same knowledge and fulness of our apostolic power, we do by tenor of these presents, as a gift of special favor, empower you and your aforesaid heirs and successors to the end that in the islands and countries, already discovered by you or in your name and to be discovered hereafter, you may freely and legally, as is proper, use, employ, and enjoy in all things and through all things exactly the same as if they had been granted especially to you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, all and singular the graces, privileges, exemptions, liberties, faculties, immunities, letters, and indults that have been granted to the kings of Portugal, the terms whereof we wish to be understood as sufficiently expressed and inserted, the same as if they had been inserted word for word in these presents. Moreover we extend similarly and enlarge these powers in all things and through all things to you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, to whom in the same manner and form we grant them forever, the apostolic constitutions and ordinances as well as all grants of similar kind made by letters to the kings of Portugal, as well as other things whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. But as it would be difficult to have these present letters sent to all places where desirable, we wish and with similar accord and knowledge do decree that to copies of them, signed by the hand of a public notary commissioned therefor, and sealed with the seal of any ecclesiastical officer or ecclesiastical court, the same respect is to be shown in court and outside as well as anywhere else as would be given to these presents should they be exhibited or shown. Let no one therefore, etc., infringe, etc., this our indult, extension, enlargement, grant, will, and decree. Should any one, etc. Given at Rome at St. Peter's, in the year, etc., one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, the third day of May, the first year of our pontificate. Gratis by order of our most holy lord the Pope. Jo. Nilis. D Gallettus. Inter Cætera—May 4 Alexander, etc., to the illustrious sovereigns, our very dear son in Christ, Ferdinand, King, and our very dear daughter in Christ, Helisabeth [Isabella], Queen of Castile and Leon, Aragon, Sicily, and Granada, health, etc. Among other works well pleasing to his divine Majesty and cherished of our heart, this assuredly ranks highest: that in our times especially the Catholic faith and the Christian law be exalted and everywhere increased and spread as well as that the health of souls be procured, and barbarous nations overthrown and brought to the faith itself. Wherefore inasmuch as by the favor of divine clemency, through no fitting merits of ours, we have been raised to so holy a see as Peter's, recognizing that as true Catholic kings and princes such as we have always known you to be, and as your illustrious deeds already known to almost the whole world declare, you not only eagerly desire but with every effort, zeal, and diligence, without regard to hardships, expenses, dangers, with the shedding even of your blood, are laboring to that end; that besides you have already long ago dedicated to this purpose your whole soul and all your endeavors, as witnessed in these times with so much glory to the divine name in your recovery of the kingdom of Granada from the yoke of the Moors, we therefore not unrighteously hold it as our duty to grant you even of our own accord and in your favor those things whereby daily and with heartier effort you may be enabled for the honor of God himself and the spread of the Christian rule to accomplish your saintly and praiseworthy purpose so pleasing to immortal God. In sooth we have learned that according to your purpose long ago you were in quest of some far-away islands and mainlands not hitherto discovered by others, to the end that you might bring to the worship of our Redeemer and the profession of the Catholic faith the inhabitants of them with the dwellers therein; that hitherto having been earnestly engaged in the siege and recovery of the kingdom itself of Granada you were unable to accomplish this saintly and praiseworthy purpose; but at length, as was pleasing to the Lord, the said kingdom having been regained, not without the greatest hardships, dangers, and expenses, that with the wish to fulfil your desire, you chose our beloved son, Christopher Colon, a man assuredly worthy and of the highest recommendations as well as furnished with ships and men equipped for like designs, to make diligent quest for these far-away, unknown mainlands and islands through the sea, where hitherto no one has sailed; who in fine, with divine aid, nor without the utmost diligence, sailing in the Ocean Sea discovered certain very far-away islands and even mainlands that hitherto had not been discovered by others, wherein dwell very many peoples living in peace, and, as reported, going unclothed, nor users of flesh meat; and, as your aforesaid envoys are of opinion, these very peoples living in the said islands and countries believe in one God, Creator in heaven, besides being sufficiently ready in appearance to embrace the Catholic faith and be trained in good morals. Nor is hope lacking that, were they instructed, the name of the Savior, our Lord Jesus Christ, would easily be introduced into the said countries and islands. Besides on one of these aforesaid chief islands the said Christopher has already had put together and built a well-equipped fortress, wherein he has stationed as garrison certain Christians, companions of his, who are to make search for other far-away and unknown islands and mainlands. In certain islands and countries already discovered are found gold, spices, and very many other precious things of divers kinds and species. Wherefore, as becoming to Catholic kings and princes, after earnest consideration of all matters, especially of the rise and spread of the Catholic faith, as was the fashion of your ancestors, kings of renowned memory, you have purposed with the favor of divine clemency to bring under your sway the said mainlands and islands with their inhabitants and the dwellers therein, and bring them to the Catholic faith. Hence in heartiest commendation in the Lord of this your saintly and praiseworthy purpose, desirous too that it be duly accomplished in the carrying to those regions of the name of our Savior, we exhort you very earnestly in the Lord and insist strictly both through your reception of holy baptism, whereby you are bound to our apostolic commands, and in the bowels of the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, that, inasmuch as with upright spirit and through zeal for the true faith you design to equip and despatch this expedition, you purpose also as is your duty to lead the peoples dwelling in those islands and countries to embrace the Christian religion; nor at any time let dangers nor hardships deter you therefrom, with the stout hope and trust in your hearts that Almighty God will further your undertakings. Moreover, moved thereunto by our own accord, not at your instance nor the request of any one else in your regard, but wholly of our own largess and certain knowledge as well as fulness of our apostolic power, by the authority of Almighty God conferred upon us in blessed Peter and of the vicarship of Jesus Christ, which we hold on earth, in order that with greater readiness and heartiness you enter upon an undertaking of so lofty a character as has been entrusted to you by the graciousness of our apostolic favor, by tenor of these presents should any of said islands have been found by your envoys and captains, we do give, grant, and assign to you and your heirs and successors, kings of Castile and Leon, forever, together with all their dominions, cities, camps, places, and towns, as well as all rights, jurisdictions, and appurtenances, all islands and mainlands found and to be found, discovered and to be discovered towards the west and south, by drawing and establishing a line from the Arctic pole, namely the north, to the Antarctic pole, namely the south, no matter whether the said mainlands and islands are found and to be found in the direction of India or towards any other quarter, the said line to the west and south to be distant one hundred leagues from any of the islands commonly known as the Azores and Cabo Verde . With this proviso however that none of the islands and mainlands found and to be found, discovered and to be discovered beyond that said line towards the west and south, be in the actual possession of any Christian king or prince up to the birthday of our Lord Jesus Christ just past in the present year one thousand four hundred and ninety-three. Moreover we make, appoint and depute you and your said heirs and successors owners of them with full and free power, authority, and jurisdiction of every kind; with this proviso however that through this gift, grant, and assignment of ours no right conferred on any Christian prince, who may be in actual possession of said islands and mainlands up to the said birthday of our Lord Jesus Christ, is hereby to be considered as withdrawn or to be withdrawn. Moreover we command you in virtue of holy obedience that, employing all due diligence in the premises, as you promise, nor do we doubt your compliance therein to the best of your loyalty and royal greatness of spirit, you send to the aforesaid main-lands and islands worthy, God-fearing, learned, skilled, and experienced men, in order to instruct the aforesaid inhabitants and dwellers therein in the Catholic faith and train them in good morals. Besides under penalty of excommunication late sententie to be incurred ipso facto , should any one thus contravene, we strictly forbid all persons of whatsoever rank, even imperial and royal, or of whatsoever estate, degree, order, or condition, to dare, without your special permit or that of your aforesaid heirs and successors, to go, as charged, for the purpose of trade or any other reason to the islands and mainlands found and to be found, discovered and to be discovered, towards the west and south, by drawing and establishing a line from the Arctic pole to the Antarctic pole, no matter whether the mainlands and islands found and to be found lie in the direction of India or towards any other quarter whatsoever, the said line to the west and south to be distant one hundred leagues from any of the islands commonly known as the Azores and Cabo Verde , the apostolic constitutions and ordinances and other decrees whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. We trust in him from whom derive empires and governments and everything good, that with his guidance, should you pursue this saintly and praiseworthy undertaking, in a short while your hardships and endeavors will result in the utmost success, to the happiness and glory of all Christendom. But inasmuch as it would be difficult to have these present letters sent to all places where desirable, we wish, and with similar accord and knowledge do decree, that to copies of them, signed by the hand of any public notary commissioned therefor, and sealed with the seal of any ecclesiastical officer or ecclesiastical court, the same respect is to be shown in court and outside as well as anywhere else as would be given to these presents, should they thus be exhibited or shown. Let no one therefore, etc., infringe, etc., this our recommendation, gift, grant, assignment, constitution, deputation, decree, mandate, prohibition, and will. Should any one, etc. Given at Rome at St. Peter's in the year, etc., one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, the fourth of May, and the first year of our pontificate. Gratis by order of our most holy lord the Pope. D. Gallectus. For the registrar: A. de Muciarellis. Collator, L. Amerinus. Extension of the Apostolic Grant and Donation of the Indies—September 25 Alexander, Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to the illustrious sovereigns, his very dear Son in Christ Fernando [Ferdinand], King, and his very dear Daughter in Christ Isabel, Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Granada, health and Apostolic benediction. A short while ago through our own accord, certain knowledge, and fulness of our Apostolic power, we gave, conveyed, and assigned forever to you and your heirs and successors, kings of Castile and Leon, all islands and mainlands whatsoever, discovered and to be discovered towards the west and south, that were not under the actual temporal rule of any Christian owner. Moreover, investing therewith you and your aforesaid heirs and successors, we appointed and deputed you as owners of them with full and free power, authority, and jurisdiction of every kind, as more fully appears in our letters given to that effect, the terms whereof we wish to be understood the same as if they had been inserted word for word in these presents. But it may happen that your Envoys, Captains, or vassals, while voyaging towards the west or south might land and touch in eastern waters and there discover islands and mainlands that at one time belonged or even yet belong to India. With the desire then to give you token of our graciousness, through similar accord, knowledge, and fulness of our power, by tenor of these presents and our apostolic authority, we do extend and enlarge our aforesaid gift, grant, assignment, and letters, with all and singular the clauses contained therein, so as to secure to you all islands and mainlands whatsoever that are found and to be found, discovered and to be discovered, are or were or seem to be in the route by sea or land to the west or south, but are now recognized as being in the waters of the west or south and east and India Moreover in all and through all, the same as if in the aforesaid letters full and express mention had been made thereof, we convey to you and your aforesaid heirs and successors full and free power through your own authority, exercised through yourselves or by the action of another or of others, to take corporal possession of the said islands and countries and to hold them forever, as well as to defend your right thereto against whomsoever may seek to prevent it. With this strict prohibition however to all persons, of no matter what rank, estate, degree, order or condition, that under penalty of excommunication latae sententiae , wherein such as contravene are to be considered as having fallen ipso facto , no one without your express leave or that of your aforesaid heirs and successors shall, for no matter what reason or pretense, presume in any manner to go or send to the aforesaid regions for the purpose of fishing, or of searching for any islands or mainlands. Notwithstanding any apostolic constitutions and ordinances or whatsoever gifts, grants, powers, and assignments of the aforesaid regions, seas, islands and countries, or any portion of them, may have been made by us or our predecessors in favor of whatsoever kings, princes, infantes, or whatsoever other persons, orders or knighthoods, who for any reason whatever may now be there, even for motives of charity or the faith, or the ransom of captives. Nor shall it matter how urgent these reasons may be, even though, based on repealing clauses, they may appear of the most positive, mandatory, and unusual character; nor even should there be contained therein sentences, censures, and penalties of any kind whatever, providing however these have not gone into effect through actual and real possession; nay even though it may have happened on occasion that the persons, to whom such gifts and grants were made, or their envoys, sailed thither through chance. Wherefore should any such gifts or grants have been made, considering the terms of our present decree to have been sufficiently expressed and inserted, we through similar accord, knowledge, and fulness of our power do wholly revoke the former. Moreover as regards countries and islands not in actual possession of others, we wish this to be considered as of no effect, notwithstanding what may appear in the aforesaid letters, or anything else to the contrary. Given at Rome at St. Peter's, on the twenty-fifth day of September in the year of the Incarnation of our Lord one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, the second year of our pontificate. The Treaty of Tordesillas [This treaty was signed by the respective representatives of the Spanish and Portuguese monarchs, June 7, 1494, at the city of Tordesillas. Full powers were conferred upon these representatives in special letters, that of the Catholic sovereigns being given June 5 at Tordesillas, and that of King Dom Joan of Portugal, March 8. The former sovereigns, as well as their son Don Juan, signed the treaty in person, at Arevalo, July 2; the King of Portugal, September 5, at Setubal—each ratifying it fully. The letter given by Ferdinand and Isabella to their representatives is as follows:] Don Fernando and Doña Isabel, by the grace of God, King and Queen of Castilla, Leon, Aragon, Secjlia, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galisia, Mallorcas, Sevilla, Cerdeña, Cordova, Corçega, Murçia, Jahan, Algarbe, Algezira, Gibraltar, and the Canary Islands; count and countess of Barcelona; seigniors of Vizcaya and Moljna; duke and duchess of Atenas and Neopatria; count and countess of Rosellon and Cerdanja; marquis and marchioness of Oristan and Goceano: Inasmuch as the most serene King of Portugal, our very dear and beloved brother, sent hither his ambassadors and representatives [the names and titles follow] for the purpose of conferring and negotiating a treaty and compact with us and with our ambassadors and representatives acting in our name, in regard to the controversy existing between ourselves and the said most serene King of Portugal, our brother, concerning what lands, of all those discovered prior to this date, in the Ocean Sea, belong to ourselves and to him respectively; therefore we, having entire confidence that you Don Enrrique Enrriques, our chief steward, Don Guterre de Cardenas, deputy-in-chief of Leon [149] and our auditor-in-chief, and doctor Rodrigo Maldonado, all members of our council, are persons who will guard our interests, and that you will perform thoroughly and faithfully what we order and recommend, by this present letter delegate to you, specially and fully, all our authority in as definitive a form as possible, [150] and as is requisite in such cases, in order that you may, for us and in our name and in those of our heirs and successors, our kingdoms and seigniories, [151] and the subjects and natives of them, confer concerning, conclude, ratify, and contract and determine with the said ambassadors acting in the name of the most serene King of Portugal, our brother, whatever compact, contract, bound, demarcation, and covenant regarding the above, by whatever bounds of the winds, degrees of north latitude and of the sun, and by whatever parts, divisions, and places of the heavens, sea, and land, [152] may seem best to you. And we delegate our said power to you in such manner that you may leave to the said King of Portugal, and to his kingdoms and successors, all seas, islands, and mainlands that may be and exist within such bound and demarcation, which shall be and remain his. [153] And further, we delegate to you the said power so that in our name, and in those of our heirs and successors, and of our kingdoms and seigniories, and the subjects and natives of them, you may affirm, concur in, approve, and arrange with the said King of Portugal and the said ambassadors and representatives acting in his name, that all seas, islands, and mainlands that may be and exist within the bound and demarcation of the coasts, seas, islands, and mainlands which shall be and remain ours and our successors', may be ours and belong to our seigniory and conquest, and likewise to our kingdoms and the successors to the same, with such limitations and exceptions, [154] and with all other clauses and declarations that you deem best. [Furthermore we delegate the said powers] so that you may negotiate, authorize, contract, compact, approve, and accept in our name, and those of our said heirs and successors, and of all our kingdoms and seigniories, and the subjects and natives of the same, whatever covenants, contracts, and instruments of writing, with whatever bonds, decrees, forms, conditions, obligations, requirements, penalties, submissions, and renunciations you wish, and as may seem best to you, regarding all the aforesaid, and every part and parcel of the same, and every thing pertaining to it, or dependent upon it, or having even the slightest connection with it. And in regard to the foregoing you shall have authority to enact and authorize, and you shall enact and authorize, all and singular, of whatever nature and quality, weight and importance, they may or can be, although they may be such as by their terms should require in addition our signature and especial order, and of which especial and express mention should be made fully, and which we, in our own proper persons, could enact, authorize, and approve. Furthermore, we authorize you fully, to swear, and you shall swear, upon our consciences, that we, our heirs and successors, subjects, natives, and vassals, now and hereafter shall keep, observe, and fulfil, and that they shall keep, observe, and fulfil, really and effectually, all that you thus affirm, covenant, swear, authorize, and asseverate, without any deceit, fraud, duplicity, dissembling, or pretense. And in this manner, you shall, in our name, covenant, asseverate, and promise that we, in our own person, shall asseverate, swear, promise, authorize, and affirm all that you, in our name, asseverate, promise, and covenant in regard to the preceding, within whatever term and space of time you deem best, and that we shall observe and fulfil this, really and effectually, and under the conditions, penalties, and obligations contained in the treaty of peace [155] concluded and ratified between ourselves and the said most serene King, our brother, and under all other conditions whatsoever promised and determined upon by you, for all of which we promise, from this date, to pay the penalty if we violate them. For all the above, and each part and parcel of it, we grant to you the said authority with free and general powers of administration, and we promise and affirm by our kingly faith and word, we, our heirs and successors, to keep, observe, and fulfil everything, concerning all the aforesaid enacted, covenanted, sworn, and promised by you, in whatever form and manner; and we promise faithfully to maintain the same to the uttermost, now and forever, and neither ourselves nor our heirs and successors shall violate this compact, or any part of it, by any act of our own, or our agents, either directly or indirectly, under any pretense or cause, in judgment or out of it, under the express obligation of all our possessions, patrimonial and fiscal, and all other possessions whatsoever of our vassals, subjects, and natives, real and personal, acquired or to be acquired. In affirmation of the above we have caused this our letter of authorization to be given, and we sign the same with our names and order it sealed with our seal…. [Signatures of the King, Queen, and Royal Secretary.] [The letter of authorization granted by the King of Portugal follows. It is couched in much the same terms as the preceding. It opens as follows:] Don Juan, by the grace of God, King of Portugal and the Algarbes, on either side of the sea in Africa, and Seignior of Guinea: To all who shall see this our letter of authority and powers of attorney, we proclaim: that inasmuch as certain islands were discovered and found by command of the most exalted, excellent, and powerful Princes, King Don Fernando and Queen Doña Ysabel [certain of their dignities follow] our very dear and beloved brother and sister, and other islands and mainlands may in future be discovered and found, regarding certain of which, known already or to be known, there might arise disputes and controversy between ourselves and our kingdoms and seigniories, and the subjects and natives of the same, because of our rights therein—which may our Lord forbid,—it is our desire, because of the great love and friendship between us, and in order to seek, procure, and maintain greater peace, and more enduring concord and tranquillity, that the sea, in which the said islands were and shall be found, be divided and allotted between us in some good, sure, and circumscribed manner; and inasmuch as at present we cannot attend to this in person, and confiding in you, Ruy de Sosa, Seignior of Usagres [156] and Berenguel, and Don Juan de Sosa, our intendant-in-chief, and Arias de Almadana, magistrate of civil cases in our court, and a member of our desenbargo (all members of our council), we grant you by the present letter our full and complete power and authority and our special command, and we appoint and constitute you all jointly, and two of you and one of you yn soljdun , [157] in any manner whatsoever, if the others be prevented, as our ambassadors and representatives; and we do this in the most definitive form [158] possible and generally and specifically as is requisite in such cases,—in such manner that the general is not obscured by the specific nor the specific by the general. This we do so that, in our name, and those of our heirs and successors, and of all our kingdoms and seigniories, and the subjects and natives of the same, you may confer concerning, conclude, and ratify, and contract and determine with the said King and Queen of Castilla, our brother and sister, or with those empowered by the latter, whatever agreement, compact, limitation, demarcation, and contract regarding the Ocean Sea and the islands and mainlands contained therein, by whatever directions of winds and degrees of north latitude, and of the sun, and by whatever parts, divisions, and places of the heavens, land, and sea [159] you may deem best. [From this point the language is almost identical with that in the foregoing letter of authorization. The present letter is signed by the king and his secretary. The treaty proper follows:] Thereupon it was declared by the above-mentioned representatives of the aforesaid King and Queen of Castilla, Leon, Aragon, Seçilia, Granada, etc.; and of the aforesaid King of Portugal and the Algarbes, etc.: That, whereas a certain controversy exists between the said lords, their constituents, as to what lands, of all those discovered in the Ocean Sea up to the present day, the date of this treaty, pertain to each one of the said parts respectively; therefore, for the sake of peace and concord, and for the preservation of the relationship and love of the said King of Portugal for the said King and Queen of Castilla, Aragon, etc., it being the pleasure of their Highnesses, they, their said representatives, acting in their name and by virtue of their powers herein described, covenanted and agreed that a boundary or straight line be determined and drawn north and south, from pole to pole, on the said Ocean Sea—from the Arctic to the Antarctic pole. This boundary, or line [160] shall be drawn straight, as aforesaid, at a distance of three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cabo Verde islands, being calculated by degrees, or by any other manner, as may be considered the best and readiest, provided the distance shall be no greater than above said. And all lands, both islands and mainlands, found and discovered already, or to be found and discovered hereafter by the said King of Portugal and by his vessels on this side of the said line and bound determined as above, toward the east, in either north or south latitude, on the eastern side of the said bound, provided the said bound is not crossed, shall belong to, and remain in the possession of, and pertain forever to the said King of Portugal and his successors. And all other lands—both islands and mainlands, found or to be found hereafter, discovered or to be discovered hereafter, which have been discovered or shall be discovered by the said King and Queen of Castilla, Aragon, etc., and by their vessels, on the western side of the said bound, determined as above, after having passed the said bound toward the west, in either its north or south latitude, shall belong to, and remain in the possession of, and pertain forever to the said King and Queen of Castilla, Leon, etc., and to their successors.